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The article analyzes the phenomenon of the "impossible" stability of the authoritarian regime of A. Lukashenko, as well as the key reasons for its deep crisis, which led to the protests of 2020. The events of 2020 became a stressful "bifurcation point" in the evolution of lukashism and led to its transformation into a harsh repressive regime. Based on the concept of cultural trauma by P. Sztompka, the authors analyze how traumatization of Belarusian society occurred during the period of lukashism. The cultural trauma of lukashism becomes the most important sociocultural task in the process of transition to the New Belarus.

The ambivalence of the events of 2020 for Belarusian society is shown: they became a strong socio-cultural factor of both situational national unity, on the one hand, and a strong trigger for internal polarization, on the other. Based on the ideas of K. Mannheim, the authors believe that this polarization is an example of "normal" intergenerational cultural dynamics. However, as the experience of post-communist Poland shows, a rapid overcoming of such a long-term intergenerational cultural trauma is possible, but it is not granted.

Based on memory studies ideas, the authors show that overcoming authoritarian cultural trauma requires the development of a systematic "cultural policy" (in fact, "memory policy"). The experience of overcoming the authoritarian past in the FRG, the GDR and France shows that overcoming the legacy of lukashism in Belarus risks being (1) a long, (2) conflictual and (3) fundamentally "unfinished" process. It should include two parallel vectors of movement (dismantling authoritarian institutions and building democratic structures) happening within the frame of a new Belarusian identity. Such an identity will allow reworking the problematic past and set foundations for future national self-identification. Some versions of such identity are briefly reviewed, their similarities and relevance for modern sociocultural trends are revealed.

The aim of this paper is to examine government–university–community partnerships for knowledge mobilization (KM) and knowledge transfer (KT) in the area of immigration and settlement research using the illustrative case of the Canadian Metropolis Project. The Metropolis Project in Canada began in 1995 with the goal of enhancing policy-oriented research capacity for immigration and settlement and developing ways to better use this research in government decision-making. Core funding for this partnership was provided jointly by Citizenship Immigration Canada (CIC), a department of the Government of Canada and the primary social science granting agency, the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC). As of 2012, and subsequent to three successful funding phases, the decision was made to end government and SSHRC core funding for this initiative, however, other non-governmental funding avenues are being explored. The longevity of this partnership and the conclusion of this specific initiative present an opportunity to reflect critically on the nature of such partnerships. This paper is an attempt to identify some of the key themes, issues and challenges related to research partnerships, KM and KT. Also, with the aid of an illustrative case, it aims to specify some of the possibilities and limitations of this kind of policy relevant knowledge mobilization. Special consideration will be placed on the context in which the demand for knowledge mobilization and knowledge transfer has emerged. This examination has considerable international relevance as the Canadian Metropolis Project offers the leading example of a research partnership in the field of immigration and settlement. ; Shields, J., & Evans, B. (2012). Building a policy-oriented research partnership for knowledge mobilization and knowledge transfer: The case of the canadian metropolis project. Administrative Sciences, 2(4), 250-272. doi:10.3390/admsci2040250

This study explores the "image of the virtual intentional author" in the news discourse of corporate websites. A comparative analysis of materials from corporate websites of Kemerovo State University and Siberian Coal and Energy Company is conducted. Subjective, predicate-actant, and locative-temporal components are identified. Typical and specific semantic components are named. The typical shared components include the following meanings: "I am a significant subject of the Russian space"; "I represent a collective of professionals"; "I engage in volunteer and charitable activities". Each of the considered organizations' intentional author image is characterized by specific features. The intentional author of the university's news content realizes the following modal meanings: "I am not only a leading university in the region but also part of global rankings, serving as a center for scientific, social, volunteer activities, etc. in the region", thus, the virtual author communicates the intention to present the university as a significant subject of the Russian educational space. The intentional author of the energy company's news content conveys meanings such as: "I am the best production organization"; "I am competitive"; "I am socially oriented"; "I interact with authorities and public organizations".

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Transcription and translation of a telegram sent by Gen. Alvaro Obregón to Mr. George R. Fuller, editor of NEW YORK LABOR, in which he requests a collaboration on the labor problem, which will appear in the first issue of said magazine. Gen. Obregón emphasizes how much the workers' movement has gained in the world and in Mexico, where the labor classes are progressively more conscience of the role they should perform in society. He denounces conservative elements that are fighting to destroy the social conquests, which are supported by disloyal military personnel. He, as head of the Executive Branch, identifies with the masses and with the majority of the army that remains loyal. / Transcripción y traducción de telegrama que envía el Gral. Alvaro Obregón al Sr. George R. Fuller, editor del NEW YORK LABOR, en el cual le pide una colaboración sobre el problema obrero, misma que aparecerá en el primer número de la mencionada revista. En su artículo el Gral. Obregón destaca lo mucho que ha ganado el movimiento obrero en el mundo y en México, en donde las clases laborales están cada vez más concientes del papel que deben desempeñar en la sociedad; denuncia a elementos conservadores que luchan por destruir las conquistas sociales apoyándose en militares desleales; él, como titular del Poder Ejecutivo, se identifica con las masas populares y con la mayoría del ejército que permanece leal.