Suchergebnisse

Transnational education (TNE) is the stone thrown into the still waters of higher education in Egypt, it has been expanding in scale and significance in the past few years, and already brought itself to the fore. This qualitative research aspires to explore the views of higher education stakeholders in Egypt on the rationales, motives, and implications of hosting TNE. The study seeks to answer two research questions; 1) how do higher education stakeholders view the rationales, motives, and value of TNE provisions in Egypt as a host country, and 2) how are the economic, pedagogical, and socio-cultural implications of TNE perceived by stakeholders in Egypt. The study adopted a qualitative design combining two methods of inquiry (phenomenology and document analysis) to conduct the research at hand. The study included fieldwork of fifteen research interviews, covering a wide range of higher education stakeholders such as policymakers, senior government officials, higher education experts, university president, TNE and public university faculty, and students. The document analysis focused on the policy level analyzing the new legal provision of TNE in Egypt, as well as the higher education strategic priorities enacted in major government strategies in the 2030 vision. The theoretical framework encompasses the institutional theory, both the cultural cognitive and the rational choice versions, and the human capital theory as the lenses from which the results are interpreted and analyzed. The notion of globalization is also used as the meta-theory that can help provide a macro-level analysis and contextualization of TNE in host countries. The findings indicate that the position and impact of TNE in Egypt are not yet fully understood. The findings suggest that TNE is a highly circumstantial phenomenon that differs from a context to another. The views of higher education stakeholders fluctuate between enthusiasm and doubt. The direct higher education stakeholders (the optimists), who are involved in the TNE business, hope that TNE creates momentum in the local higher education system that improves access, encourages quality, and stimulates the better performance. Nevertheless, the indirect stakeholders (the skeptics), those who are involved in public higher education in Egypt, thought that transnational education is exclusive to the Egyptian elite and that there are pedagogical and cultural barriers to integrating it within the broader higher education sector.

AbstractThis paper analyses the economic challenges facing Egypt in the post-Mubarak period, demonstrating the ways in which economic policy choices over the 2000s have contributed to the economic and social outcomes witnessed in the run up to the 2011 uprisings. The article investigates three specific policy areas and demonstrates their role in reducing employment opportunities, eroding wages and facilitating the creation of an increasingly unequal economic and social structure in Egypt. The three policy areas addressed by the article are (i) the general misplaced fiscal focus on expenditure-reduction rather than revenue-enhancement and the lack of progressive revenue growth; (ii) the manipulation and use of subsidies in Egypt to appease the populous instead of fostering employment generation; (iii) the failure to adequately promote employment-intensive investment.

The dissertation Compounds of Modernity aimed at moving beyond meta-narratives and theoretical frameworks of neoliberalism and globalization to analyze the contemporary gated communities and spaces of exclusion. Instead of analyzing enclaves as products of neoliberalism and global culture, the dissertation looks at them as "processes of urban explosion" embedded in the history of power and control. Building new housing settlements on the periphery is not anew. The state technocrats, architects, and urban planners had always used these projects as instruments towards controlling population, hygienic development, and citizen formation. By looking at how the design of these compounds had changed with time, I generate a set of narratives concerning power, spatial governance, dealing with hygiene as a thing to control, the othering of citizens, and modernizing the nation-state. The changing rhetoric and underlying logic to manipulate the erection of these new compounds reveals how the state categorizes its citizens and invents the "other." The construction of the "risk society" is a mere political and social construct in Egypt's modern history. In the countryside during late colonial Egypt and early post-colonial time (1940s and 1950s), the humans and non-humans were objects of governance and control in the architectures of Hassan Fathy (New Gourna Village) and Sayyid Karim (the Manor). The inferior fellah and dirty animal were the infectious species to produce national crises of malaria, typhoid, and Bilharzia. Modernizing species and standardizing the built environment was part of building the state and maintaining national order. Later in the early 1950s, a housing initiative called the "Cordon-and-resettling" led to walling out old unhygienic communities and relocating villagers to the modern "Village of Tomorrow," which included military training centers and new university villages. Under the social welfare state of Nasser, the housing mission in the city was to make new citizens, educate them through the state's secular curricula, alleviate social class antagonism, build the "happy family," and curb internal political struggles after the transition from monarchy to the Republic. The citizen and [his] experience was the main object of governance in the Villages of Tomorrow, such as Tahrir Province.In Cairo, a similar hygienic revolution occurred under the "Connect-fill-and-expand" housing initiative. One spatial outcome was the new compound on the periphery of Cairo, the "City of Tomorrow" experiment of Madinet Nasr or Nasr City (late 1950s and 1960s). In the new settlement of Nasr City, Sayyid Karim and Mohamed Riyad designed residential quarters, governmental buildings, Islamic university campus of Al-Azhar, wide roads for army parades and military zones were erected side by side. The notion of a "disciplined society" was emphasized through zoning and land use. A hierarchy of state institutions and power characterized Nasr City with high visibility. The production of a disciplined society was further emphasized with the state's full control over the construction of housing after the rent control law that discouraged private real-estate developers from building new housing. The centralization of housing led to controlling the means of modernizing space, housing, and society. With Infitah or the open door economy developed under Sadat in the 1970s till the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of Mubarak in the 1990s, the object of governance and control became economic growth and desert land development. Technocrats experimented a set of new towns in the desert, which failed to attract population at the beginning until the erection of gated communities with new mechanisms and technologies of governance in the desert. Security and hygiene were used as underlying frameworks to attract residents as manifested in the gated community of "Al-Rehab City" in New Cairo. Using walls, gates, checkpoints, privatized security training, and the mapping of surveillance, together with private amenities and functioning infrastructure, gated communities started to attract residents. Turning those spaces into "zones of control" and surveillance became the new modern governing technology than simply enforcing citizens and disciplining them like the era of Nasser. The state security apparatus, however, still has its influence inside gated communities through partnerships and collaborations with the privatized security. The transformation of the society from a "disciplined society" in the Foucaultian sense to a "controlled society" in Nikolas Rose's sense is parallel to the change in political economy from social welfare to the free market mechanisms. The disciplined society depends on a central agency such as the panopticon to watch, monitor, and correct the behavior of citizens is fundamentally transformed into decentralized nucleated agencies (private sector) working laterally with the state to maintain order. The decentralization of security and non-hierarchical forms of domination characterizes the "controlled society" and housing projects that is made possible under the free market economy. The decentralization of the design process also takes place. Architects and urban planners of gated communities such as Mahmoud Yousry of Al-Rehab, design together with marketing sales team, Hisham Talaat (developer), and the security design element is covered by retired military generals. By understanding the interactions of local forces, spatial growth, how these spaces are realized in reality, and society construction through history, I theorize the contemporary gated communities moving beyond meta-narratives and grand theories of globalization.

L'Egypte occupe une place distinctive à l'intérieur des pays post-coloniaux. A l'époque coloniale, il était estraeterisé par une intégration assez poussée au marché mondial par le biais d 'un modèle agro-exportateur, corrélativement par un développement capitaliste non-non négligeable et la formation d'une classe bourgeoise suffisamment forte pour pouvoir participer au système politique colonial, donne également pour une démocratie pour 'elite socio-économique indigene, certes limitée par la présence de la puissance coloniale et de la Couronne; la paysannerie sans terre des fellahs et les pauvres des villes restant à l'écart des mécanismes de participation. Cela signifie que l'Egypte se démarquer de la plupart des pays d'Afrique noire ou de certains pays d'Asie qui, comrne lui, avaient accédé à un pot•voir bureaucratique dominant !Les espaces économique et politique en même temps à la fin de l 'ère coloniale; il possédait une société civile bourgeoise relativement forte. Les sociétés post-coloniales de même type que l'Egypte, c'est-à-dire ayant une bourgeoisie assez forte mais relativement faible pour pouvoir subordonner l'appareil d'État hérité du colonialisme, un appareil d'Etat plus étoffé que ne l'est la base économique indigene, se caractérisent généralement par un système politique dans lequel une oligarchie bureaucratico-militaire jouait un rôle prépondérant dans la médiation des intérêts divergents au sein du bloc au pouvoir, sans pour autant éliminer les bases économiques des classes (en général la grande bourgeoisie et les grands propriétaires terriens) qui formaient ce bloc. En Egypte, les classes dominantes locales étaient certes relativement faibles pour pouvoir contrôler l'appareil d'État colonial,mais durant toute la période coloniale, surtout apres la premiere guerre mondiale, elles avaient accès à cet appareil par I 'intermédiaire du Palais et de l'aristocratie regroupée autour de ce demier; du Parlement, du Wafd qui y était le parti dominant et de certains cercles grands-bourgeois, comme la Banque Misr. la Fédération Égyptienne de ı 'Industrie et I es personnalités issues de ces groupes.

Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Foreword by Peter Lacovara -- Introduction -- 1. The Early Years -- 2. Qaw al-Kebir -- 3. On My Way! -- 4. Settling In -- 5. All Creatures Great and Small -- 6. Mad Dogs and Englishmen -- 7. Merry Christmas -- 8. Ancient Zar Ceremonies and Modern Dams -- 9. The Festival at Qena -- 10. Alone Again! -- 11. Still Alone-But Not for Much Longer -- 12. Kharga -- 13. Guests Again -- 14. Ramadan and My Turn to Be a Visitor -- 15. Comings and Goings -- 16. Preparations for Home -- 17. Miscellany -- Conclusion

This book is based on documents preserved in the Cairo Geniza, which are written in three languages: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Judeo-Arabic (Arabic in Hebrew script)-as well as on late ancient and medieval literary texts in these languages. This book considers how ordinary Jewish women fit into the social order of the tenth to thirteenth century Islamic Eastern Mediterranean, both as women and as Jews, and how two institutions central to that social order-kinship and law-shaped their lives

Includes Bibliographical References of Part II (pp. 206-216) ; In May 2011, Freedom House issued a press release announcing the findings of a survey recording the state of media freedom worldwide. It reported that the number of people worldwide with access to free and independent media had declined to its lowest level in over a decade. The survey recorded a substantial deterioration in the Middle East and North Africa region. In this region, Egypt suffered the greatest set-back, slipping into the Not Free category in 2010 as a result of a severe crackdown preceding the November 2010 parliamentary elections. In Tunisia, traditional media were also censored and tightly controlled by government while internet restriction increased extensively in 2009 and 2010 as Tunisians sought to use it as an alternative field for public debate. Furthermore Libya was included in the report as one of the world's worst ten countries where independent media are considered either non-existent or barely able to operate and where dissent is crushed through imprisonment, torture and other forms of repression. ; peer-reviewed

A conceptually rich, historically informed, and interdisciplinary study of the contentious politics emerging out of decades of authoritarian neoliberal economic reform, The Roots of Revolt examines the contested political economy of Egypt from Nasser to Mubarak, just prior to the Arab Uprisings of 2010-11. Based on extensive fieldwork conducted across rural and urban Egypt, Angela Joya employs an 'on the ground' approach to critical political economy that challenges the interpretations of Egyptian politics put forward by scholars of both democratization and authoritarianism. By critically reassessing the relationship between democracy and capitalist development, Joya demonstrates how renewed authoritarian politics were required to institutionalize neoliberal reforms demanded by the International Monetary Fund, presenting the real-world impact of economic policy on the lives of ordinary Egyptians before the Arab Uprisings.

OBJECTIVES: To determine the prevalence and causes of blindness and vision impairment, and the coverage and quality of cataract surgical services, among population aged 50 years and older in Sohag governorate in Egypt. DESIGN: A population-based cross-sectional survey using two-stage cluster random sampling following the rapid assessment of avoidable blindness methodology. SETTING: A community-based survey conducted by six teams of ophthalmologists, assistants and local guides. Enrolment and examination were door-to-door in selected clusters. PARTICIPANTS: Using 2016 census data, 68 population units were randomly selected as clusters (of 60 people) with probability proportionate to population size. Anyone aged 50 years and older, residing in a non-institutional setting in a cluster for at least 6 months, was eligible to participate. PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OUTCOME MEASURES: The prevalence and causes of blindness and vision impairment. Secondary outcomes were CSC and effectiveness and participant-reported barriers to cataract surgery. RESULTS: Of 4078 participants enrolled, 4033 (98.9%) were examined. The age-adjusted and sex-adjusted prevalence of blindness, severe vision impairment and moderate vision impairment were 5.9% (95% CI 4.8% to 6.9%), 4.7% (95% CI 3.8% to 5.7%) and 18.9% (95% CI 16.8% to 21.0%), respectively. Cataract caused most of blindness (41.6%), followed by non-trachomatous corneal opacity (15.7%) and posterior segment diseases (14.5%). Cataract surgical coverage (CSC) for persons for visual acuity <3/60 was 86.8%, the proportion of cataract surgeries with poor visual outcome was 29.5% and effective CSC (eCSC) was 44.9%. eCSC was lower in women than men. The most frequently reported barrier to surgery was cost (51.5%). CONCLUSIONS: The prevalence of blindness in Sohag governorate is higher than districts in other middle-income countries in the region. CSC was high; however, women suffer worse quality-corrected CSC than men. The quality of cataract surgery needs to be addressed, while health system strengthening across government and private settings could alleviate financial barriers.

L'analyse des modes de production des votes employés par les Frères musulmans lors des dernières élections législatives montre que ceux-ci s'inscrivent dans le cadre commun de la pratique électorale en Egypte: la mobilisation frériste suit en effet les logiques clientélistes qui caractérisent l'élection d'un député en Egypte, et elle se rapproche en cela des pratiques électorales des candidats du Parti national démocratique. Toutefois, le clientélisme frériste présente certaines spécificités qui apparaissent comme des avantages comparatifs, et véhiculent des catégories de pensée hétérodoxes dans un champ électoral en pleine mutation. (Politique africaine/GIGA)