Suchergebnisse

One prevalent issue regarding the enfranchisement of Indigenous communities within the politics of the Caribbean includes the idea that such communities cease to exist. Though the impact of European colonization in the region proved to be destructive to Indigenous ways of life, this impact was far from exterminatory, and Caribbean govern- ments and authorities who argue the contrary base their testimony upon groundless claims. This paper analyses the actions of Trinidad and Tobago's post-independence government in curating a nationalist discourse based on the histories of its Afro-Creole population, and how that discourse was ultimately founded on a complete disregard for the country's Indigenous population. The paper first delves into the colonial extinction narratives that have served to restrain Trinidad's Indigenous community, then it investi- gates various biological and historical evidence that prove Indigenous diffusion beyond the limits outlined in extinction narratives. Finally, Trinidad's Afro-Creole-based nation- alism is explored to gain insight on how such an ethnically-driven nationalism has hindered the concerns of Trinidad's overall Indigenous community.

This contribution explores the history of the politics of Holocaust memory in Bulgaria. During World War II, Bulgaria refused to deport its Jewish community. Until recently, the image of Bulgaria as a European exception prevailed – though at a cost: this narrative omitted the almost total roundup of Jews in the Yugoslav and Greek territories under Bulgarian occupation between 1941 and 1944 and their deportation to Nazi-occupied Poland where they were exterminated. How does one explain a complex past, a single facet, namely the non-deportation of the Bulgarian Jews? The "rescue" narrative has become the primary avenue of narrating the history of World War II in Bulgaria. This article traces the legal, political and cultural arenas, as well as the multiple local, regional and international spaces where these narratives of the past were formed. The author shows how Jewish wartime destinies became "satellized" around a broad range of topics and cleavages. Moreover, the contribution seeks to bring Jews back into the writing and transmission of these historical events.

Compares the political impact of extreme Right movements in Germany & Italy to argue that competition between ethnic & civic conceptions of citizenship/national identity influences the likelihood of successful extreme Right mobilization. The resurgence of extreme Right mobilization since the early 1980s is described in terms of attacks on immigrant groups, neo-Nazi demonstrations, & political elections. Although extreme Right political parties have been far less successful in Germany than Italy, the former's recent restrictive immigration policies are closer to extreme Right values than is true in the latter. The concept of political opportunity structure is combined with a framing perspective to introduce a theoretical model for analyzing how differential outcomes are attributable to varied ethnic & political configurations of nationhood. It is contended that Germany demonstrates that the extreme Right can be harmful to the relation between immigrant & indigenous communities without being politically successful. The importance of both discursive & institutional opportunities for successful mobilization is discussed, along with possible ways to prevent an increase in extreme Right strength in European politics. 1 Figure. J. Lindroth

This article analyses the military and tactical training of the members of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union for guerrilla warfare in the interwar period. Small nations, such as Lithuania and other Baltic states, being unable to build up military strength in order to ensure national security, were forced to seek for unconventional methods of warfare, including guerrilla strategies. The study places emphasis on the development of the guerrilla war concept in the Union periodicals. The author retraces a change in the intensity of the guerrilla warfare concept propagation amongst Lithuanian population and riflemen, in particular, through publications in the Trimitas — a periodical of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union. The author also identifies the narratives associated with the guerrilla matters employed for propaganda purposes in order to create an image of a guerrilla as a defender of the Homeland — Lithuania. Additionally, the structure and numbers of the Union are analysed through a comparison with similar organisations of the other «small nations» of the Baltic North-East. The author addresses the issue of military missions planned by the Lithuanian Army, as well as the way riflemen implemented them. Since the Union did not only offer military training, but was also engaged in the patriotic propaganda, the article focuses on the network of cultural institutions, homes of riflemen, orchestras, libraries, choirs, and athletic clubs used by the Union. The article sets out to establish whether the loss of Lithuanian sovereignty could have been possible without giving rise to a protracted guerrilla war.

This article analyses the military and tactical training of the members of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union for guerrilla warfare in the interwar period. Small nations, such as Lithuania and other Baltic states, being unable to build up military strength in order to ensure national security, were forced to seek for unconventional methods of warfare, including guerrilla strategies. The study places emphasis on the development of the guerrilla war concept in the Union periodicals. The author retraces a change in the intensity of the guerrilla warfare concept propagation amongst Lithuanian population and riflemen, in particular, through publications in the Trimitas — a periodical of the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union. The author also identifies the narratives associated with the guerrilla matters employed for propaganda purposes in order to create an image of a guerrilla as a defender of the Homeland — Lithuania. Additionally, the structure and numbers of the Union are analysed through a comparison with similar organisations of the other «small nations» of the Baltic North-East. The author addresses the issue of military missions planned by the Lithuanian Army, as well as the way riflemen implemented them. Since the Union did not only offer military training, but was also engaged in the patriotic propaganda, the article focuses on the network of cultural institutions, homes of riflemen, orchestras, libraries, choirs, and athletic clubs used by the Union. The article sets out to establish whether the loss of Lithuanian sovereignty could have been possible without giving rise to a protracted guerrilla war.

Trotz der deutlich positiven makrostrukturellen Entwicklung Rumäniens im Zuge des EU-Beitrittsprozesses in den letzten Jahren ist die Wahrnehmung des Landes negativ geprägt. Dies zeigen nicht nur die jüngsten Eurobarometer-Umfragen sondern auch eine empirische Untersuchung zum Image Rumäniens in Deutschland. Die Vorstellungen von Rumänien basieren, wie es die Eigenart von Nationen-Images ist, auf Informationen, die schon einige Zeit zurückliegen und repräsentieren nur bedingt die aktuelle von einem deutlichen Wirtschaftswachstum und Reformanstrengungen geprägten Situation Rumäniens. Gerade für ein Land, dass nun neues Mitglied der Europäischen Union ist und sich im Kreis der Mitgliedsstaaten behaupten will, kann ein solches, teilweise veraltetes Image dramatische Folgen haben und etwa die Entwicklung des Tourismus hemmen. Neben dem historischen und strukturellen Entstehungsprozess dieses Nationenimages werden auch diese potenziellen Auswirkungen erörtert und Veränderungsmöglichkeiten ausgewiesen. (Autorenreferat)

The following pages are taken from a long interview (more than eight hours of footage in total) that Viviane Reding granted us in 2015 in connection with the "Pierre Werner and Europe" research project. Drawing on more than 40 years' experience in politics, Viviane Reding spoke about her career, the role of Luxembourg and Luxembourgers in the European integration process, and various key events in which she played a part. In these extracts, she discusses her role as a member of the first and second Barroso Commissions (2004-2009 and 2010-2014) and her efforts to help build an information and knowledge society in Europe, one that serves citizens and protects their rights and fundamental freedoms. Her achievements in this respect include capping mobile phone roaming charges (they were subsequently abolished in 2017), advocating for the introduction of a single emergency number (112) in all EU countries, launching the Europeana digital library, and spearheading a programme to use technological innovation for climate and energy solutions. She also describes the process of developing a Digital Agenda for Europe to improve the continent's digital competitiveness compared with the United States, China and Japan – a complex and challenging task given the context of globalisation and the divergent interests of the various stakeholders (research, industry, consumers, etc.). Finally, she mentions the reform of personal data protection that she initiated (leading to the GDPR, adopted in April 2016).

A general account of two sets of properties -- fungibility & nonfungibility, & divisibility & indivisibility -- is provided as the distinguishing categories for goods, & it is contended that these distinctions entail complications for structural principles of distributive justice. James S. Fishkin's discussion of structural principles (seeTyranny and Legitimacy: A Critique of Political Theories, Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins U Press, 1979) is provided as an example, & it is argued that: (1) Fishkin's view that value, structure, & assignment are independent holds only to the degree that the goods considered are fungible & divisible; (2) structural principles cannot accommodate highly nonfungible, indivisible goods; & (3) these difficulties can be managed through the application of value-sensitive proviso. Medical care & advanced education are then shown to be highly fungible & indivisible goods, thus supporting the earlier distinction. Provided are specifications of the nature of complementary contributions as well as coordination problems between structural principles & the value-sensitive proviso in their application to distributive justice issues. 1 Figure, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.