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Dieter Rucht sets out a theoretically oriented discussion of social movements. His intent is not to develop a full-blown theory of social movements but rather to establish the sociological theoretical groundwork that can shape a more fruitful approach to understanding social movements, what he terms an "interactionist, constructionist and process-oriented" approach. The result is a wide-ranging discussion through the lens of this approach of the concepts and arguments that have dominated the field of social movements, although with disappointingly little attention to the scholarship that has challenged and reshaped these dominant ideas.

This paper proposes a theoretical interpretation of social activism and its role in the practices of forming networked social movements. In today's information society, the importance of solidarity practices for agents in social networks is increasing. The terms «activism», «online activism», «activism», «communication activism», «media activism», «collectivism» and so on have become widespread. They are used as markers of new practices for shaping social and political activist movements in social networks. However, the issue of social activism is not a sufficiently relevant topic in sociology. Discussions regarding the place and role of social activism in the practices of network social movement formation are more popular than scientific. Technological innovations of the information society have influenced forms of social interaction, communication, and solidarity of different levels of the agency. They transform and create innovative modes of social activism - from networking resources to collaborative activities to art-activism. Social networks are an active dynamic configuration space for various forms of social activism because they contain constantly updated information content created by network community agents in the form of comments, replies, likes, posts, and more. Networks are becoming a practical mechanism for social consolidation amid a crisis of legitimacy and trust in government. There is a shift in the practices of social and political activist movements into the internet space and social networks. The problem of new social movements has become especially relevant in recent years in connection with the proliferation of protest movements in the globalized society, which require relevant theoretical and methodological principles to study them. The paper deals with the consideration of social activism from the standpoint of the theory of the information society of M. Castels, the pragmatic sociology of L. Boltanski and L. Teweno and the theoretical developments of G. Reingold and S. Harrebi.

Recently protest camps have emerged around the world as a highly visible form of protest. Part and parcel of new social movement activism for over 40 years, they are important sites and catalysts for identity creation, expression, political contention and incubators for social change. While research has punctually addressed individual camps, there is lack of comparative and comprehensive research that links historic and contemporary protest camps as a unique area of interdisciplinary study. Research on the phenomenon to date has remained punctual and case based. This paper proposes to study protest camps as a distinct new field of research in social movement studies. Existing literature is critically reviewed and framed in three thematic clusters of spatiality, affect and autonomy. On the basis of this review the paper develops a research approach based on the analysis of infrastructures used to make protest camps. We contest that an infrastructural analysis highlights protest camps as a unique organizational form and transcends the limits of case-based research while respecting the varying contexts and trajectories of protest camps.

An exploration of how new social movements represent the best hope for challenging & restructuring oppressive political, economic, & cultural systems through enlarging the sense of the political & bringing a global perspective to everyday life practices. Though primarily linked to new politics (democracy, human rights, ecology, peace movements, & feminism) in the West, such movements are developing along similar lines in the East & South, particularly in India & Latin America. Constraints on social movements are examined, along with political, religious, & SE factors that facilitate their development. Some current leading movements are investigated, with focus on five dimensions of their interrelated public sector agenda: denuclearization, demilitarization, depolarization, development, & democratization. Some strategies being used by these movements in their transitional period of growth are discussed, including: resistance, delegitimation, accountability, religious politics, & empowerment of transnational arenas. The power of these new social movements lies in their rejection of violence as a means & state power as the principal end. It is concluded that their success in meeting their goals concerning security, development, environmental quality, humane governance, & ethos is dependent on: (1) reinforcement from a revived labor movement, (2) resurgent religious activism, & (3) funds. K. Hyatt

Reasons for the emergence of global human rights and peace groups in the West, and their political and organizational survival strategies; 6 articles.

This book highlights how online networking offers potential for new forms of activist mobilizing, repertoires, participatory democracy, direct action, fundraising, and civic engagement. It calls for a re-conceptualization of some of the main tenets of contentious and electoral politics, which were originally constructed to describe and analyze face-to-face forms of mobilization, in order to more accurately analyze contemporary forms of protest, electoral processes, and civil society organizing.

An analysis of differing organizational styles & strategies of reunified Germany's radical Left: the parliamentary wing (Greens) & the direct action wing (Autonomen). The Greens represent a co-opted social movement, aiming for reform of government policies. The Autonomen are closer in tactics to guerrilla groups, radicalizing peace, ecology, & feminist movements in opposition to government policy & neo-Nazi groups. Despite the Greens' anti-oligarchy egalitarian rules, fundamentalists split with the realists following the decision to give elected parliamentary representatives more power. It is argued that the Greens have not practiced responsible politics, while the Autonomen have the potential to decay into fascism. J. Sadler