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Розбудова ринку та демократії в Україні, реалізація курсу на європейську інтеграцію потребує великої кількості кваліфікованих фахівців, які володіють необхідними знаннями щодо передового світового досвіду управління економічними процесами та поділяють загальноєвропейські цінності. Саме тому подальший розвиток вітчизняної системи вищої освіти повинен іти у напрямку поступового зближення із стандартами країн Заходу, а одним із важливих завдань освітнього процесу є вивчення світового досвіду. Ці знання можна отримати вивчаючи навчальну дисципліну «Фінансові системи зарубіжних країн», яка націлена сформувати у студентів основні поняття з питань структури та основ функціонування фінансових систем зарубіжних країн, розширення та поглиблення теоретичних знань студентів з принципами побудови, основними тенденціями становлення і розвитку фінансових систем зарубіжних країн. The development of a market and democracy in Ukraine, the implementation of a course on European integration requires a large number of skilled professionals who possess the necessary knowledge about the best world experience in managing economic processes and share European values. That is why further development of the national system of higher education should go towards gradual convergence with the standards of the Western countries, and one of the important tasks of the educational process is the study of world experience. This knowledge can be obtained by studying the discipline "Financial systems of foreign countries", which aims to form students with the basic concepts on the structure and foundations of the functioning of financial systems of foreign countries, expansion and deepening of theoretical knowledge of students on the principles of construction, the main trends in the formation and development of financial systems of foreign countries.
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In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 593-594
ISSN: 2325-7784
In: Middle East Studies Association bulletin, Band 35, Heft 1, S. 61-62
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 35, Heft 3
ISSN: 0197-9183
In: Études internationales, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 442
ISSN: 1703-7891
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 64, Heft 3, S. 736-736
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 20, Heft 3, S. 753-754
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: Far Eastern survey, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 31-32
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 390-390
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: Puti k miru i bezopasnosti, Heft 1, S. 122-138
ISSN: 2311-5238
In: Politologický časopis, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 3-20
ISSN: 1211-3247
Although today national interest is a concept often deemed too old-fashioned for any relevant study of foreign policy or international relations, it is surprising how deeply embedded it is in practical political discourse. The aim of this article is therefore to recast the concept so as to make it a useful theoretical instrument again, hence renewing the conceptual link between the academic & practical discourses on the subject. The argument is divided into five steps: First, we will explain the realist account of national interest & its two major features -- essentialism & its non-normative nature. Second, we will dedicate some attention to the critics of the realist approach. Third, we will try to demonstrate that both sides of this debate have committed a fundamental error in considering national interest as a descriptive category. By pointing to the concept's historical evolution, we will show that national interest should be primarily understood as a normative concept. In the last two steps, we will couple the debate on interest to discussions in theories of democracy & set three criteria which must be met for interest to be considered legitimate. Adapted from the source document.
In: Political science today: the member news magazine of the American Political Science Association, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 24-25
ISSN: 2766-726X
Elected leaders tend to enjoy an increase in popular support when the countries they govern become embroiled in international conflict. For example, George W. Bush could boast a 90% approval rating in the wake of 9/11. Existing theories claim that such "rally effects" occur due to favorable media coverage, support from opposition party members, and/or an uptick in patriotism. These existing theories share a basic assumption: rallies or rally effects reflect sincere changes in preferences, or individuals' beliefs. In his new American Political Science Review article (https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs%5b%E2%80%A6%5dpularity-surge-after-crimea/B587ECFA7B1280DE42D914DC101296F4), Henry E. Hale argues for a re-examination of the causal mechanisms in relation to rallying effects.
In: Mediterranean reconfigurations volume 3
"In Muslims in Spain, 1492-1814: Living and Negotiating in the Land of the Infidel, Eloy Martín-Corrales surveys Hispano-Muslim relations from the late fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries, a period of chronic hostilities. Nonetheless there were thousands of Muslims in Spain during this time: ambassadors, exiles, merchants, converts, and travelers. Their negotiating strategies and the necessary support they found on both shores of the Mediterranean prove that relations between Spaniards and Muslims were based on reasons of state and a pragmatism that generated intense ties, both political and economic. These increased enormously after the peace treaties that Spain signed with Muslim countries between 1767 and 1791"--
Charlotte P. Lee considers organizational changes taking place within the contemporary Chinese Communist Party (CCP), examining the party's renewed emphasis on an understudied but core set of organizations: party-managed training academies or 'party schools'. This national network of organizations enables party authorities to exert political control over the knowledge, skills, and careers of officials. Drawing on in-depth field research and novel datasets, Lee finds that the party school system has not been immune to broader market-based reforms but instead has incorporated many of the same strategies as actors in China's hybrid, state-led private sector. In the search for revenue and status, schools have updated training content and become more entrepreneurial as they compete and collaborate with domestic and international actors. This book draws attention to surprising dynamism located within the party, in political organizations thought immune to change, and the transformative effect of the market on China's political system. -- Provided by publisher