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The use of evolutionary models to examine political behavior in international relations has been the subject of much debate, but serious scholarly work has generally been lacking, in part because the causal mechanisms have not always been clearly explicated. An evolutionary psychological framework can correct this deficit and benefit research in at least three major areas of international relations: (1) how political groups such as states are perceived and represented by individuals and groups; (2) how coalitional action is facilitated among states; and (3) sex differences in coalitional behavior. Hypotheses are offered in each of these areas to more clearly demonstrate the psychological mechanisms that are the bridge between evolutionary theory and political behavior in the international system. The social and political landscape of the ancestral environments in which humans evolved strongly suggests that the psychological architecture of humans possesses specialized design for coalitional living that continues to guide behavior in the modern political world. These evolved mechanisms structure human motivation and engagement in areas including leadership and war.

For decades, law enforcement officers, government officials, and the medical community have continued debating the controversy over the legalization of marijuana. The never-ending argument of the severity of the "Schedule 1 drug" and its ill-effects on drug users are at the heart of discussions as they pertain to the legal community. Marijuana and its distribution raise several complex health, social, and legal issues in the United States. While many disagree with the legality and morality of its legalization, others fight for the right to sell and use it for medicinal purposes. The debate is ongoing. As stated in Variability in Medical Marijuana Laws, "Use of marijuana has been linked to negative health effects, but the evidence varies as function of age of user, whether use is occasional or heavy, and health domain, and is largely correlational in nature" (as cited in Betrashniy, 2015, p. 639). It is this along with other strong links that strengthen the argument against the legalization of marijuana. In contrast, some studies have shown results that the benefits of using marijuana for medicinal reasons far outweigh the negative health matters that may be associated with its use (Pew Research Center, 2013), and therefore should be an accepted method of treatment for some patients who are suffering with illnesses. Marijuana-using individuals suffering from chronic pain a variety of chronic illnesses (seizure disorders, cancer, glaucoma, multiple sclerosis, AIDS wasting syndrome) all have shown improvement in their conditions when standard treatments did not (Betrashniy, 2015).

Since the birth of the Republic, the United States has gone through five debt‐crisis episodes defined as year‐on‐year increases in net federal debt in the 95‐percentile. The Great Recession is the second largest, and the only one in which primary deficits continue six years later and are expected to persist at least through 2026. Persistent deficits are also sharply at odds with the surpluses that contributed to the reversal of all major debt surges in U.S. history. There is a view that high debt is not a concern and more debt is needed for fiscal stimulus and/or strong global demand for 'safe assets'. This paper makes four points to the contrary based on findings from the literature: First, empirical work shows that debt sustainability conditions display a significant break after 2008 and fiscal stimulus fails when debt is high. Second, a dynamic general equilibrium model predicts that tax adjustments may not make the debt sustainable and will have adverse effects on macro aggregates and social welfare. Third, the strong appetite for U.S. public debt worldwide can be a slow‐moving, transitory result from financial globalization in an environment in which U.S. financial markets are relatively more developed and the expected financing needs of the U.S. government are large. Fourth, domestic sovereign default could become optimal if the cost of regressive redistribution in order to make debt payments outweighs default costs related to the social value of debt for liquidity provision, self‐insurance and risk‐sharing.

The development, growth, and transformation of the population of the United States were unique in the late settlement; the vast, rich, and sparsely settled area; and the immigrant formation. There were demographic transitions rather than a unidirectional process. Birth rates were very high in the colonial and early national periods, declined in rural areas and cities alike to the 1930's, and then rose substantially, only to decline again for roughly a decade now. The occupational movements from agricultural to professional and related activi ties, the advances of education to high levels, and the changes from rural to urban and then to metropolitan residence underlay the demographic transitions. A generation ago the problems appeared those of decline; a decade ago the problems seemed to be those of a rapid growth that would eventually press on resources, economy, and social facilities. Today assessments of the future are conjectural. The major population problems are those of metropolitan agglomeration, particularly the differen tiations of central cities and outer areas; the swift movements of the disadvantaged Negro population into central cities; the mas sive irregularities in age changes introduced by the changing birth rates of past years; and the adjustments to exodus from the Deep South and the mid-continent and influx to Florida, the Southwest, and California. The most intricate problem is the reconciliation of the ideals of family size prevalent in the generally affluent population with the economic, social, and political developments that are muted and eventually jeopar dized by continuing increases in numbers.

Adaption of Canadian parliamentary processes to the conditions of the modern state must aim at two objectives not easily reconcilable and not easily pursued at one and the same time. First, it is vital that we enable the Government to govern. Governing now involves a large annual volume of new and amending legislation, the devising of complex taxation measures for raising some $4 billion a year from the reluctant taxpayer, and the appropriation of this vast sum to the various items of expenditure. A very large portion of the time of the House of Commons is therefore needed for Government business.Second, it is equally vital to ensure effective responsibility of the Government to our elected representatives, to make it reasonably possible for the House of Commons to understand general Government policy as well as specific proposals for legislation, and to grasp the reasons why this policy and these measures are held to be necessary in the national interest. In addition, because the numerous policies being administered from day to day are more important than the new policies being proposed for adoption at any given time, it is necessary for the House to be able to learn enough about the actual running of the great business of the government of Canada to conduct an intelligent audit of the ramified activities of government. A large part of the time of the House is needed for these purposes.

The fate of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), currently under negotiation, has been called into question. At issue is the inclusion of the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism that has been included in the NAFTA, CAFTA, and many bilateral agreements. Authorizing corporations and investors to bring disputes directly against governments for adopting regulations negatively impacting market share or future profitability, this mechanism has generated significant opposition, particularly in Europe. This paper probes the factors driving the struggle over this political project. Revealing the mechanisms operating to secure the inclusion of ISDS in the TTIP, these findings contribute to the interdisciplinary debates that have emerged around the rise of a transnational capital class and the transformation of the state. These developments have significant normative implications, the analysis of which contributes to a critical tradition that seeks to uncover processes that have been naturalized and reveal strategies for political contestation.

A consolidation, rewritten and revised, of the author's "U. S. government documents in small libraries" (4th ed., 1914 issued by the A. L. A. as Library handbook, no. 7), with his "Government documents (state and city)" 1915, issued as chapter 23 of the A. L. A. Manual of library economy. cf. Foot-note, p. 1. ; "Preprint of Manual of library economy, chapter XXIII." ; cover-title ; Bibliography: p. 39-40. ; Mode of access: Internet.

At head of title, 1913-1916: Department of Commerce. Bureau of Navigation. (1914-1926 include also, Radio Service) 1927- : Department of Commerce. Radio Division. ; Mode of access: Internet.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "The number of federal and state inmates released to communities increased more than threefold from 1980 to 1998. Since 1980, recidivism rates have been about 40 percent. Within the group of recidivists, the number of offenders reincarcerated for violating parole or other release conditions rose more than sevenfold from 1980 to 1998. Furthermore, such reincarcerations represent an increasing proportion of all prison admissions. The Bureau of Justice Statistics' (BJS) 1997 survey found that most federal offenders (62 percent) were imprisoned for drug offense convictions, and almost half (47 percent) of all state offenders were incarcerated for violent offense convictions. Also, the majority of inmates in both correctional systems--federal inmates (73 percent) and state inmates (83 percent)--had some history of illegal drug use. BJS' survey also showed that 27 percent of both federal and state exit cohort inmates participated in vocational training programs, and 11 percent of federal and 2 percent of state exit cohort inmates worked in prison industry jobs. In addition, 33 percent of the federal inmates and 36 percent of the state inmates participated in residential in-patient treatment programs for alcohol and drug abuse. In the federal correctional system, an inmate's preparation for reintegration generally encompasses three phases--the prerelease, halfway house, and community supervision. Under the Offender Reentry Initiative, federal discretionary grants would be provided to help states and communities work together to improve offender supervision and accountability--and essential support services--to minimize public safety issues posed by high-risk or special-needs offenders released from state prisons, juvenile correctional facilities, and local facilities housing state prisoners. A solicitation for grants is expected by the end of May 2001, and awards are expected to be made by the end of September 2001."

During the Montana Constitutional Convention of 1889, John Wesley Powell, envisioning a landscape of watershed commonwealths, proposed that Montana adopt watersheds as the boundaries of its counties. The idea did not catch on. Over time, the power of local governments to regulate land use has grown immensely, but the misfit between their political boundaries and environmental policy problem sheds has persisted. As our understanding of ecosystem dynamics improves, however, natural resources management policy is gravitating, once again, to the watershed as an appropriate unit of governance. Many federal and state natural resource management initiatives have come on line in the past five years using watersheds as their primary focus. Yet, these new programs lack coherence and invest inadequate authority in watershed-based units of government. Representing perspectives from law, geography, economics, and anthropology, the authors propose the framework for a model state watershed management law. They conclude that the federal government is ill-equipped to take on the role of comprehensive watershed management czar as it has for pollution control and other environmental programs. Yet, local governments, even if organized around watershed boundaries, are unlikely to provide the platform for effective policy implementation. Rather, the authors propose a multi-tiered governance system linking state, regional, and local units of government through careful distribution of planning responsibilities and policy implementation authorities. Although for many states this framework would introduce a new layer of governance, its superior correspondence to the inescapable realities of ecosystem dynamics makes it worth serious consideration.

Although theoretically contentious, most empirical studies contend that electoral-political factors structure the welfare state. In practice, most studies concentrate on 'government partisanship', that is the ideological character of the government. We agree that politics matters but also seek to expand our understanding of what 'politics' should be taken to mean. Drawing on recent comparative research on agenda-setting, we study the impact of whether welfare state issues were broadly salient in the public sphere during the election campaign that produced the government. We formulate hypotheses about how such systemic campaign salience and government partisanship (separately and interactively) affect welfare generosity. We also consider how such effects might have changed, taking into account challenges to standard assumptions of representative democracy coming from the 'new politics of the welfare state' framework. We combine well-known, but updated, data on welfare state generosity and government partisanship, with original contextual data on campaign salience from 16 West European countries for the years 1980–2008. We find that campaigns matter but also that their impact has changed. During the first half of the examined period (the 1980s and early 1990s), it mainly served to facilitate government partisanship effects on the welfare state. More recently, big-time campaign attention to welfare state issues results in some retrenchment (almost) regardless of who forms the postelection government. This raises concerns about the democratic status of the politics of welfare state reform in Europe. ; acceptedVersion

Explores views of state residents regarding critical aspects of the centralized, statewide registry prior to the 1996 legislation authorizing its establishment; focuses on privacy and confidentiality concerns; based on a telephone survey of 862 Georgia residents, 1997. Compares stages of development for statewide immunization registries for all 50 states.

Since the late 1990s, transparency has emerged as a major governance pillar helping resource-rich countries improve their performance and escape the resource curse. Within this debate, a few scholars have pointed to the correlation between ownership structure and transparency, and have argued that under state ownership, transparency should not be expected, as government officials refrain from strengthening institutions to retain their discretionary power. This study attempts to challenge scholarly existing knowledge by comparing transparency performances in two resource-rich countries with similar ownership structures, Norway and Russia. To this end, it analyses data from the Revenue Governance Index (2017). Overall, such a correlation is not confirmed. While in some cases, state ownership can in fact generate greater opacity, the example of Norway confirms that retaining control can also enhance transparency. As a result, it is suggested to look attentively at the features of state ownership, and in particular, at countries' institutional quality.