Suchergebnisse

This collection of essays reflects on the fifth enlargement of the European Union, projected to take place in 2004. It examines the process of enlargement, its impact on both the candidate states and on the institutions and policies of the European Union.

The EU may be notoriously divided when it comes to the Middle East, but at times those divisions are a blessing. For example, this week Ireland, Spain and non-EU Norway took a step, in a coordinated fashion, of recognizing Palestinian statehood. In the absence of a unified EU position on the matter, moving forward on the level of the individual member states is, perhaps, the only viable way to advance towards the issue. However, beyond the symbolism, it's unclear what impact the move will have.The first EU member state to recognize Palestine was Sweden in 2014. Cyprus, Malta, and a few Central European nations recognized Palestine prior to joining the EU.In a statement on May 22 explaining the move, Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Store said that "there can be no peace in the Middle East if there is no recognition." He also made it clear that "the terror was committed by Hamas and militant groups who are not supporters of a two-state solution." His Spanish counterpart Pedro Sanchez announced the his country's Council of Ministers will recognize Palestine on May 28, "echoing the will of the majority of the Spanish people". Israel, predictably, reacted harshly by recalling ambassadors from Ireland and Norway and threatening to do the same with Spain if it moved ahead with a formal recognition in few days. Foreign Minister Israel Katz lashed out at the European trio by saying that their move sends a message that "terrorism pays" and "rewards Hamas and Iran" in the light of Hamas' gruesome attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.By contrast, the move was widely welcomed in the Middle East, with such close partners of the EU as Turkey , Qatar and Jordan, as well as, obviously, Palestinian officials in the West Bank, issuing strongly supportive statements. Of particular note is the statement by Saudi Arabia, in which the Kingdom calls on more countries to "swiftly take the same stance, which would contribute to finding a reliable and irreversible path to achieve a just and lasting peace that fulfills the rights of the Palestinian people." Riyadh has used another occasion to say that a credible path to a Palestinian statehood is not negotiable even as it pursues a normalization deal with Israel, under the U.S. auspices.Not all of the EU members are yet on board, though. Hugh Lovatt from the European Center for Foreign Relations says countries like France, Germany, Italy and non-EU United Kingdom are unlikely to follow suit because they say such a move would undermine the Oslo process. Lovatt, however, believes, that "conditioning the Palestinian right to self-determination on a fatally flawed political process has always been the wrong approach – but it is even more so today in the absence of any realistic prospect for successful negotiations."The recognition of Palestine by Ireland, Norway, and Spain comes just few days after the International Criminal Court prosecutor's application for arrest warrants against leaders of Israel and Hamas. European reactions, again, reveal the familiar pattern of divisions along the predictable lines: Belgium, Slovenia, Ireland and Spain, all strong supporters of the two-state solution, pledged full support for the Court and emphasized that those responsible for the crimes committed in Israel and Palestine from at least October 7, 2023 must be prosecuted. The EU high representative for foreign policy Josep Borrell, along the same lines, stated that "all states that have ratified the ICC statutes are bound to execute the Court's decisions." Notably, all EU members are parties to the Rome Statute that established the ICC.At the opposite side of the spectrum are the usual suspects — Israel's closest allies in the EU. With varying degrees of vehemence, Czech Republic, Hungary, Italy and Austria denounced the fact that the ICC issued an arrest warrant for representatives of a democracy like Israel and a terrorist organization like Hamas. Somewhere in the middle stand the EU heavyweights: Germany criticized the "incorrect implication of equivalence" between Israel and Hamas in the ICC application, while expressing its general support for the Court. France equally rejected any equivalence but stressed "respect for the independence of the international justice."While the unilateral recognition of the Palestinian statehood is largely a symbolic move, coupled with the ICC action, backed by a number of Israel's allies in the EU, it signals a serious erosion of Israel's standing in the West. More countries may choose to follow suit in the near future — Belgium and Slovenia being tipped as the prime candidates. Even French President Emmanuel Macron no longer discards such a step.Such moves may clash with the United States, but they reveal the growing frustration in Europe about the futility of sticking to the formula of a negotiated solution that seems increasingly out of reach given the shift in Israel towards more intransigent positions.At the same time, European countries like Spain, Ireland, Norway and possibly more to follow no longer wish to pay a diplomatic price in their relations with the Arab and Muslim world and, in fact, much of the Global South, by refusing to support international law and human rights. Judging by the reactions from the Middle East (except Israel) their recognition of Palestine was a correct bet.

"Offering a cutting edge study of the European Union's (EU) promotion of democratic governance in neighbouring countries, this new book makes an original contribution to the study of democracy promotion and of EU external relations by presenting a new governance model of democracy promotion.Through robust analysis of the shortcomings of traditional 'leverage' and 'linkage' models of external democracy promotion in the EU's Eastern and Southern neighbourhood, it presents a novel 'governance model' that fosters transparency, accountability, and participation standards through functional cooperation between policy officials from the EU and neighbouring states. In particular, it examines the impact of democratic governance promotion in detailed case studies of EU sectoral cooperation with Moldova, Morocco, and Ukraine in the three policy fields of competition, environment, and migration. "--

"Ukraine and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

The health of older immigrants can have important consequences for needed social support and demands placed on health systems. This paper examines health differences between immigrants and the native-born populations aged 50 years and older in 11 European countries. We examine differences in functional ability, disability, disease presence, and behavioral risk factors for immigrants and nonimmigrants using data from the Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) database. Among the 11 European countries, migrants generally have worse health than the native population. In these countries, there is a little evidence of the "healthy migrant" at ages 50 years and over. In general, it appears that growing numbers of immigrants may portend more health problems in the population in subsequent years.

PURPOSE: The study concerns abuse of a dominant position on digital markets on the example of practices used by Google. The main purpose of the article is to draw attention to the lack of appropriate tools for assessing abuse of a dominant position in such markets. ; METHODOLOGY: The article was prepared based on the method of analyzing documents (mainly the European Commission and FTC) and literature on competition low and policy. The article also uses legal acts and the guidelines of the European Commission. ; FINDINGS: The study adopts the hypothesis that the European Commission is limited to instruments created for the needs of mature markets, whose attribute is static competition and not innovation. Such tools are not appropriate to assess the behavior of entrepreneurs on digital markets and should be used in a selective and flexible manner. The Commission's rigid approach to the application of existing mechanisms may harm innovation and expansion of companies operating under dynamic competition. ; PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: The article critically assesses the approach of the European Commission and indicates the factors that should be considered in assessing the abuse of a dominant position by entrepreneurs on digital markets. ; ORIGINALITY/VALUE: As a result, it was pointed out that abuse of a dominant position on digital markets is a relatively new practice and their antitrust assessment mechanisms have not yet been developed. This study provides a voice in the discussion on how antitrust authorities approach towards the assessment of abuse of dominance on digital markets and their sanctioning. At the same time, it draws attention to the need to develop appropriate tools for assessing a dominant position and then its abuse in markets with dynamic competition and whose main attribute is innovation. ; peer-reviewed

Africa is no longer a silent continent but, rather, a continent of great expectations. In the 1960's, partici pation of the new African states in the solution of interna tional problems, large and small, is a fact of international life. It has been the policy of the Soviet Union throughout the pe riod of the emergence of independent states in Africa to sup port, especially in the United Nations, anticolonial struggles and decolonization proposals and resolutions. The Soviet Un ion, aware of the discrepancies between former colonial coun tries and their ex-possessions in matters of trade, industrial de velopment, education, and medical care, is pursuing a policy toward Africa calculated to assist the African countries in at tacking and ending backwardness. This policy supports na tionalization of the properties of foreign monopolies, develop ment of local industry, creation and strengthening of a state- owned sector of the economy, and radical agricultural reforms. The Soviet Union is convinced that practical measures must be taken to mitigate the damaging effects of world-market price-and-demand fluctuations on African economies. These measures include equal trade agreements, low-interest credits, guaranteed market, supplying necessary equipment, and train ing local African personnel. The Soviet Union feels that the African nations' position of positive neutralism fully corre sponds to African needs and interests and permits freedom of choice in social and economic development.—Ed.

Representing a unique contribution to the analysis and discussion of the unfolding Eurozone crisis in terms of the relationship between central and local government, this book addresses a number of important fiscal and political economy questions. To what extent have local and regional governments contributed to the crisis? To what degree have sub-national services and investments borne the brunt of the adjustments? How have multi-level fissures affected tensions between different levels of government from the supranational to the local? This volume covers these and many other critical issues that have been largely ignored despite their relevance. The book first addresses general issues of fiscal coordination and management across levels of government in the context of incentives, which can be altered by the existence of a supranational tier. The country-specific chapters, prepared by leading experts, provide a thorough review of the key problems of multi-levels of government in the biggest economies in the Eurozone (France and Germany) and Southern Europe (Portugal, Spain, Italy and Greece). In further chapters the juxtaposition of Barcelona and Turin provides an opportunity to evaluate large investments in a multi-level context, associated, in this case, with the Olympics. Macedonia provides a discussion of the related issues in an EU accession country. As a whole, the book explores the long-term impact of the crisis on local service delivery and investment, and the consequences for sustainable growth and political cohesion. It also offers rarely found insights and suggestions to increase the stability and strength of multi-level European institutions. This is an enlightening resource for all those, from academics and graduates to policy makers and practitioners, seeking a comprehensive understanding of European fiscal, federal and financial issues

AbstractThe recent enlargement of the EU (since 2004) and the United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union have prompted a growing research interest in the political and academic environment because of the causes and consequences of migration between the CEE countries and those in the Western Europe. In this study, the effects of European economic integration on the number of EU-15 immigrants from the newly integrated EU countries were assessed by econometric techniques. According to panel data models, in the period 2000-2015, the number of migrants from the new member states of the EU has increased, in average, with more than 2200 people only due to their EU membership. This result reflects the positive impact of European economic integration on the number of emigrants from the CEE countries that chose the EU-15 states as destination countries. Moreover, according to some ridge Bayesian regressions, during the period 2004-2015, the EU-15 immigrants coming from the EU-13 states did not negatively affect the economic growth of the EU-15 countries.