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Attacks by network-based transnational terrorist groups cause on average 25,000 deaths every year worldwide, with the law enforcement agencies of some states facing many challenges in bringing those responsible to justice. Despite various attempts to codify the law on transnational terrorism since the 1930s, a crime of transnational terrorism under international law remains contested, reflecting concerns regarding the relative importance of prosecuting members of transnational terrorist groups before the International Criminal Court. This book critically examines the limits of international criminal law in bringing members of transnational terrorist groups to justice in the context of changing methods of warfare, drawing from human rights, sociology, and best practices in international criminal justice. Drawing on organisational network theory, Anna Marie Brennan explores the nature of international crimes and assesses the potential for the International Criminal Court to prosecute and investigate alleged crimes perpetrated by members of transnational terrorist groups, paying particular attention to their modus operandi and organisational structure. This book argues that because of the network-based organisational structure of some transnational terrorist groups, achieving justice for victims will prove challenging, in the context of the relationship between the commanders and the subordinate members of the group requiring a re-evaluation of accountability mechanisms at the international level. In advancing an innovative perspective on the accountability of members of transnational terrorist groups, and in offering solutions to current challenges, the book will be of great interest and use to academic, practitioners, and students engaged in the study of terrorism, the ICC, or international humanitarian law.

Abstract
Youth unemployment is a challenge in many European countries – especially since the financial crises. Young people face difficulties in the transition from education into employment. This article focuses on young mobile Europeans from six countries (Germany, Hungary, Luxembourg, Norway, Romania and Spain). The research question is whether and to which extent international mobility has an impact on employability and therefore reduces youth unemployment. By using a cluster analysis of personal adaptability, social and human capital and career identity, the importance of mobility experiences for employability is analysed in a recent dataset of 5,272 young (formerly) mobile respondents. Youth mobility is established as a strong characteristic for the employability cluster. Mobility is however not the long-term aim of most of the mobile young people, since most of the mobiles choose to return to their home countries after one or more stays abroad.

AbstractIn this essay I survey the key themes within China's discourse on international order, especially how China views its position and role in shaping the existing and future order. I go on to explore the possible implications of China's thinking and actions toward the existing international order. I conclude that overall, China sees no need for and hence does not seek fundamental transformation, but rather piecemeal modification of the existing order. In fact, China has been quite content with the existing order that supports globalization, despite occasional rhetoric indicating otherwise. In the near future, China will likely invest heavily in two key issue areas: (1) regionalism in East Asia and Central Asia; and (2) interregional cooperation and coordination. Perhaps unsurprisingly, China's ambitious "One Belt and One Road" initiative seeks to integrate these two issue areas.

Gerald Schneider ist Ordinarius für Internationale Politik an der Universität Konstanz und Herausgeber der Zeitschrift 'European Union Politics'. Michael Bechtel ist Oberassistent an der ETH Zürich mit Forschungsschwerpunkt Politische Ökonomie. Christian Fahrholz ist wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Lehrstuhl für Wirtschaftspolitik und im Graduiertenkolleg Global Financial Markets (Stiftung Geld und Währung) an der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena.

Preliminary Material /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Judgment of 28 May 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Annex 1 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Annex 2 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 24 April 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 24 May 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 3 December 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 20 December 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 25 October 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea -- Order of 22 November 2013 /International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea.

"It has become commonplace to observe the growing pervasiveness and impact of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). And yet the three central approaches in International Relations (IR) theory, Liberalism, Realism and Constructivism, overlook or ignore the importance of NGOs, both theoretically and politically. Offering a timely reappraisal of NGOs, and a parallel reappraisal of theory in IR--the academic discipline entrusted with revealing and explaining world politics, this book uses practice theory, global governance, and new institutionalism to theorize NGO accountability and analyze the history of NGOs. This study uses evidence from empirical data from Europe, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and Asia and from studies that range across the issue-areas of peacebuilding, ethnic reconciliation, and labor rights to show IR theory has often prejudged and misread the agency of NGOs. Drawing together a group of leading international relations theorists, this book explores the frontiers of new research on the role of such forces in world politics and is required reading for students, NGO activists, and policy-makers"--

Child friendly justice and access to justice for children are explicit concerns for the European Union, the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Council of Europe and the Child Rights International Network. This study examines court systems as child-responsive by eliciting the views of judicial decision makers on child protection cases (n = 1,479) in four legal systems (England, Finland, Norway and the USA (represented by California)), based on an online survey. In this paper, we asked judicial officials who have the authority to make care order decisions how they view the child-friendliness of the courts. We presented them with six statements representing standard features of child responsive courts. Findings show that there is considerable room for improving both structure and practice of the court proceedings, for example the use of child friendly language and child-sensitive time frames. There were variations across states, and some variation across type of decision maker. Implications for the development of education and training about the opportunities for children's engagement are considered. ; publishedVersion

Child friendly justice and access to justice for children are explicit concerns for the European Union, the Committee on the Rights of the Child, the Council of Europe and the Child Rights International Network. This study examines court systems as child-responsive by eliciting the views of judicial decision makers on child protection cases (n = 1,479) in four legal systems (England, Finland, Norway and the USA (represented by California)), based on an online survey. In this paper, we asked judicial officials who have the authority to make care order decisions how they view the child-friendliness of the courts. We presented them with six statements representing standard features of child responsive courts. Findings show that there is considerable room for improving both structure and practice of the court proceedings, for example the use of child friendly language and child-sensitive time frames. There were variations across states, and some variation across type of decision maker. Implications for the development of education and training about the opportunities for children's engagement are considered.

"Kalpakian tests the dominant assumption that water disputes cause violent conflict between states and other actors in world politics. Using case studies from arid regions to bias the effort towards this assumption, he finds that issues related to identity have been the real source of conflict in the river basins studied. This essential volume: - challenges conventional assumptions about water and conflict - displaces the state as the sole actor in violent conflict - reveals the link between conflict and identity This book invites the reader to address the complexity in the relationships binding peoples and states in an international river basin."--Provided by publisher.

Regulation of anticompetitive arrangements that impede development and reduce the well-being of individuals are critical components of the global framework for combating anticompetitive arrangements. Such legislation and policy is now widely acknowledged in both rich and developing countries, and its importance is growing. If cartels, abuses of dominant position, and mergers are allowed to continue unchecked and result in a lack of competition on the merits of the market, competition law is designed to dissuade them. Despite the significant progress made in recent years toward promoting international cooperation and convergence in competition policy, primarily through the International Competition Network (ICN), an informal network of competition authorities, there are still significant challenges ahead as globalisation continues to deepen and broaden its reach. It is for these reasons that the present study considers the necessity for additional coordinating mechanisms in order to manage the problems posed by an increasingly worldwide and networked economy. Several international initiatives have been launched in awareness of the basic complementarity between competition and trade policy, with the goal of formalising their interrelationships and better harnessing the synergies that result from this complementarity. As of this writing, none of these approaches has resulted in a legally enforceable framework that ensures a more effective application of competition policy in the context of international trade and investment. The relationship between competition law and international trade is the subject of this study, which was written by researchers.

Regulation of anticompetitive arrangements that impede development and reduce the well-being of individuals are critical components of the global framework for combating anticompetitive arrangements. Such legislation and policy is now widely acknowledged in both rich and developing countries, and its importance is growing. If cartels, abuses of dominant position, and mergers are allowed to continue unchecked and result in a lack of competition on the merits of the market, competition law is designed to dissuade them. Despite the significant progress made in recent years toward promoting international cooperation and convergence in competition policy, primarily through the International Competition Network (ICN), an informal network of competition authorities, there are still significant challenges ahead as globalisation continues to deepen and broaden its reach. It is for these reasons that the present study considers the necessity for additional coordinating mechanisms in order to manage the problems posed by an increasingly worldwide and networked economy. Several international initiatives have been launched in awareness of the basic complementarity between competition and trade policy, with the goal of formalising their interrelationships and better harnessing the synergies that result from this complementarity. As of this writing, none of these approaches has resulted in a legally enforceable framework that ensures a more effective application of competition policy in the context of international trade and investment. The relationship between competition law and international trade is the subject of this study, which was written by researchers.

Reprints an article originally published in 1969 by this former Vice President of NAPOR (National Assoc for Public Opinion Research) & then-current chairman of the Executive Committee of International Research Associates, Inc, in which she reflected on the field's past & speculated on its future. The emergence of public opinion research in the 1930s & 1940s is recalled, & new developments, particularly in international research, are recounted & evaluated. The future of cross-national opinion surveys & the value of an international perspective are discussed. K. Hyatt Stewart

The aim of this article is to show how sport can matter in international relations. Sport can be a subject or a tool of international relations. It can be used by states or geopolitical blocks to display their alleged superiority or any other desired characteristic. Governments may desire athletic victories, which are meant to imply, for example, the power of the state and its political and economic system. Participation in sport can also be used for political reasons on an international scale; a number of political objectives can be achieved by states by participating (or not) in sports events. Not only is sport affected by a country's policies, but on certain occasions sports events can influence states.