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In a context of severe plant genetic diversity erosion, the regulatory framework of the European Union is perceived as a limiting factor for practices aiming to conserve cultivated biodiversity. To create more supportive frameworks, some EU member states liberalized seed trade and landraces cultivation at national or regional level. For this paper, a case study of the 2015 cereal and vegetable seed legislation reform in Denmark has been carried out. Interviews with stakeholders of the seed system, with farmers and project leaders impacted by this change and with key informant on the regulation, from NGOs and public authorities, have been done to collect. Inductive and deductive analysis methods enabled the themes and opinions of the interviewee to be extracted. Dialogue and lobby at decentralized scale appeared to have helped the implementation of the reform, thanks to the inclusion of the narrative for cultivated biodiversity conservation in the decision system. The reform created supportive framework for seed exchange between farmers and between gardeners, for the commercial and the non-commercial use of landraces and framed innovative seed system model, based on other trust building strategies. The new regulatory framework mainly decriminalized already implementing practices, but the lack of public support to the framed practices are hindering the creation of more positive effects. Nevertheless, Denmark has now one of the most tolerant legislation for seed trade and landrace cultivation, creating many 'sidetrack' next to the 'highway' of the formal seed system and proves that decentralization and liberalization of seeds regulations is possible ; M-AE

The paper draws attention to the peculiarities of the regulation of obligations arising as a result of unfair competition within the framework of international legal documents. The authors emphasize the fact that, unlike other types of non-contractual cross-border relations, obligations arising from unfair competition often have a public character. According to the authors, this particular feature is the determining factor in the conflict of law and substantive regulation of these obligations.The paper notes that the formation and development of the conflict of law and substantive regulation of obligations in relation to the unfair competition were significantly influenced by the norms of international treaties. In particular, they include the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, the Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, and Regulation (EU) No 864/2007 of the European Parliament and the Council dated July 11, 2007."On the law to be applied to non-contractual obligations" ("Rome II"). Nonetheless, a reasonable conclusion is that the international legal instruments governing the obligations that have arisen as a result of unfair competition include substantive law, aimed at preventing unfair competition. As a rule, these are norms aimed at finding particular ways to solve the problem of conflict of obligations arising as a result of unfair competition.

This article explores the multiple efforts that have been initiated by regional actors in West Africa, mainly ECOWAS, 1 to regulate the illicit trade in natural resources in the context of armed conflicts. It then examines the behaviour of 'spoilers' who are able to circumvent the sanctions regime and governments' domestic regulation. The paper argues that the characteristics and multiple dynamics of the armed conflicts in West Africa have created specific opportunities for economic activities in a thriving parallel economy through the 'illicit' trade in natural resources.

As countries worldwide attempt to address a series of global and domestic environmental challenges, the pollution haven effect remains an ongoing concern among trade and environment researchers and policymakers. This paper examines the pollution haven effect in the context of global value chains using inter-country input-output data at the manufacturing industry level from 1995-2009. This paper pays special attention to the issue of "double- counting" caused by intermediate trade. The analysis utilizes two outsourcing measures and two revealed comparative advantage measures appropriate for analyzing global value chains. I propose women's political power as a novel instrumental variable to address the endogeneity of environmental regulation. Regression results show that more stringent environmental policies are not a significant determinant of manufacturing outsourcing and competitiveness in global value chains. At the same time, women's political power is associated with more stringent environmental policies.

European Union (EU) policy-makers use the single European market as a model for extending the global trade liberalization agenda, specifically to encompass flanking issues ranging from environmental sustainability to labour market regulation to social protection. They thus seek to transform the traditional multilateral trade liberalization agenda into a more comprehensive framework for global economic integration. The problem is that the single market has succeeded primarily insofar as it is European and not global in scope. Although multilateral negotiations have reduced tariffs and quotas, they are much less successful at embracing a wider agenda. Three conclusions are suggested: global trade liberalization should focus on a shallow agenda of economic issues; any 'deeper' pattern encompassing labour market, social, and environmental concerns is more likely to succeed at the regional level (or in bilateral agreements); and the challenge for the future is to resolve disputes between national, bilateral, and regional institutions - perhaps best through the World Trade Organization (WTO).

This study explores the history of the illegal production, distribution, and smuggling of cigarettes in mainland China. Data were obtained from a content analysis of 931 media reports retrieved from LexisNexis for the time period 1975 until 2010, and from other open sources. The illegal cigarette trade first emerged in the form of violations of state tobacco monopoly regulations. In the course of the restructuring of the legal tobacco sector, which occurred under external political pressure to open the Chinese market to foreign competition, an illegal cigarette industry emerged which at first primarily produced fake Chinese brand cigarettes for the domestic black market. At the same time, China became a destination country for smuggled genuine Western brand cigarettes. It was only after effective crackdowns against cigarette smuggling and domestic distribution channels in the late 1990s that the Chinese illegal cigarette industry shifted to exporting large numbers of counterfeit Western brand cigarettes to black markets abroad. China's current role as a leading supplier of counterfeit cigarettes is a result of the contradictions of the economic reform process and of external licit and illicit forces that worked toward opening up the Chinese tobacco sector to the outside world.

"Published under the direction of R.S.M. Bouchette, Esq., Commissioner of Customs, Canada." ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

The international banking regulation regime is complex. This complexity leaves room for regulatory arbitrage and boosts administrative burdens, which reduces its mitigating effect on financial instability. This book addresses the question on why states agree on such a potentially inefficient regime. First, it evaluates research on international banking regulation negotiations, which either neglect complexity or offer insufficient functionalist regulatory capture arguments for its emergence. Second, it proposes an economic cost-benefit model that explains complexity in international banking regulation as a function of diverging preferences in multipolar negotiations. This is based on an outcome-based definition of complexity: regimes that yield a set of different potential outcomes for the same banks are complex. The degree of complexity is described by a regulatory corridor whose walls are the boundaries of this set. The larger such a corridor, the more costly are its implications in terms of stability but its boundaries come closer to the preferences of signatories. Based on this assumed trade-off, three main claims are derived: (i) states with diverging preferences will introduce at least some complexity in their multinational regulatory regime, as a regulatory corridors-solution allows at least one of them to come closer to their initial preferences, which is individually welfare-enhancing; (ii) this is not only a collective action problem, as a central planner would also introduce complexity (potentially to a different extent); and (iii) this holds in an intertemporal case with an infinite time-horizon; changing expectations might widen the optimal regulatory corridor. Third, these claims are evaluated in three qualitative case studies on the treatment of operational risk in Basel II, the implementation of Basel III capital requirements in the European Union, and the European bank resolution regime. They find support for propositions (i) and (ii). Other methods might be needed to evaluate (iii). A policy-relevant result of this research is that some degree of complexity can contribute to welfare-enhancement. Complexity that is the result of unmanaged collective action by states could reduce collective welfare while still being individually rational. Regulators should treat complexity as a variable in negotiations to achieve the former and avoid the latter.

The article is devoted to the problems of legal regulation of underage workers. The releance of the analysis of these problems is caused by market economy, significant changeslabor laws, a special role of youth in the life of the state. Younger workers account for a signiicant share of jobless citizens and registered at the employment services as unemployed. Themployment policy is determined by the stage and level of economic development, mutual rlations between the employment and other economic and social objectives.Realization of the rights and interests of underage workers in the labor sphere must be encouraged by the implementation of their representation, which is traditionally of great impotance. In the employment period the legal representatives of employees are trade unions, prvided by the international and Russian legislation. Currently with the decline in union membeships the number of workers who are covered by trade union protection is decreasing.Along with trade unions the protective function should be performed by other public oganizations. The article substantiates the necessity of creation at the federal, regional, territoriand local levels youth organizations empowered with the functions of representation, protetion of interests of minors, including underage workers. This could facilitated by the adoptioof the Federal law "On youth" that would provide for the powers of the committees (councilfor youth at enterprises (in organizations).Now the practice of creating youth councils at enterprises is expanding. To coordinatheir activities so that they could participate in the solution of specific socially important issuin the labor sphere is of great importance. A broad approach to representation and protectionlabor rights of workers is required. ; Статья посвящена исследованию проблем правового регулирования несовер-шеннолетних работников. Актуальность анализа этих проблем обусловлена рыноч-ной экономикой, существенным изменением трудового законодательства, особойролью молодежи в жизни государства. На молодых работников приходится значи-тельный удельный вес среди граждан, не имеющих работы и зарегистрированных вслужбе занятости в качестве безработных. Политика в области занятости определяет-ся с учетом стадии и уровня экономического развития, взаимной связью между целя-ми в области занятости и другими экономическими и социальными целями.Реализации прав и интересов несовершеннолетних работников в сфере трудапризвано способствовать осуществление их представительства, которое традиционноимеет большую значимость. В период трудовой деятельности законными представи-телями работников являются профсоюзы, что предусмотрено международным и рос-сийским законодательством. В настоящее время сокращается профсоюзное членство,уменьшается число работников, на которых распространяется профсоюзная защита.Наряду с профсоюзами защитную функцию должны осуществлять и другие об-щественные организации. В статье обосновывается необходимость создания на феде-ральном, региональном, территориальном и локальном уровнях молодежных органи-заций, наделение их функциями по представительству, защите интересов молодых, втом числе несовершеннолетних работников. Способствовало бы этому принятие Фе-дерального закона «О молодежи» с включением в него полномочий комитетов (сове-тов) по делам молодежи на предприятиях (в организациях).Сегодня расширяется практика создания на предприятиях молодежных советов.Важна координация их деятельности с тем, чтобы они участвовали в решении кон-кретных социально-значимых вопросов в сфере труда. Необходим многоплановыйподход к представительству и защите трудовых прав работников.