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The 2016 presidential election was a turbulent one that required many voters, particularly women, to make difficult decisions when it came time to vote. With this in mind, this research examines whether the particular issue of the future ideological direction of the Supreme Court was a possible deciding factor for women who chose to vote for President Trump. Specifically, I asked whether women who voted for Trump were more likely to have a negative assessment of the current Supreme Court. In my research, I used a logistic regression to examine data collected from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) of both Republican women and voters in general. Since the CCES did not directly ask voters a question about the significance of the Supreme Court as a voting issue, to measure its significance, the models were organized using four major issues that were deemed particularly relevant to the Supreme Court recently: abortion, gay marriage, immigration, and healthcare. The results from this research were mixed – showing that, for Republican women in particular, the Supreme Court was likely a relevant factor but not necessarily a clearly deciding factor. Interestingly, Supreme Court assessments exhibited the most substantive significance among models examining voters in general, not just women.

Despite the "crisis of a generation", the 2020 general election results point to a considered flight from the status quo, rather than a flight to safety. Singaporean voters, through their 2.54 million ballots cast, sent a nuanced message to all political parties and election candidates. It was a renewed, urgent expression of a vote for change, more so than in the 2011 election.

Portugal became a full member of the European Community in 1986 & since then it has elected its representatives to the European Parliament. It is important to understand the different contexts of each European election between 1987 & 2004 as well as to compare voter behavior & party performance in the national elections & in the elections of the European Parliament. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Presents an empirical method for predicting electoral outcomes, based on historical voting data, pre-election surveys of voter preferences, and statistical calculation; with examples of four state elections and one national election; Mexico. Summary in English. Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, México, Nayarit, and the 2000 presidential election; based on data from various governmental and academic published sources.

Like the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) was known for having its bastion in Johor, with the state containing the highest number of parliamentary seats contested and won by the party. Two features of the MCA stand out: (1) its relative resilience in that its near elimination in other states since 2008 did not occur in Johor until the recent 14th General Elections, and (2) that most MCA presidents had some connections to Johor, either as having been born in Johor, contested in a Johor constituency, been chairman of the Johor state liaison committee, or a combination of three. Although historical institutional linkages such as the New Villages and the Chinese guilds and associations (CGAs) gave the MCA a strong footing in Johor initially, changing political and socioeconomic circumstances gradually eroded the part's support among the Johorean Chinese. As it began to lose appeal as an individual party, the MCA Johor had to depend on a strategy of mixed voter pooling so that the significant loss of support from the Chinese could be compensated for by the Malay electorate that was until recently highly supportive of the Barisan Nasional (BN). The strategic dependence of the MCA on the UMNO was rendered void when the latter was defeated in the state. As it stands, the revival of the part's standing both within Johor and nationally is far from certain.

The 2010 race for the Alaska Senate now seems to be over. After losing in the Republican Party Primary to Tea Party-backed candidate Joe Miller, Senator Lisa Murkowski staged a write-in candidacy and, bucking both U.S. and Alaska history, won the general election. Although much attention has been paid to Miller's post-election challenges to Murkowski write-in ballots, a major election law question was at issue prior to the election: to what extent can poll workers assist voters who need help in voting for a write-in candidate? After Murkowski declared her write-in candidacy, the Alaska Division of Elections distributed a list of eligible write-in candidates to polling places, in case voters had questions about how to properly spell the name of a write-in candidate. Both parties, sensing this would benefit Murkowski, cried foul, and challenged the new policy in Alaska state court as a violation of the Division's own regulations prohibiting the distribution of "information" about write-in candidates at polling places. This essay examines four issues regarding voter assistance in the Murkowski litigation: (1) how to interpret statutes and regulations regarding voter assistance; (2) what kind of assistance is permissible and what kind is not; (3) whether the state can legitimately handicap the ability of voters to write-in the name of a candidate; and (4) how decisions on assistance to voters before the election might affect a court's disposition on cases that arise after the election.

Jean-Luc Melenchon, candidate for the presidential election, presents his ideas on defence questions.

Slovak parliamentary election in September 2002 brought with it a few surprises. First, the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) gained "only" 19,5% of votes (comp. 1992 – 37%, 1994 – 35% and 1998 – 27%). On the one side Mečiar´s HZDS formally won. On the other side it was not able to find some coalition partners and stayed outside government. Second, the election result of the new charismatic party Směr ("Direction") - 13,5% of votes, third place in election – was "weak" too. The main election aim of the party leader Robert Fico - the office of the primary minister – didn´t work out as he planned. The situation resulted in opposition position of Směr after election.Third surprise was a very good election result (15,1%, second place) of the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ). Thus, the leader of SDKÚ Mikuláš Dzurinda could form relatively homogenous coalition government (with three small right – wing and centre – wing parties).

Political recruitment In local leaders election in this study get with qualitative method and descriptive analysis towards the manajemen and sympathizers Nasdem Takalar, Kitta- Syamsari-Achmad Dg. Se're partners, and regional general elections comminsions Takalar Regency. Syamsari Kitta-Achmad Dg Se'er's partner carried by PKS (4 seats) in partnership with the National Democratic or Nasdem party (2 seats) in local leaders election in Takalar Regency for the period 2017-2022. Both parties agreed that the couple could bring change in Takalar District. PKS's choice of Syamsari Kitta was due to its capacity, basis and electability, while Ahmad Daeng Sere was chosen as a vice regent candidate because he had positive electability to fight incumbents. In addition, Syamsari Kitta is also a PKS cadre who has political experience, her character is known to be simple, easy to get along with and communicate with the community and has a militant electoral base, both PKS cadres and other winning teams.

For the past three years, the "New Forces" rebels from the north of the Ivory Coast have occupied 60% of a country that was once a showcase among the West African nations in France's fold. In January 2003, the insurgents battling the government of Laurent Gbagbo succeeded in getting the Marcoussis agreement signed, establishing a fragile peace in the country. This interim solution is not to no-one's liking, however, & attention is now focused on the presidential elections set for October 2005. In an exclusive interview with Bertrand de Lesquen for Politique Internationale, the leader of the "New Forces," Guillaume Soro, explains that the rebels want only one thing: Gbagbo must relinquish power & the Ivory Coast must introduce democracy through fair elections. Guillaume Soro warns that the people will not be fooled again. If Gbagbo again tampers with election results, the New Forces will not hesitate to take up arms once again. Adapted from the source document.

Analysis of the 1988 presidential and parliamentary elections as studies of the Party's current condition.

Motives for and results of the decision to restore proportional representation for French parliamentary elections.

On the election of peers of that county to sit in Parliament. ; Mode of access: Internet.