Suchergebnisse

This book examines various facets of the development process such as aid, poverty, caste networks, corruption, and judicial activism. It explores the efficiency of and distributional issues related to agriculture, and the roles of macro models and financial markets, with a special emphasis on bubbles, liquidity traps and experimental markets. The importance of finite changes in trade and development, as well as that of information technology and issues related to energy and ecosystems, including sustainability and vulnerability, are analyzed.The book presents papers that were commissioned for the Silver Jubilee celebrations at the Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research (IGIDR). The individual contributions address related development problems, ensuring a homogeneous reading experience and providing a thorough synthesis and understanding of the authors' research areas. The reader will be introduced to various aspects of development thought by leading and contemporary researchers. As such, the book represents an important addition to the literature on economic thought by leading scholars, and will be of great value to graduate students and researchers in the fields of development studies, political economy and economics in general. S. Mahendra Devis Director, Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research (IGIDR), Mumbai, India. After obtaining his Ph.D. from Delhi School of Economics (New Delhi, India), he did his post-doctoral research at Yale University, USA. He is also the Chair of the Committee on Terms of Trade on Agriculture constituted by the Indian Ministry of Agriculture. He previously chaired the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices at the Ministry of Agriculture, and served as Director of the Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS) in Hyderabad. His research interests include Development economics, Indian economy, Macro policies, Inclusive growth, Agricultural policies, Poverty and inequality and Rural development.P G Babuis Professor at IGIDR, Mumbai coordinator of the Erasmus Mundus European Graduate Programs in Law and Economics, and Managing Editor of Journal of Quantitative Economics, official journal of The Indian Econometric Society (TIES) published by Springer. He has held visiting professorships at the Universities of Aix-Marseille, Bayreuth (as Adam Smith Chair Guest Professor of Philosophy and Economics), Hamburg, IIM Ahmedabad, Madras School of Economics, Erasmus University Rotterdam and Warsaw School of Economics. He obtained his Ph.D. from Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, India. His research interests include Microeconomics and Game Theory with interdisciplinary applications to environment, law, philosophy and politics. About Contributors:Dilip Abreu, Princeton University, Princeton, USADilip R. Ahuja, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, IndiaP. Binswanger-Mkhize , China Agricultural UniversityArka Roy Chaudhuri, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, CanadaAvinash K. Dixit, Princeton University, Princeton, USAProbal P. Ghosh, IRADe, Delhi, IndiaPriyank Jindal, IRADe, Delhi, IndiaRavi Kanbur, Cornell University, Ithaca, USAAshok Kotwal, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, CanadaSugatoMarjit, CSSS, Kolkata, IndiaAnil Markandya, University of Bath, Bath, UK; Basque Centre for Climate Change, Bilbao, SpainKaivanMunshi, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UKMilindMurugkar, PragatiAbhiyan, Nasik, IndiaJyoti K. Parikh, IRADe, Delhi, IndiaKirit S. Parikh, IRADe, Delhi, IndiaMihirRakshit, ICRA, Kolkata, IndiaBharat Ramaswami, Indian Statistical Institute Delhi, New Delhi, IndiaGeeta Sandal, IRADe, New Delhi, IndiaNirvikar Singh, University of California, Santa Cruz, USAT.N. Srinivasan, Yale University, New Haven, USAMarti G. Subrahmanyam, New York University, New York, USAShyam Sunder, Yale University, New Haven, USADragon Yongjun Tang, University of Hong Kong, Hong KongSarah Qian Wang, University of Warwick, UK

More than regulations, laws on the books, or voluntary codes, enforcement is a key to creating an effective business environment and good corporate governance, at least in developing countries and transition economies. A framework is presented to help explain enforcement, the impact on corporate governance when rules are not enforced, and what can be done to improve corporate governance in weak enforcement environments. The limited empirical evidence suggests that private enforcement tools are often more effective than public tools. However, some public enforcement is necessary, and private enforcement mechanisms often require public laws to function. Private initiatives are often also taken under the threat of legislation or regulation, although in some countries bottom-up, private-led initiatives preceded and even shaped public laws. Concentrated ownership aligns incentives and encourages monitoring, but it weakens other corporate governance mechanisms and can impose significant costs. Various steps can be taken to reduce these costs and reinforce other corporate governance mechanisms. But political economy constraints, resulting from the intermingling of business and politics, often prevent improvements in the enforcement environment and the adoption and implementation of public laws.

The political
musical chairs that may commence with a new Northwestern State University presidency
in the near future could lead, with voters ratification, to a quality lineup in
the state's Supreme Court – but at the cost of refreshing a questionable
tendency in governance of Louisiana's higher education institutions.

At the end
of May, NSU Pres. Marcus Jones announced he accepted an offer to be kicked
upstairs in the University of Louisiana System. The ULS just prior to statewide
elections last fall swiftly moved to put former Grambling State University
Pres. Rick Gallot
into the system presidency, but then hit the brakes when Republican incoming
Gov. Jeff Landry asked
to meet with Gallot prior to any final contract offering.

Landry has no control over such a hiring decision.
But he does have control over appointments to the ULS Board of Supervisors,
almost half of whom come up for that at then end of the year, and most of them
before Landry's term is up (and all of them if he serves another). While because
of the political allegiances of some they will not return, many have a decent
chance of reappointment and not acquiescing might have mooted that.

Perhaps Gallot needn't have worried about Landry's
opinion, as he actually fronted
an effort while in the state Legislature to preserve a more favorable congressional
map for Landry when the future governor found himself on the short end of the
reapportionment in 2011 that led to his loss the next year. Regardless, Gallot received
the offer and took the job at year's start.

With Jones now becoming Gallot's assistant and opening
the NSU top job, one applicant for it is Republican Supreme Court Assoc. Justice
Jimmy
Genovese. While a GOP member, he perhaps is the most likely Court member of
his party on rulings to favor more traditional Democrat special interests,
having been the favored
candidate by trial lawyers and typically is less enthusiastic about more
stringent criminal justice measures favored by Landry and his party.

Importantly for the job, he has no experience in
anything but serving in a law firm and, as he has for almost three decades, sitting
as a judge. Not that this disqualifies him in any way in the universe of
Louisiana higher education: the state has a regrettable history of sliding
politician lawyers into higher education institution chief's jobs, with Gallot
himself as the latest example having gone from the Legislature into leading his
alma mater.

It's not necessarily a bad thing to have people
from outside academia assume chief executive jobs in academia; this space has
argued for decades that the increasing insularity of academia, which in and of
itself also isn't a bad thing insofar as it needn't replicate the "real world" because
if that's an experience somebody wants then they can skip academic pursuits and
stay in the "real world," has gone too far to divorce itself from its true
purpose of encouraging critical thinking and assessing the human condition into
adopting the posture of a rogue virus that tells people how to think according to
an inferior worldview crippled precisely because it's not built upon unbiased
and dispassionate analysis indicative of critical thinking. That desirability
of avoiding insularity includes bringing in politicians to run colleges or
systems when appropriate.

The best recent example of that is GOP former Sen.
Ben Sasse brought in to run the
University of Florida. But note that Sasse already had extensive experience in
academia, including administration, and thereby should have the proper
appreciation about how an institution or system works. In great contrast,
Gallot had and Genovese had zero such experience, and not even any in a
high-level managerial position such as had by former Louisiana State University
System Pres. Sean O'Keefe
(who also had experience as a university faculty member). Limiting your experience
solely to the practice of law and politics creates a very narrow knowledge base
when it comes to running a university.

Although, indisputably, it gives you skill in
navigating the political aspects of the job. The problem then, of course, is
that if that turns out to be a component so valuable to the job that politicians
with no academic connection except being an alumnus of a place (Genovese's
undergraduate degree is from NSU) enter into these jobs, that suggests the job
is too politicized to begin with.

Suffice to say, the way the ducks have lined up if
Landry wants Genovese in the president's chair in Natchitoches, it will happen.
If so, it doesn't mean with his background as it is that Genovese couldn't do a
good job, but it does suggest he is less likely to have the skills to accomplish
that.

And if his assumption of the job does transpire, a
chain reaction of job shuffling may set off, conditioned by another Landry initiative
earlier this year: his cajoling the supermajority Republican Legislature to
redraw Supreme Court boundaries that in all likelihood will cost his party a seat.
Landry advocated for this for years as part of a two-prong strategy to
alleviate malapportionment, although legally that condition doesn't matter in
judicial mapping. One would help the state to get
out from under a consent decree concerning the Court, and the other would
have been to expand the Court to nine members, but this would require a
constitutional amendment that fell short of the supermajorities needed to send to
the voters, which if approved would have reduced a bit the impact of handing
over a seat to Democrats.

The consolation prize for Landry, however, is a
plan that allows allies of his whose pasts suggest quality judicial agendas potentially to nab two Court seats. Genovese's departure
opens up a seat a couple of years early, in a redrawn district that allows Cade
Cole, an attorney and administrative law judge in Lake Charles, to vie for the
spot.

Cole has Landry ally GOP Atty. Gen. Liz Murrill's support, but getting
him into office would be a lift. Incumbents almost never lose such races, so
when seats open – often taking one or two decades to do so – ambitious
individuals see this as their one shot in their working lives to make it to the
Court. Particularly at advantage are appellate court judges because they have
run and won before in the next-largest jurisdictions and have built up a
network of supporters within the legal community who have disproportionate influence
in campaigning on behalf of candidates (judicial candidate under the law
technically can't campaign, so surrogates do so). Cole has no such comparable
base, so it would have to take some effort by allies such as Murrill to get him
across the finish line either by clearing the field to some degree or in actual
electioneering if he does draw quality opponents.

Another seat could also see a change to the liking
of Landry and his allies. The new lines would permit Landry confidante and
former chief aide when he was attorney general Bill Styles to run for a seat to
open in 2028 due to term limits. This would give Styles, now an appellate court
judge, plenty of time to build support from which a campaign could be launched.

The NSU job may be settled before the end of the
month. That outcome may serve as part of a demonstration of a political long
game being executed by Landry that could bring superior jurisprudence to the
Court, but uncertain administrative ability to NSU.

The purpose of the article is to present the specific relationship between the EU, which is a unique international organisation, and its Member States, which are the source of integration and, paradoxically, its natural limit. The article contains an analysis of provisional measures imposed on Poland by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) as an example of a judicial and autonomous control mechanism concerning Member States and their obligations under EU law. Case European Commission v. Poland (2017) serves as a central element of the considerations. On 27 July 2017, the CJEU imposed a temporary injunction against logging in the Polish Bialowieza Forest, a UNESCO World Heritage Site and the last old-growth forest in Europe, while the case is being tried with the final Court decision expected in December 2017. Nevertheless, the Polish minister of the environment said on 31 July that the Polish government will ignore the ruling and that the logging will continue in tune with the "protective measures" for the forest, since the Bialowieza Forest seems to be under attack from the Spruce Bark Beetle. This species of beetle is a pest which colonises primarily spruce trees (Ips typographus for the lovers of the Latin language). The assumption made in the article is that provisional measures (applied under EU procedural law) have dogmatic roots in the tradition of civil proceedings in Member States. What is involved here are national procedures aimed at securing a claim in certain circumstances which establish a prima facie case on the inefficiency of the future decision. The specificity of provisional measures results from the specificity of EU law, which, in order to be effective, requires a judicial review. Provisional measures are one of the tools to guarantee its effectiveness. Despite relatively strict conditions for the applicability of provisional measures by the CJEU, they can help ensure effectiveness of UE law. The measures imposed to stop the destruction of the Białowieża Forest can be an example here. ; The following paper constitutes a part of the research conducted within the framework of the statutory research at the Faculty of Law of the University of Warsaw. ; Robert Grzeszczak: r.grzeszczak@wpia.uw.edu.pl ; Mateusz Muchel: m.muchel@wpia.uw.edu.pl ; Robert Grzeszczak - University of Warsaw ; Mateusz Muchel - University of Warsaw ; Annexes to the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the Council: A new EU Framework to Strengthen the Rule of Law, Annex I: The Rule of law as a foundational principle of the Union (Brussels, 11.3.2014, COM(2014) 158, final. ; Azoulai, L. "Integration through law" and us. (2016). International Journal of Constitutional Law, 14(2), 449–463. ; Belgium v. European Commission, T131/16 (19 July 2016), EU:T:2016:427. ; Cambridge Healthcare Supplies v. European Commission T-137/00 R (31 October 2000). ; Comité Central d'Entreprise de la SA Vittel and Comité d'Etablissement de Pierval v. European Commission, T-12/93 R (6 July 1993). ; Comité Central d'Entreprise de la Société Générale des Grandes Sources and others v. European Commission, T-96/92 R (15 December 1992). ; Commission Regulation (EU) No 312/2014 of 26 March 2014 establishing a Network Code on Gas Balancing of Transmission Networks (BAL NC). ; Consolidated versions of the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (OJ C 326, 26.10.2012). ; Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of Rome (4 November 1950). Retrieved from: https://www.echr.coe.int/Documents/Convention_ENG.pdf. ; Council Directive 92/43/EEC of 21 May 1992 on the conservation of natural habitats and of wild fauna and flora (OJ 1992 L 206, p. 7), as most recently amended by Council Directive 2013/17/EU of 13 May 2013 (OJ 2013 L 158). ; Czachór, Z. (2013). Kryzys i zburzona dynamika Unii Europejskiej [Crisis and disturbed dynamics of the European Union]. Warszawa: Dom Wydawniczy i Handlowy ELIPSA. ; Directive 2009/147/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 November 2009 on the conservation of wild birds (OJ 2010 L 20). ; Euroalliages v. European Commission, T-132/01 (8 July 2003). ; European Commission acts to defend judicial independence in Poland. (n.d.) Retrieved from: http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-17-5367_en.htm. ; European Commission v. Poland C-441/17. (2017). ECLI:EU:C:2017:877. ; Evonik Degussa v. European Commission, C162/15 PR (2 March 2016). EU:C:2016:142 ; Grzeszczak, R. & Karolewski, I.P. (2017). Bialowieza Forest, the Spruce Bark Beetle and the EU Law Controversy in Poland. Retrieved from: http://verfassungsblog.de/bialowieza-forest-the-spruce-bark-beetle-and-the-eu-law-controversy-in-poland/ ; Habermas, J. (2005). Faktyczność i obowiązywanie. Teoria dyskursu wobec zagadnień prawa i demokratycznego państwa prawnego [Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy]. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar. ; Hänseler GmbH v. European Commission, T-83/00 R, (31 October 2000). ; Hans-Martin Tillack v. European Commission, T-193/04 (4 October 2006). ; Iżykowski, M. (1985). Przesłanki zabezpieczenia powództwa. Palestra, 29/11(335). ; Jack Hanning v. European Parliament, C 176/88 R (11 July 1988). ; Jakubecki, A. (2017). Kodeks postępowania cywilnego. Komentarz aktualizowany. Tom II [Code of Civil Procedure. Comment updated. Vol. II]. Warszawa: C. H. Beck. ; Kingdom of Belgium v. European Commission, C-142/87 R (15 June 1987). ; Kmieciak, Z. (2010). Postępowanie administracyjne i sądowoadministracyjne a prawo europejskie. Wolters Kluwer. ; Lambert and others v. France. 2015, June 5. European Court of Human Rights, No 46043/14. ; Lenaerts, K., Arts, D., Maselis, I & Bray, R. (2006). Procedural Law of the European Union. London: Sweet and Maxwell. ; Poland approves large-scale logging in Europe's last primeval forest (2016, March 26). The Guardian. Agence France-Presse. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2016/mar/26/poland-approves-large-scale-logging-in-europes-last-primevalforest. ; Poland v. European Commission, T883/16 R (21 July 2017). ECLI:EU:T:174. ; Rosas, A. & Arnati L. (eds.). (2012). EU Constitutional Law. An introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ; Satya Prakash v. Commission of the EAEC, C-65-63 R (25 June 1965). ; Shapiro, M. (1980). Comparative Law and Comparative Politics. Southern California Law Review, 53(2), 537-542. ; Shaw, J., More, G. (1995). New Legal Dynamics of European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ; Sofrimport SARL v. European Communities, C-152/88 (10 June 1988). ; Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice, provided for in article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations (Journal of Laws of 1923, no 106, item 839). ; Statute of the International Court of Justice. Retrieved from: http://www.icj-cij.org/en/statute. ; The Act of 17 November 1964 – Code of Civil Procedure (Journal of Laws of 2018, item. 155, as amended). ; UNESCO Word Heritage Centre, Outstanding Universal Value, 02.04.2018 Retrieved from: https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/33 ; Weatherill, S. (1995). Law and Integration in the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ; Weiler, J.H.H. (1991). The Transformation of Europe. The Yale Law Journal, 100(8), 2403-2483. ; WHC.17/41.COM/18 Decisions adopted by the World Heritage Committee at its 41st session (Cracow, Poland). ; Wyrok Sądu Najwyższego [Judgment of the Supreme Court], No. V CZ 105/12. (2013, April 17). ; Żurek, K. (2000). Środki tymczasowe jako przejaw funkcjonowania efektywnej ochrony prawnej w systemie prawnym Unii Europejskiej. In. Biernat, S. (Ed.), Studia z prawa Unii Europejskiej. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. ; 2 ; 1 ; 21 ; 35

When you are being shot at or dodging landmines you are in a combat zone. Diplomatic niceties aside, these brave warriors are in danger because of the policies of their Government and we must take care of them. Quite frankly, we must act to insure that we do not have a repeat of what happened in Somalia. In Somalia, the families of the soldiers who lost their lives could not receive the benefits that should have gone to them under the Tax Code because the President never declared it a combat zone. We don't know exactly where we're at in the world militarily and what we're doing . . . . If you don't think it's a generational struggle, you don't understand the war . . . . It is spreading throughout the world . . . . [W]e're going to follow the terrorists wherever they go. We're going to use whatever means we need to with partners to destroy them. And whatever time it takes, it takes. And most people are not ready for that, but I am.

As Thierry Bonnot reminded in Biographies d'objets, it is the relational object that must above all focus the attention of the humanities studies. After being interested in objects as communication media in a first thesis, it is now in objects as media for exchanges in and outside Jewish communities at the end of the Middle Ages, in a larger territory a priori, the Catalan-Aragonese area with some Provencal parallels. Combining economic anthropology, sociology, even social psychology, and archeology, the approach will again be interdisciplinary, but more on the side of history than of the history of art this time. Why this obsession with objects? No doubt this should be compared to what Antoine Hennion and Bruno Latour noted in 1993: "Objects do something, and first of all they make us". Certain exchanges of objects punctuate the stages of life, are linked to religious practice, to the notion of family transmission or even to Justice and politics, and reflect the different contexts of an era, in both private and public spheres. In the era of the last centuries of coexistence of communities before the expulsions of the Jews, with many decrees against them, the paradoxes are also numerous, and one can even find Christian sacred objects in some Jewish hands. Furniture, trinkets, books therefore, but also other "things" can be considered here, mentioned in archival documents, notarial, judicial acts, even responsa . always with a notion of value and mobility, even reuse, and overall, a notion of survival to a certain extent (permanent inert elements witnessing the living, mortals), even if they have not all get reach to us. Moreover, the objects seem to be an emerging subject and museum exhibitions of medieval objects linked to Jewish communities are relatively recent, and still very limited on the French area but about to expand. ; Comme rappelait Thierry Bonnot dans Biographies d'objets, c'est l'objet relationnel qui doit surtout retenir l'attention des sciences humaines et sociales. Après m'être intéressée aux objets comme supports de communication dans une première thèse, c'est à présent aux objets comme supports d'échanges dans et hors les communautés juives à la fin du Moyen-âge, dans un territoire plus vaste a priori, catalano-aragonais avec quelques parallèles provençaux. Mêlant Anthropologie économique, Sociologie, voire Psychologie sociale, et Archéologie, l'approche sera à nouveau interdisciplinaire, mais plus du côté de l'Histoire que de l'Histoire de l'Art cette fois. Pourquoi cette obsession des objets ? Sans doute est-ce à rapprocher de ce qu'Antoine Hennion et Bruno Latour marquaient en 1993 : «Les objets font quelque chose, et d'abord ils nous font». Certains échanges d'objets rythment des étapes de vie, sont liés à la pratique religieuse, à la notion de transmission familiale ou même à la Justice et à la politique, et reflètent les différents contextes d'une époque, dans des sphères privées comme publiques. A l'ère des derniers siècles de coexistence de communautés avant les expulsions des juifs, avec de nombreux décrets contre eux, les paradoxes sont d'ailleurs nombreux, et on peut même trouver des objets sacrés chrétiens dans certaines mains juives. Meubles, bibelots, livres donc, mais aussi d'autres "choses" peuvent être considérées ici, mentionnées dans des documents d'archives, les actes notariés, judiciaires ou des responsa.avec toujours une notion de valeur et de mobilité, pourquoi pas de réutilisation et globalement, une notion de survivance dans une certaine mesure (des éléments inertes pérennes témoins des vivants, mortels), même s'ils ne sont pas tous parvenus jusqu'à nous. D'ailleurs les objets semblent un sujet émergent et les expositions muséales des objets médiévaux liés aux communautés juives sont relativement récentes, et encore bien restreintes côté français mais appelées à se développer.

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

One of the most radical assertions made by the German sociologist Niklas Luhmann was that of late modern society's lack of self-control (Luhmann, 1990). Indeed, from the perspective of systems theory governing modern society is at once expected and impossible. The history of the political system must be understood as a series of attempts to achieve a task that cannot be achieved: that of actually governing or controlling modern society. The constitutional Nation State and the separation between legislative, executive and judicial powers has been the most conventional modern attempt by the political system to control society. In late modernity, the political system added yet another attempt to control modernity's own lack of control: that of "governance" instruments, sometimes alluded to under the terms "governing without government" (Rhodes, 1996). Several authors have linked this type of ambiguity to the "Governance Turn" (Armstrong, 2016; Kjaer, 2010), the "Comparative Turn" (Grek, 2009, 2010) or the "Knowledge Turn" (Fenwick et al., 2014; Freeman & Mangez, 2013; Normand & Derouet, 2016). The main topic of interest of this paper is the involvement of the European Union in the sector of education through the Open Method of Coordination. The attempt of the EU to govern education is fostered and legitimised by the observation of society's future as full of risks and uncertainties exceeding by far national territories – unemployment, terrorism, transformation of the labour market, etc. These observations, apparent in the "Lisbon Dramaturgy" (Laffan & Shaw, 2005), far from acting as an obstacle to the European involvement in education, operate instead as resources legitimating further political action at EU level. This involvement, however, does not take the conventional form of government. Instead, at a transnational level, the political system partly takes the form of governance processes, such as the OMC. The OMC is often defined by its informality (Alexiadou, 2007, 2014; Kjaer, 2010; Trubek & Trubek, 2005; Wallace et al., 2006) compared to traditional political mechanisms such as the Ordinary-Legislative-Procedure. Attempts to characterise these informal mechanisms range from the "lack of pre-given sets of rules" (Hajer, 2006) to "a greater inclusion of non-governmental actors in policy processes" (Peters, 2007). Inspired by but not limiting ourselves to these definitions, we intend to complete the analysis of informal governance mechanisms with the example of the Education and Training 2020 Working Groups, constitutive of the OMC in education. Informality, we suggest, is by no means a lack of form but rather a redefinition of political processes in a context of relative lack of formal power. Informal governance redefines the ways politics attempt to steer society, not by the deliberation, voting and implementation of legislative rules, but rather by facilitating learning processes, sharing of best practices and the tentative construction of shared cognitive frameworks at European level. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to provide a description and an analysis of the ET2020 Working Groups as novel ways through which the political system attempts to govern education. Research questions - How do the WG attempt to reach a consensus through the production of a coherent output, given the diversity of backgrounds and expectations among the WG members? - What is the influence of their initial mandate in the production of their output? How do the WG achieve to fulfil their two-fold mission, on one side to complete the objectives pre-defined by the mandates, and on the other side to foster the feeling of agreement and ownership of the WG members towards the output?

The article is dedicated to the analysis of impact of human needs and interests upon the law-enforcement and law-interpreting activity, mainly: a) material conditioning of such activity, b) formation of their semantic orientation. The article considers theessence of the notions of the law- enforcement activity, which is that it is the government-regulating activity of the authorized subjects which is constituted by the making of personified decision as to certain persons which is aimed at the satisfaction of human needs and interests and in the determination of mutual rights andobligations of such subjects which will realize the corresponding legal norm. Besides, the quantitative indexes are determined of mentioning such notions as the "need" and "interest" in the law-enforcement acts. Thus, - according to the sphere of vital activity the most frequently mentioned are the personal (20 instances) and political (20 instances) needs and interests. This is conditioned by the fact that they are most frequently not satisfied or only partially satisfied. The personal needs and interests reflect the person's individuality (traits of character, thoughts, consciousness, behavior), its autonomy. And quite frequently the other people make impact or pressure on the consciousness of an individual, besides, the thoughts and views of the people can be discriminated due to certain circumstances. Political needs and interests reflect the possibilityof the state and local government in the determination and enforcement of their politics, and, thus, they also can be frequently discriminated; - according to the subject-bearer, the needs and interests classified as individually-collective are the mostwidely used (19 instances). This can be explained by the fact that they as compared to exclusively collective and individual ones are always connected with the specific situation, which is usually the subject of regulating the law-enforcement judicial decisions. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу форм впливу людських потреб та інтересів на правозастосовчу та правотлумачну діяльність, а саме: а) матеріальне спричинення такої діяльності, б) формування їх змістовної спрямованості. Розглянуто сутність поняття правозастосовчої діяльності, яка полягає у тому, що це владно-регулятивна діяльність повноважних суб'єктів, котра полягає у прийнятті персоніфікованого рішення щодо конкретних осіб, яке спрямоване на задоволення людських потреб та інтересів і полягає у встановленні взаємних прав і обов`язків цих суб`єктів, які реалізовуватимуть відповідну юридичну норму. Окрім цього, визначено кількісні показники згадування у правозастосовчих актах терміно-понять «потреба» та «інтерес». Так, - за сферою життєдіяльності найчастіше згадуються особистісні (20 випадків) та політичні (20 випадків) потреби й інтереси, порівняно з економічними (8 випадків). Це зумовлено тим, що саме вони найчастіше не задовольняються або задовольняються не у повній мірі. Особистісні потреби та інтереси виражають індивідуальність особи (особливості характеру, думок, свідомості, поведінки), її автономію. І дуже часто іншими людьми чиниться вплив або тиск власне на свідомість індивіда, крім того думки і погляди людей можуть ущемлюватися внаслідок певних обставин. Політичні потреби та інтереси відображають можливість людини брати участь у формуванні органів державної влади та місцевого самоврядування, у визначенні та здійсненні їх політики, а відтак вони теж часто можуть зазнавати обмежень. Згадки ж про потреби й інтереси у сфері соціального захисту та культурно-духовні у постановах ВСУ та рішеннях КСУ за досліджуваний період (2015-2017 рр.) взагалі не виявлені. - за суб'єктом-носієм найпоширенішими є згадки про потреби й інтереси індивідуально-колективні (20 випадків), на відміну від суто індивідуальних (18) та колективних (16 випадків). Це можна пояснити тим, що вони порівняно з виключно колективними та індивідуальними завжди пов'язані із конкретною ситуацією, яка, зазвичай, і є предметом регулювання правозастосовчих судових рішень.

Kapalı toplum yapısı ve kendine özgü geçmişi ile pek çok tartışma konusuna yol açan Alevilik, Cumhuriyetin kuruluşu ve modernleşme dönemi sonrasında farklı boyutlarda incelenmeye başlanmıştır. Belirtilen tartışma konuları arasında Aleviliğin tanımlanması, İslam dini içerisindeki konumu, sosyal ve kültürel değerleri ve siyasal açıdan otoritenin karşısında olan tutumları yer almaktadır. Güncel tartışmaların ise 90'lı yıllardan itibaren Türkiye'nin AB üyeliği süreci ile başladığı, siyasallaşma ve modernleşme ile birlikte zorunlu din dersleri, cemevleri gibi hususlarla devam ettiği görülmektedir. Türkiye'de göç ve kentleşmenin etkilerinin de yaşamın Alevlerin özel yaşamlarına ilişkin hayat tarzları ve ritüelleri üzerinde farklılaşmaya neden olduğu söylenebilir. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'deki Alevilerin 1998 yılından itibaren Avrupa Komisyonu tarafından oluşturulan Avrupa Birliği İlerleme Raporlarında nasıl değerlendirildiği ve bu değerlendirmeye karşın Alevilerin nasıl bir tutum sergilediklerinin belirlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, çalışmanın teorik bir araştırma olması kapsamında öncelikle literatüre taraması tekniği kullanılarak veri tabanlarından elde edilen dergi ve makaleler, bildiriler, raporlar incelenmiş, Yüksek Öğrenim Kurumu resmi sitesi aracılığıyla da yüksek lisans ve doktora tezlerine ulaşılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda Alevilerin AB İlerleme Raporlarında azınlık olarak görüldükleri, genellikle dini ve sosyal açıdan değerlendirildikleri, bu değerlendirmede ibadet yerleri, eğitim, eşit ve özgür haklar tanıma konuları ele alınmıştır. Raporlarda Alevi inancına ilişkin bilgiler de içeren yeni din kültürü ve ahlak bilgisi ders kitaplarının yayımlanması ve bazı illerde Alevi vatandaşların evlerinin işaretlenmesine yönelik adli soruşturmaların başlatılması olumlu gelişmeler olarak görülürken; kamu görevinde ayrımcılık ve ibadet yeri olarak cemevlerinin tanınmaması sorunlarının devam ettiği görülmektedir. Sonuç olarak Alevilerin talep ettikleri özgürlüklerine hâlâ kavuşamadıkları, bu durumun Türkiye'de bulunan çoğunluğun kültür farklılığı ve genel siyasi durum ile ters düşmesinden kaynaklandığı söylenebilir. ; After the foundation of the Turkish Republic and then modernization period, Alevism which led to many discussions with its encased society characteristics and own history, has begun to be studied in varying dimensions. The discussion topics include the definition of Alevism, its position in Islam, its social and cultural values, and its attitudes towards politics against the authority. It has been seen that the current debate is that from the 90's onwards, Turkey has started with EU membership process, politicization and modernization together with compulsory religious lessons and Cemevleri (temples). It is suggested that the influences of immigration and urbanization in Turkey cause differentiation in life styles and rituals related to the private lives of Alevis. In this study, it is aimed to determine how the statue of Alevis living in Turkey was seen as well as the attitudes Alevis have through the European Union Progress Reports prepared by the European Commission since 1998. For this purpose, in the scope of being a theoretical research of the study, primarily journals and articles, reports and reports obtained from the databases by using the literature search technique were examined and master and doctoral dissertations were obtained through the official site of the Higher Education Institution. In conclusion, the Alevis were treated as minorities in the EU Progress Reports, where religious, social, and worship places, education, and equal rights were generally assessed. The publication of new religious textbooks including information on Alawi belief and the initiation of judicial investigations on marking the homes of Alevi citizens in some cases were seen as positive developments; it is observed that the problems of discrimination and public worship in Cemevleri are not recognized. As a result, it can be argued that the freedom demands of Alevis are still unable to meet, and that the majority in Turkey is in conflict with the cultural diversity and general political situation of Alevis.

Досліджено системоутворюючу роль правових цінностей та норм у вітчизняному державотворенні. Проаналізовано національну ідею українського народу у ціннісному вимірі. Визначено особливості взаємодії правових та моральних цінностей як підґрунтя державотворення. Обґрунтована необхідність розробки національної правової ідеології у контексті сучасних завдань розбудови української держави. ; Исследована системообразующая роль правовых ценностей и норм в отечественном государственном строительстве. Проанализирована национальная идея украинского народа в ценностном измерении. Определены особенности взаимодействия правовых и нравственных ценностей как основы государственного строительства. Обоснована необходимость разработки национальной правовой идеологии в контексте современных задач развития украинского государства. ; Was investigated the system-forming role of legal values and norms in domestic statebuilding. It is alleged that gradation legal values and their social role determined methodological approaches to thinking: positivist or natural and legal. The dominance of the positivist paradigm in understanding the law contributed to the spread of the twentieth century totalitarian and authoritarian political regimes whose leaders rejected natural law values and norms, replacing their so-called «political expediency» and ideological tenets. Repressive totalitarian political regime found its expression in the first place a significant moral person humiliation, catastrophic possibilities for its fulfillment. That is why the criticism of totalitarianism aims to restore such moral and legal values as human dignity.Was indicated that the rooting of democratic values in the public law and practice of nation-building helps overcome strains of legal awareness and legal culture of the population especially in countries that are reforming their political and legal system. For Ukraine, the crucial problem is legal nihilism overcoming, not only among ordinary citizens as among civil servants, senior politicians and so on. Since it is an example of the latter would encourage the establishment of legal values and statist thinking standards.Was proved that the system-forming role of legal values and norms most clearly manifests in collaboration with other values, especially moral and spiritual. The real upsurge of law and legal values is only possible in conjunction with the spiritual and moral nation flourishing, because exactly free individuals and society with a high level of justice are able to deeply understand the importance of instrumental and spiritual rights standards, apply it in daily life.Was analyzed the national idea of the Ukrainian people in terms of values. The legal values and norms filled with concrete content the Ukrainian national idea implementation of which is the development of democratic, legal and socially-oriented state. The ranking of legal value as the embodiment of the national idea depends on ideological postulates which were elected by leaders of state-building process. Wherein the role of legal values and norms will be to design specific legislative ideology, fixing them as institutionally secured state-building decisions. Along with that the law should be maximally remote from the politics, ensuring justice, equality and freedom for all units of public relations.Was grounded the necessity of developing a national legal ideology in the context of contemporary problems of development of the Ukrainian state. In its turn, the legal values are the core of legal ideology, creating an ideological basis for its existence. Legal values constitute the social space and determine the development strategy of the state as a legal phenomenon. The content of legal ideology is poly-aspect and incorporates the following components: strategy legislation, regulation principles, the constitutional construction, administrative, legal and judicial reform, human rights, improvement of the electoral law, the foundations of democracy and statehood, strengthening the rule of law and order.

L'oggetto del lavoro si sostanzia nella verifica del grado di giustiziabilità che i diritti sociali ricevono nell'ordinamento dell'Unione europea. L'indagine si articola in tre capitoli. Il primo è dedicato ad una sintetica ricostruzione dei modelli di welfare state riconosciuti dagli ordinamenti dei diversi paesi membri dell'Unione attraverso cui, la candidata enuclea un insieme di diritti sociali che ricevono tutela in tutti gli ordinamenti nazionali. L'esposizione prosegue, con la ricostruzione dell'evoluzione dei Trattati istitutivi dell'Unione e l'inclusione della sfera sociale tra gli obiettivi di questa. In particolare, il secondo capitolo esamina la giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia in relazione alle materie sociali, nonché l'inclusione dei diritti sociali nel testo della Carta dei diritti fondamentali. L'analisi si sofferma sulle tecniche normative adottate nell'area della politica sociale, evidenziando la tendenza ad un approccio di tipo "soft" piuttosto che attraverso il classico metodo comunitario. Esaurita questa analisi il terzo capitolo analizza i rapporti tra il diritto dell'Ue e quello della CEDU in materia di diritti sociali, evidenziano il diverso approccio utilizzato dalle due istanze sovranazionali nella tutela di questi diritti. Sulla base del lavoro svolto si conclude per una sostanziale mancanza di giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali in ambito dell'Unione. In particolare i punti deboli dell'Europa sociale vengono individuati in: un approccio regolativo alla dimensione sociale di tipo sempre più soft; la permanenza di alcuni deficit di competenze; la mancata indicazione di criteri di bilanciamento tra diritti sociali e libertà economiche e dalla compresenza delle due nozioni di economia sociale e di economia di mercato. Le conclusioni mostrano come l'assenza di competenze esclusive dell'Unione in materia di politica sociale non consenta una uniformazione/armonizzazione delle politiche sociali interne, che si riflette nell'incapacità dei modelli sociali nazionali di assorbire i grandi mutamenti macro economici che si sono avuti negli ultimi vent'anni, sia a livello sovranazionale che internazionale. ; The object of this thesis consists in the analysis of the level of justiciability of social rights in the EU context, especially after the entering into force of the Lisbon Treaty. The research first presents a brief overview of different welfare states within EU national systems. The investigation focuses on national constitutional provisions enshrining social rights. From the results obtained, it is possible to determine which social rights are considered as being part of a common European tradition, and which, on the contrary, are differently recognized and protected from different Member States. The individuation of a nucleus of social rights, justiciable under the Member States legal orders, offers a good key for reading the evolution of European social policy during the last sixty years. Indeed, the second chapter focuses on the jurisprudence of the ECJ, in particular the one applying the principle of solidarity and non-discrimination within the field of social rights ´protection. Further, still within the field of social protection, this chapter also analyses the Union´s politics, with a special attention to the cross-border access to economic social services of the different member States. From this analysis, it is possible to determine the impact of the Charter of Fundamental rights on the protection of social rights in terms of their justiciability in the acquis communautaire. The third chapter deals with the problems connected with the future accession of the EU in the ECHR, in particular it shows the different approaches of the two Courts in the determination of the level of protection of social rights under the two judicial orders. The thesis concludes with a reflection, on one hand, on the present economic situation in Europe and its impact on the effectiveness and justiciability of social rights, and on the other, on the welfare states of member States.

La obra vincula las instituciones, el orden público y la construcción de una ciudadanía en la Pampa Central con la extensión de propiedades de construcción del Estado que el gobierno federal intentaba concretar en los territorios nacionales -fines del siglo XIX-. Se analizan las instituciones, su constitución, funcionamiento e inconvenientes. Se reconstruyen las relaciones de la incipiente sociedad civil que estaba adquiriendo rasgos de "ciudadanía", pese a la limitación del derecho a la soberanía y representación política, por cuya razón se abocó al reducido poder local, a la conversión del Territorio en provincia y a la presión sobre las instituciones del Estado. Ciertos sectores sociales -vecinos propietarios- participaron en el poder y pudieron incidir en la disposición de un determinado orden público. Se descubre este entramado a través de la cuestión política, la constitución de la esfera pública, el papel de la prensa, y el accionar de sectores gubernamentales y particulares, especialmente en los conflictos sociales. Estas cuestiones se analizan con mayor profundidad en el estudio particular de una institución: la justicia letrada nacional con marcado poder en el Territorio. Se demuestra que esta institución ejerció un papel importante en la extensión de las propiedades que caracterizaron la construcción y consolidación del Estado. El protagonismo judicial a nivel nacional tuvo su correlación en el poder de los jueces y de los juzgados letrados territoriales, basado en: el carácter nacional de estos tribunales, el perfil profesional de sus miembros, una red social y política de los magistrados a nivel nacional y, la debilidad de las demás instituciones del Territorio. Este poder era reconocido y consolidado por la prensa y los vecinos -propietarios, comerciantes y profesionales- interesados en jerarquizar el papel de la justicia. ; This work relates institutions, public order, and citizenship build-up in the Centrlal Pampas with the spread of State property that the Federal Government was trying to carry out in the National Territories at the end of the 19th Century. Istitutions and their constitution, everyday business, and problems are analysed. The relationships within the rising civil society are reconstructed. This society was acquiring "citizenship", despite the limitation to sovereign rights and political representation. For this reason the focus lies in the reduced local power, the conversion of the Territory into Province, and the pressure on the State instituions. Some sectors-landowning inhabitants-participated in power-holding and could thus influence in the establishment of a specific public order. This network is unveiled by means of politics, the constitution of the public sphere,the role of the press, and the activity of governent and private sectors, especially during social conflicts. These issues are analysed in depth during study of a particular institution: the National Justice, which had a strong role in the Territory. It is demostrated that this institution played an important role in the spreading of the properties that characterize the building and consolidation of the State. The role of the judiciary at a national level had its correlates in the power given to the judges and the territorial courts, based on the national character of these courts, and the professional profile of its members, a social and political network of magistrates at a antional level, and the weakness of weakness the other territorial institutions. This power was acknowledged and consolidated by the press and the population-landowners, traders and professionals- interested in enhancing the role of justice. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

La Ley Orgánica 3/2007, para la Igualdad Efectiva de Mujeres y Hombres, y su predecesora, la Ley Orgánica 1/2004, de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la violencia de género, han sido pioneras en la incorporación al ordenamiento jurídico español de una serie de medidas de acción positiva colectivas a favor de la mujer que agilizan con perspectivas de éxito el cambio del paradigma de civilización hasta hoy vigente en España. Hemos tenido que esperar casi treinta años desde la aprobación de la Constitución de 1978 para que los diversos agentes jurídicos españoles —desde el legislador hasta las más altas instancias judiciales— otorguen un contenido efectivo, firme y real al principio de no discriminación en razón de sexo consagrado en los arts. 9.2 y 14 de nuestra Carta Magna. Ante tal déficit constitucional, el único mecanismo de impacto con el que hoy contamos para poder acelerar los cambios en sociedad que la mujer precisa es la imposición de una legislación de obligado cumplimiento y de permanencia en el futuro. Precisamente, es en la preparación mediante la corrección de los sistemas sociales del futuro que nos procura cualquier sistema normativo de regulación social, donde puede establecerse eficazmente un sistema de igualdad general y no sólo de igualdad de género. Esta nueva legislación constituye un punto de inflexión en el reconocimiento del valor constitucional de las medidas de promoción de la mujer, en general, y de las cuotas de género, en particular, pero, sobre todo, constituye un hito para la doctrina jurídica española, europea e internacional y un auténtico respaldo jurídico consensuado de la validez jurídica plena de las cuotas de género. ; The Statutory Law for the Effective Equality of Women and Men (Ley Orgánica 3/2007 para la Igualdad Efectiva de Mujeres y Hombres) and for the Integrated Protection of Women against Gender Domestic Violence (Ley Orgánica 1/2004 de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género) constitute the first important step in the general process of incorporation into Spanish Law of a series of collective affirmative action measures in favour of women. By means of this new legislation, all the Spanish legal agents -from the legislator to the highest courts- could finally enforce the general rule of non discrimination with regard to gender consecrated by articles 9.2 and 14 of the Spanish Constitution. The binding implementation of a positive legislation thus allows Spanish jurists to accelerate the necessary structural changes in Spanish society in order to compell social agents to adopt Gender Quotas formally qualified by the Law. This new legislation constitutes a real milestone in the progressive recognition of the constitutional value of the promotion of women's participation in general, and of Electoral Quotas in particular and it represents a landmark in Spanish and European Constitutional law regarding the legal value of Gender Politics. Moreover, it confirms the doubtless legal validity of the implementation of Electoral Quotas in Spanish Public Law.En alemán: Das spanische Gesetz 3/2007 zur effektiven Gleichheit von Frauen und Männern (Ley Orgánica 3/2007 para la Igualdad Efectiva de Mujeres y Hombres) und sein Vorgänger, das Gesetz 1/2004 Maßnahmen zum effektiven Schutz gegen Gewalt zwischen den Geschlechtern (Ley Orgánica 1/2004 de Medidas de Protección Integral contra la Violencia de Género) waren Vorreiter bezüglich der Aufnahme von bestimmten kollektiven positiven Aktionsmaßnahmen zum Schutz der fragüen in die spanische Rechtsordnung und beschleunigen mit Aussicht auf Erfolg einen Paradigmenwechsel der bisher in Spanien vorherrschenden Zivilisation. Seit Inkrafttreten der Spanischen Verfassung im Jahr 1978 mussten wir fast 30 Jahre warten bis die juristischen spanischen Instanzen – vom Gesetzgeber bis zu den höchsten gerichtlichen Instanzen – dem Prinzip der Nicht-Diskriminierung von Geschlechtern, wie es in den Artikeln 9.2 und 14 unserer Verfassung festgeschrieben ist, eine effektive, reale und entschlossene Ausgestaltung verliehen haben. Angesichts dieses verfassungsrechtlichen Defizits verfügen wir über einen einzigen Mechanismus, der es uns ermöglicht, den gesellschaftlichen Wechsel voranzubringen und den die Frauen benötigen: Eine verbindliche, auf deren Einhaltung ausgerichtete und dauerhafte Gesetzgebung. Gerade in der Umwandlung der Gesellschaft durch Korrektur der sozialen Systeme der Zukunft, die uns in jedwedem normativen System der gesellschaftlichen Regulierung begegnen, finden wir Anhalt, um effektiv ein allgemeines Gleichheitsprinzip anzuwenden, das über die Gleichheit der Geschlechter hinausgeht. Diese neue Gesetzgebung stellt einen Wendepunkt bezüglich der Anerkennung des verfassungsrechtlichen Werts der Maßnahmen zur Förderung der Frau im allgemeinen und der Frauenquotenregelung im besonderen dar. Vor allem ist sie ein Meilenstein für die spanische, europäische und internationale juristische vorherrschende Lehrmeinung und bietet eine reale juristisch konsensualisierte Stütze bezüglich der vollen juristischen Legitimation der Frauenquotenregelung.

The tobacco industry has been active in Texas politics for over 25 years. It spends money on lobbying, campaign contributions, legislative events and gifts in order to gain favor with the legislature and attempt to control the agenda set for tobacco control efforts. Political campaign contributions–reported only by Philip Morris–have remained high throughout the 1990s. Philip Morris reported contributing $556,250 to legislative, judicial and statewide candidates between 1988 and 2001. In recent years, their contributions to statewide officeholders and judicial candidates have decreased as their legislative contributions have increased. In each election cycle, 1998-1999 and 2000- 2001, Philip Morris contributed $51,000 to legislative candidates. The 3 largest lifetime recipients of campaign contributions in the legislature were all Senators: David Cain ($8,250, D-Mesquite), Ken Armbrister ($5,500, D-Victoria), and Chris Harris ($5,500, R-Arlington). The largest recipient of tobacco money from the statewide offices was former Lt. Governor Bob Bullock who received $36,500 from the tobacco industry from 1988-1996. The tobacco industry has also spent heavily on lobbying, although it is impossible to calculate the exact amounts. When lobbyists' report their fees to the Texas Ethics Commission, they are only required to report a fee range for each of their clients, not the exact amount that they were paid by each client. For example, a lobbyist would select between the ranges of $0-$10,000, $10-$25,000, $25-$50,000, etc. However, given these estimates, we can determine that from 1993-2001, the tobacco industry spent between $4,660,000-$9,640,000 on lobbyists' fees to influence the legislature. Texas' only statewide tobacco control laws are Senate Bill 55 (by Senator Zaffarini, DLaredo) and House Bill 119 (by Rep. Hirschi, D-Wichita Falls), both passed during the 1997 legislative session. SB 55 is the "Texas Tobacco Law" which establishes strict penalties for retailers who sell tobacco to minors and for minors in possession of tobacco products. The tobacco industry fought heavily against the legislation. The provisions in SB 55 which impose penalties upon minors are controversial among public health advocates because they distract attention from retailers and clerks who sell tobacco to minors. HB 119 is an ingredient disclosure bill, requiring manufacturers who sell tobacco products in Texas to report their ingredients to the Texas Department of Health. The tobacco industry uses allies like the Texas Restaurant Association, the Texas Retailers Association and the Texas Association of Business and Chambers of Commerce (TABCC) in order to shield its involvement in tobacco control issues. Restaurant owners are mobilized to oppose smoking restrictions and retailers testify against youth access and advertising restrictions. The TABCC opposed the state's lawsuit against the tobacco industry, with coaching on the issue from tobacco industry lobbyists. The tobacco industry has partnered with and heavily sponsored the activities of the Texas Civil Justice League (TCJL) in order to enact tort reform legislation which protects the industry from prosecution. In the tort reform and products liability legislation during the 1993 and 1995 sessions, the tobacco industry and TCJL limited punitive damage awards and the rights of plaintiffs to sue the tobacco industry for smoking-related illnesses. In 1996, then- Attorney General Dan Morales was the third Attorney General to sue the tobacco industry. He settled the case in 1998, prior to the 46 state settlement known as the Master Settlement Agreement. Texas' suit against the industry resulted in a $17.3 billion dollar settlement. From the money that the state has received as of 2001 ($1.8 billion), only $30 million has been spent on tobacco control programs from 1999-2001. In 1999, the state legislature deposited $200 million into a tobacco trust fund to be used for statewide tobacco control programs. However, the legislature only allowed for the interest on that money to be spent for tobacco control (about $9 million annually). The Texas Department of Health, charged with developing a tobacco control program with that small amount of money, was required to focus their efforts in East Texas. The Texas Department of Health comprehensive tobacco control program has been very successful, however, their attempts to secure more funding and expand the program statewide have failed. In 2001, the Legislature only increased funding for the program to $12 million annually. The Centers for Disease Control's Best Practices recommends that a state with the size and population of Texas should spend between $103 million - $180 million annually for an effective tobacco control program. Texas' only statewide smoking regulations, the 1975 Clean Indoor Air Act, sets up minimum standards for smoke-free public places. All of the state's effective smoking regulations have been passed by local governments. Most of the regulations simply establish smoking and nonsmoking sections in workplaces and restaurants. In recent years, several communities, including some surrounding the state capitol in Austin and the West Texas town of El Paso, establish 100% smoke-free public places, including workplaces and restaurants. El Paso's smoking ordinance, passed in 2001, also establishes smoke-free bars, the first ordinance of its kind in Texas. Beginning with the initiative of a sixth grade student, Lubbock enacted a strong clean indoor air ordinance. The tobacco industry, working with the Restaurant Association and Libertarians, opposed the ordinance. After the city council enacted the ordinance, the Libertarians forced a referendum. Tobacco control advocates mounted a vigorous defense and the ordinance was ratified by voters in May, 2002, with 64% voting for it. While tobacco control advocates, generally working through the voluntary health agencies, are showing increasing aggressiveness and effectiveness in working at the local level, they are still unwilling to confront the tobacco industry's allies in the state legislature, which explains their failure to force Texas to mount a strong state tobacco control program despite the millions of dollars made available by the state's tobacco settlement.