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Kosovo is neither the object nor the target of Russian influence operations. The purpose of delegitimizing Kosovo is to enhance and solidify the alliance between Russia and Serbia and the Serbian minorities across the Balkan region. Russian influence operations support the Serbian political elite by using Russian diplomatic levers and connections. Other Russian influence operations target the public, specifically influential Serbian groups in the right-wing opposition, in the military, and not least through the Orthodox Church throughout the Balkan region. The result is a high level of support for Russia among the Serbian population. This makes it extremely difficult for the Serbian government to make agreements with the EU or NATO and entraps Serbia in an alliance with Russia.

A review essay on a book by Stephen F. Cohen, Soviet Fates and Lost Alternatives: From Stalinism to the New Cold War (Columbia University Press), 2009.

The field of waste management in Russia demonstrates the consequences of stifling political opposition. Legislation censors environmentalists and activists who seek to reform current waste management practices, even as local politicians financially reward companies for dumping waste into deteriorating landfills. This article reviews current waste management practices in Russia and the effects of such practices on the Russian populace. It outlines the various protests and other forms of civic engagement that have taken place in response to inadequate waste management, and the government's repression of such responses using the "foreign agent" law. Finally, the article examines the corruption in Russia's waste management system and explores why reform of this sector is unlikely to occur.

The Arctic has returned with a vengeance as an area of international contention. Beginning in 2007, Russia has continued to make aggressive moves and claims regarding territory in the Arctic Ocean. These moves undoubtedly have been prompted by global climate change and the importance of energy, with which Russia believes the Arctic is lavishly supplied. These moves apparently were intended to compel other Arctic states, like Norway, to come to terms with Russia. Nonetheless, the tendency to invoke military and security issues and instruments in this region of the world continues apace. These essays, taken from SSI's 2010 conference on Russia, fully explore the Russian and international competition for influence and rights over the exploration and commercial exploitation of the Arctic. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1572/thumbnail.jpg

Artykuł przedstawia historię i aktualny stan badań poligraficznych w Rosji przeprowadzanych zarówno przez służby w ramach rekrutacji kandydatów bądź w okresie późniejszym, jak i w sektorze prywatnym. W artykule zaprezentowano w zarysie sylwetki osób najbardziej wpływowych w środowisku rosyjskich poligraferów oraz ich powiązania ze służbami specjalnymi Związku Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich, a następnie Federacji Rosyjskiej.

Polygraph examinations in Russia

The article presents the history and current status of polygraph examinations in Russia carried out both by the services as part of the recruitment of candidates or thereafter, and in the private sector. The article outlines profiles of the most influential people in the Russian polygraph community and their ties to the special services of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and then the Russian Federation.

What explains receptivity of citizens in the post-communist world to Russian influence? popular attitudes in Central and Eastern Europe about Russia's role in the world and seeks to find answers to the question: does ideology or economic factors most influence support for Russia in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe? We use survey data from the Pew Research Center (2017) to assess the drivers for popular support of Russia. We find that the primary driver of individual-level support of Russia is political attitudes associated with the Far Right, but that this relationship also varies by country.

In Russia the problem of human trafficking was acknowledged as a national security issue in the early 2000s, above all, in relation to the threat of terrorism. In March 2004 Russia ratified the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime and Palermo Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children. In doing so Russia undertook a number of commitments against human trafficking. By that time there were already alarming estimates warning that Central and Eastern Europe, including the former Soviet Union, ranked second in the world in terms of human trafficking after south-east Asia [1] and every year around 175,000 women (1997 estimate) were taken from the region in human trafficking schemes [2]. Russia, according to expert estimates, may account for 20-30% of this flow [3], i.e. at least tens of thousands a year. These estimates do not take into account human trafficking in both women and men within the CIS region, i.e. large-scale flows of migrants illegally transferred from CIS countries to Russia for labor and sexual exploitation. ; Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM-East) is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union