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In 1977 Delhi's classical dance stars, encouraged by the end of emergency rule and hopeful that policies might be modified in their favor, called a press conference to publicize theirviews and demands. Wide press coverage followed, airing issues in cultural policy not discussed publicly since the Khosla Committee report on the national 'akademis' and the Indian Council for Cultural Relations, in 1970. (International Political Science Association)

The global scope of the changes in the international financial and monetary systems ensured that no nation-state could protect itself from their effects. The quarter-century, 1970-95, included the most extensive legislative overhaul of financial services policy since the Great Depression, if not the greatest set of changes ever. This book examines how five such states - Canada, France, Germany, UK, USA - adapted by reforming their financial services policies.

Chapter 1: Introduction: Diasporas from Latin America and their role in public diplomacy -- Section 1: Diaspora Relations: States Courting the Diaspora -- Chapter 2: Transnational social protection and the role of countries of origin: The cases of Mexico, Guatemala, Bolivia and Ecuador -- Chapter 3: State-diaspora relations in El Salvador and Colombia: Building legitimacy at home while trying to protect and "court" citizens abroad -- Chapter 4: Diaspora engagement policies in Argentina: The unfolding of a still lukewarm approach -- Chapter 5: Chileans in China and how they view their role in public diplomacy: Between entrepreneurship and state policies -- Section 2: Diaspora-led Public Diplomacy -- Chapter 6: The new Cuban diaspora -- Chapter 7: #RickyRenuncia: The hashtag that took collective outrage from social media to the streets -- Chapter 8: Civil society as an advocate of Mexicans and Latinos in the United States: The Chicago case -- Chapter 9: The diaspora of Bahia and Afro-Brazilian culture in contemporary France -- Chapter 10: The Voice of the Diaspora Global Project: Reflection from the Venezuelan experience in Colombia and the rest of Latin America -- Chapter 11: Mexican diasporic women in public diplomacy: A case study of "Mex and the City" in the United States -- Chapter 12: Brazilian ethnic media in the United States: An analysis of their social control and pluralistic functions in an electoral context -- Conclusion -- Chapter 13: Lessons learned and a future research agenda about Latin American diasporas in public diplomacy -- Index.

Wetenschappelijk onderzoek kent geen slotakkoord of apotheose. Het zet zich voortdurend door. Op elk moment treden nieuwe academici in het spoor van hun leermeesters, maakt men gebruik van nieuwe methoden en ontwikkelt men nieuwe interesses. Niet alleen de aard van de navorsers en van hun methoden evolueren, ook hun onderzoeksobject verandert. Zeker in het veld van de politiek en de wereldeconomie maken we revolutionaire tijden door. De geopolitiek van de VS en Europa ten opzichte van groeilanden zoals China, India en Brazilië wijzigt drastisch en in de Arabische landen groeit het verlangen naar echte democratie. Intussen neemt de druk op de draagkracht van onze blauwe planeet verder toe. In 2050 zijn we wellicht met 9 miljard mensen. Zal er voldoende voedsel zijn? Welke energie zal aan onze toekomstige behoeften op een duurzame manier kunnen voldoen? In welk soort voertuigen zullen we ons verplaatsen?

September 11 (2001) events prompted a series of debates concerning how & how much has the international order changed. There is still much misunderstanding between those who assert that "nothing has changed" & those for whom "nothing will be the same after 9/11." Due to records scattering, events or processes have been studied as if they were structural changes, but without explaining how can they transform international politics. Also, the search for more useful analyses to identify both changes & continuities has produced methodological confusion. This work pursues three main objectives: first, to present a methodology of change analysis by organizing the various approach modalities with which international relations theory has been working so far. Second, to use this methodology for understanding the likely transformations of the international order as of September 11, 2001. Third, to offer some conclusions & work hypotheses on international politics change study. The author reaches four conclusions: (a) every international relation theory demands an explanation of 9/11 events & they all have arguments for such a demand; (b) in relation with this, 9/11 does not compel thinking new categories to understand its causes & outcomes; (c) from a wider perspective, & beyond any strident statement, 9/11 has not generated a major change in international politics in historical & systemic terms; & (d) a better understanding of change in international relations requires a historical approach, that has been largely eluded by this discipline. 68 References. Adapted from the source document.

India and Iran have had a centuries-long history of close relations. However, in the last decade New Delhi has been looking to develop its relations with Tehran for two main reasons. First, India's high energy demand to keep the pace of its economic growth, for which Iran could be a reliable supplier; and second, New Delhi's desire to have Tehran on its side as a strategic partner in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf and further in Central Asia. Despite its vote against Tehran at the IAEA and implementing US sanction on Iran, New Delhi has repeatedly declared its opposition to sanctions and encouraged diplomacy instead. India's vote was not expected in Tehran and considered as India's need to build confidence with the United States to secure Indo-US Civil Nuclear Agreement. Furthermore, Washington's support is necessary for having a permanent seat at the UN Security Council, which could facilitate New Delhi's ambition to be a great power. This wandering position on Iran's nuclear program is an outcome of India's geopolitical, strategic and national security calculus and the dilemma with Iran and the United States, which is likely to persist for years to come. India's divergent interests have made diplomacy and international relations complicated for New Delhi to balance its interests between Iran and the United States. This thesis addresses different perspectives which display India's interdependence with regard to the United States and Iran, and why India chose not to openly pick a side between Tehran and Washington. ; M-IES

India and Iran have had a centuries-long history of close relations. However, in the last decade New Delhi has been looking to develop its relations with Tehran for two main reasons. First, India’s high energy demand to keep the pace of its economic growth, for which Iran could be a reliable supplier; and second, New Delhi’s desire to have Tehran on its side as a strategic partner in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf and further in Central Asia. Despite its vote against Tehran at the IAEA and implementing US sanction on Iran, New Delhi has repeatedly declared its opposition to sanctions and encouraged diplomacy instead. India’s vote was not expected in Tehran and considered as India’s need to build confidence with the United States to secure Indo-US Civil Nuclear Agreement. Furthermore, Washington’s support is necessary for having a permanent seat at the UN Security Council, which could facilitate New Delhi’s ambition to be a great power. This wandering position on Iran's nuclear program is an outcome of India's geopolitical, strategic and national security calculus and the dilemma with Iran and the United States, which is likely to persist for years to come. India’s divergent interests have made diplomacy and international relations complicated for New Delhi to balance its interests between Iran and the United States. This thesis addresses different perspectives which display India’s interdependence with regard to the United States and Iran, and why India chose not to openly pick a side between Tehran and Washington. ; M-IES

In this article, we seek to explain both the origins of gender mainstreaming as a `policy frame' in International Relations, as well as the variable implementation of mainstreaming over time and across various international organizations. We emphasize that in the years since the UN Fourth World Women's Conference in Beijing (1995), mainstreaming has been endorsed and adopted not only by European organizations and governments, but also by nearly every important international organization, and we compare the adoption and implementation of mainstreaming in two international organizations, the World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme. We suggest, however, that the rhetorical acceptance of mainstreaming by various international organizations obscures considerable diversity in both the timing and the nature of mainstreaming processes within and among organizations. This variation, we argue, can be explained in terms of the categories of political opportunity, mobilizing structures and strategic framing put forward by social movement theorists.

"Democracy is increasingly seen as the only legitimate form of government, but few people would regard international relations as governed according to democratic principles. Can this lack of global democracy be justified? Which models of global politics should contemporary democrats endorse and which should they reject? What are the most promising pathways to global democratic change? To what extent does the extension of democracy from the national to the international level require a radical rethinking of what democratic institutions should be? This book answers these questions by providing a sustained dialogue between scholars of political theory, international law, and empirical social science. By presenting a broad range of views by prominent scholars, it offers an in-depth analysis of one of the key challenges of our century: globalizing democracy and democratizing globalization"--

1. Introduction -- 2. Cultural Diplomacy Today: A 'Culture of Dialogue' or a 'Dialogue of Cultures'? -- 3. China's Cultural Diplomacy in Berlin: The Impact of Transnational and Local -- 4. Xinjiang in China's Public Diplomacy in Central Asia: Case Study of Almaty -- 5. The 'Silk Road' Public Diplomacy of the PRC in Central Asia. Rethinking the 'Network' Approach to China's Public Diplomacy and Its Instrumentalism -- 6. Establishing a Common Ground—Admiral Zheng He as an Agent of Cultural Diplomacy in Malaysia -- 7. Two Confucius Institutes and a Cross-border University as Sites of China's Cultural Diplomacy in Malaysia: The Limitations of 'Domestic Structures' -- 8. Attracting the Arabs? Promoting 'Muslim' China to Boost Regional Development in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region -- 9. Trajectory of Chinese Cultural Diplomacy: The Case of International Co-production of Documentaries.

This article deals with the Czech discipline of International Relations addressing its recent historical evolution as well as its current state. It relies on the concepts of field, capital, doxa & habitus developed by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. It argues that the discipline was founded in the late 1950s as a part of the political field, entering the field of science as late as the 1990s. Therefore, the main dichotomies of the field were defined politically for most of the time, e.g. reformist communists vs. orthodox communists or anti-communists vs. communists. Nowadays, the dichotomy refers to the role of theory, which splits empirical & descriptive research from theoretically oriented research. This analysis also takes into account the professional trajectory of the author & his embedded position within the discipline. References. Adapted from the source document.

This book reveals how the medieval papacy grew from modest beginnings into an impressive institution in the Middle Ages and deals with a wide field. It charts the history of the papacy and its relations to East and West from the 4th to the 12th centuries, embraces such varied subjects as law, finance, diplomacy, liturgy, and theology. The development of medieval symbolism is also discussed as are the view of eminent political scientists of the period. This re-issues reprints the revised, 3rd edition of 1970.

"Investigating the transformation of the Kurdish liberation movement in Iraq this book explores its development from an armed guerrilla movement, engaged in a war for liberation with the government in Baghdad, into the government of a de facto Kurdish state known as the Kurdistan Regional Government. The book seeks to better explain the nature and evolution of the Kurdish liberation struggle in Iraq, which has had important implications over regional geopolitics. Despite attracting growing international attention, the struggle remains understudied. By applying the theoretical framework of de facto statehood to the post-1991 Kurdish liberation movement, the book offers a new approach to understanding the struggle, with a thorough empirical investigation informed by International Relations theory. Identifying international legitimacy, interaction and identity as significant themes in the politics of de facto states and important variables shaping the evolution and policies of these actors, at both the domestic and international levels, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of International Relations, Middle East Politics and Political Science"--

This study aims to investigate the impact online learning policy, issued Ministry of Education and Culture Republic of Indonesia, followed Rector of Cendrawasih University and Dean of Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. Policy impact drops semester grades students from seven program studies in Faculty of Social and Political Sciences: Governance Science, Public Administration, Business Administration, International Relations, Anthropology, Welfare, and Library. To analyze problem, Merilee S. Grindle's policy theory was used. Qualitative research method. The study was conducted in Faculty of Social and Political Sciences of Cenderawasih University year 2020-2021. Study involves 20 respondents: 8 are lecturers of Faculty of Social and Political Sciences and 12 are students of Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. Qualitative analyzed method was used; data collection methods interview, observation, documentation have been analyzed according to the reality. The result shows that the second semester grades of students of batch 2021 drastically drop due to internet trouble, unavailable facilities, infrastructures, and server building for Wi-Fi in Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Cenderawasih University, districts in Papua Province, and districts in West Papua Province. Recommendation for Dean of Faculty of Social and Political Sciences of Cenderawasih University, Rector of Cenderawasih University, Ministry of Education and Culture Republic of Indonesia is to allow face to face learning with number of students grouped into several daily shifts and good implementation of covid-19 health protocols in Faculty of Social and Political Sciences of Cenderawasih University.