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AbstractI study the effects of early between-school ability tracking on student achievement. My research design exploits institutional differences between German federal states: in all states about 40% of students transition to separate academic-track schools after comprehensive primary school. Depending on the state, the remaining student body is either directly tracked between two additional school types or taught comprehensively for another two years. Comparing these students before and after tracking in a triple-differences framework, I find evidence for positive effects of prolonged comprehensive schooling on mathematics and reading scores. The average effects are almost entirely driven by low achievers, while effects for high achievers are null. Early and rigid forms of tracking can thus impair both the equity and the efficiency of school systems.

We study the Covid pandemic in the Indian state of Kerala, and document the state's remarkable success in containing the pandemic's first wave. By identifying Kerala's initial conditions when it was hit by the pandemic, and different components of the state's Covid policy, we conclude: While being subject to resource constraints faced by an Indian state located in a federal structure, Kerala contained its first Covid wave by preemptively formulating a comprehensive set of public actions-government actions that were supported and complemented by the state's citizens. This was achieved by leveraging and reinforcing the citizen's public trust in the state. Specifically, the state's pandemic response contained supportive measures to ensure that poor lives were not pitted against rich lives; rather, the aim was to protect all lives and livelihoods.

This article uses archival sources from the US State Department to examine conflicts that arose between American archaeologists and the Ottoman state during the years 1899 to 1905 in Ottoman Iraq (Mesopotamia). While contextualising many of the practices of Western archaeologists, this article examines two conflicts that emerged between the American digs at Niffur and Adab and the Ottoman Imperial Museum. The article both augments and disputes aspects of Craig Crossen's article 'The Sting at Adab', published in the Spring 2013 issue of Anthropology of the Middle East. This article's main contribution is to argue that conflicts that emerged surrounding antiquities demonstrate the growing strength/maturity of the Ottoman state apparatus and the implementation and continuation of nineteenth-century governmental reforms known as the Tanzimat.

Western Odisha has experienced hardships as the most backward region in the state of Odisha in all domains. The discrimination in terms of infrastructure, poverty reduction, literacy, education and health in this region by the successive governments of Odisha, establishment of institutions like Western Odisha Development Council (WODC) with its headquarters at Bhubaneswar with a small fraction of budget, less representation of people in decision-making bodies create a feeling of neglect and deprivation. The major thrust of this paper is to explore the multifarious factors causing the regional disparity in Western Odisha. It is only through mass awareness, empathetic, soft corner attitude of both central and state governments, involvement of NGOs, civil society organisations and change in power structure of the Koshal region regional balance in the state can be ensured.

Drawing on extensive prisons research and sustained contact with (former) prisoners in Nicaragua, this article explores three former prisoners' post-release trajectories. In the face of a hybrid state that manifests as both a legal penal state and an extralegal system of powers, colloquially referred to as el Sistema (the System), and to the backdrop of a (d)evolving political context, I argue for an understanding of the 'tightness' of post-release life by conceptualizing the Sistema's transcarceral grip. Former prisoners deal with this grip in different ways, ranging from self-censorship to the taking of 'delinquent freedoms'. A detailed understanding of this grip can help pinpoint how carceral logics are mobilized outside prison in Nicaragua and how its carceral state expands through not only legal but also extralegal means.

Today, more than ever, consideration of politics requires reflection on the role of violence and the ethical conduct of leaders. These and associated issues are central in Weber's 'Politics as a vocation', published 100 years ago. While frequently cited, Weber's definitions of politics and the state, and his understanding of the vocation of politics, are seldom subject to close examination. In the present article Weber's treatment of the state and politics in terms of the means of violence is shown to be inadequate and misleading. The extra-territoriality of the modern state, necessary in war-making and international intrigue, is continuous with its means of violence, but curiously ignored in 'Politics as a vocation'. Finally, Weber's account of morality in the political vocation is shown to have high polemical resonance but low analytic value.

Abstract
Non-financial reporting reforms have moved ahead around the world as governments work to advance sustainable development and improve environmental, social, and governance ("ESG") risk management by firms and investors In the United States, however, non-financial reporting reforms face resistance and have lagged behind. This article offers an overview of the state of non-financial reporting in the U.S. and explains why the U.S. approach still diverges so visibly from the reform path adopted by other governments around the world. It then suggests potential directions for non-financial disclosure reform that take account of the U.S. institutional context. The article concludes by considering the implications of the United States' market-driven approach for non-financial reporting reform and for the future of sustainable finance more broadly.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a political and military alliance of 30 member states that represent most part of North America and Europe. Even though it was built as a defence system of the North Atlantic states against Soviet expansion, today NATO is a true regional structure for ensuring collective security. This article reflects the main objectives and tasks of the organization and their place and key role in ensuring peace and security both in the territory of the Member States and in other conflict–affected areas. The need, importance and legal and regulatory framework of NATO interventions are also analysed both in the armed conflicts in the area and in the case of regional crises to prevent or combat and reduce their negative effects on the peace and security processes.

Most enlightenment philosophers argued that the separation between Church and State would prevent capture of resources by one state religion. We formalize and test a theory that addresses a different danger. We demonstrate that a reduction in the separation between Church and State can be corrosive to political institutions, especially the Judiciary. We show that religious leaders use their high legitimacy to gain political office, and become particularly abusive politicians, misusing their political authority to undermine the independence of the Judiciary. We provide a theoretical framework and estimate the structural equations of our theory using data from Pakistan. Our empirical strategy exploits the plausibly exogenous timing of a military coup to provide causal evidence for the key predictions of our theory.

The model of three-sector synergy in a contemporary state rests on cooperation between the first (state) sector, the second (commercial) sector, and the third sector – the civil one, also referred to as the non-commercial sector. The quest for an optimal solution and the establishment of mutual relations is underpinned by the concept of the reorganization of Russian society with regard to its political modernization; this is accompanied by a variant of social agreement that guarantees citizens equality before the law, and the protection of their rights along with simultaneous compliance with the law. What complements the image of Russia's contemporary reality is the goal of non-governmental, non-commercial organizations – not only to survive but also to develop a modus vivendi in the circumstances of an authoritarian state.

Extradition — Extradition of illegal immigrants to home State — Risk of imposition and execution of death penalty — Requests for assurance — Obligation towards prosecuting individual in own State — Southern African Development Community Extradition Protocol, 2002 — Extradition Treaty between Botswana and South AfricaDiplomatic relations — Extradition or deportation of individuals at risk of death penalty — Conflict of domestic constitution and treaty agreements — Interference with foreign prosecuting authority — Southern African Development Community — Resolving human rights disputes politicallyHuman rights — Object to protect, respect, promote and fulfil human rights — Human rights in extradition cases — Prohibition of death penalty — Obligations towards non-citizens — Obligations towards individuals entering country illegally — Obligation to protect human rights in other States' jurisdiction — Whether real risk of death penalty being executed — The law of South Africa

The income gap—the difference in the political behavior of those with low- and high-income—in the 2008 presidential election was generally similar to what it had been for decades: the likelihood of voting Republican tended to increase with family income. I find two important attributes of the 2008 income gap. First, the size of the income gap varied significantly state to state. Second, analyzing American National Election Studies (ANES) data from 2008, Ifind that there clearly is an ideological divide in the United States on the basis of one's income on a number of public policy issues, though this division is not ideologically consistent from issue to issue. These results suggest that economic issues continue to be a primary motivating factor in determining how different income groups vote.

We investigate state‐dependent effects of fiscal multipliers and allow for endogenous sample splitting to determine whether the U.S. economy is in a slack state. When the endogenized slack state is estimated as the period of the unemployment rate higher than about 12%, the estimated cumulative multipliers are significantly larger during slack periods than nonslack periods and are above unity. We also examine the possibility of time‐varying regimes of slackness and find that our empirical results are robust under a more flexible framework. Our estimation results point out the importance of the heterogenous effects of fiscal policy and shed light on the prospect of fiscal policy in response to economic shocks from the current COVID‐19 pandemic. (JEL C32, E62, H20, H62)

Most enlightenment philosophers argued that the separation between Church and State would prevent capture of resources by one state religion. We formalize and test a theory that addresses a different danger. We demonstrate that a reduction in the separation between Church and State can be corrosive to political institutions, especially the Judiciary. We show that religious leaders use their high legitimacy to gain political office, and become particularly abusive politicians, misusing their political authority to undermine the independence of the Judiciary. We provide a theoretical framework and estimate the structural equations of our theory using data from Pakistan. Our empirical strategy exploits the plausibly exogenous timing of a military coup to provide causal evidence for the key predictions of our theory.