Suchergebnisse

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 간호대학 간호학과, 2019. 2. 김정은. ; 초록 본 논문의 목족은 정보기술수용모형 설문지를 통해 인도네시아 사람들이 이용한 Mobile JKN 사용현황을 분석한다. 특히, 본 연구는 다음의 목표를 달성하기 위해 노력한다: (1) 보편적 의료 보험을 제공하는 국가 보험 프로게렘인 JKN을 지원하기 위해, Mobile JKN (정부 보건 관리 기관에서 발급한 모바일엡)을 이용하는 인도네시아 사용자의 사용현황을 확인하는 것 ; (2) Mobile JKN 엡에 대한 사용자의 인식 파악하는 것 ; (3) 사용현황에 영향을 미치는 인구통계학적 요인을 파악하는 것이다. 본 연구의 방법론은 기술, 탐구 및 단면 분석이었다. 본 논문의 설문자에 대한 선택 기준은 정부 보건 관리 기관으로 연결된 JKN 모바일을 다운 받아 사용하는 인도네시아 보편적의료보럼의 회원이다. 설문자는 페스북, WhatsApp, 라인, 카카오톡과 같은 소설 미디어 플랫폼을 통해 배포되었다. 본 연구의 참여한 JKN모바일엡 사용자는 총 128명이었다. 지각된 유연성(PU)와 지각된 사용 요이성(PEOU) 사이에 관련이 있는지 테스트하기 위해 피어슨 상관계수를 적용했고, JKN모바일엡의 지각된 유연성(PU)와 지각된 사용 요이성(PEOU)에 대한 인구통계확적 요인의 영향을 분석하기 위해 표준중다회귀분석을 했다. 본 논문의 연구 결과는 설문자들은 JKN모바일엡을 받아들었다. 데이터 분석 결과에 따르면, PU의 평균점수는 3.8점과 PEOU의 평균점수는 3.7점으로 대다수의 사용자들이 모바일엡은 유용한 것으로 인식한다. 또한, PU변수와 PEOU변수가 P-value <0.05와 유의하게 상관관계가 있음을 보여주었다. 모바일앱 사용시간은 PEOU 점수의 유일한 영향력 있는 예측 변수가 되었고, PEOU의 변화율 4%만 설명하였는데, 그러나 PU 변수에 큰 영향을 미치지 않았고, PEOU 변수만 PU에 영향을 미치며, 30%의 차이를 설명하였다. 본 연구는 보건 정보학 분야, 특히 모바일헬스 엡 분야의 기술 수용과 관련된 지식을 강화한다. 키워드: 모바일헬스(mHealth), 정보기술수용모형, JKN 모바일, 모바일엡, 사용현황, 인도네시아인. 학생 번호: 2016-29060 ; Abstract The main purpose of this research was to analyze Mobile JKN acceptance by the Indonesian community using the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) questionnaire. Specifically, the study seeks to achieve the following aims: (a) Identify Indonesian users' acceptance of Mobile JKN—an app issued by BPJS Kesehatan, the government's health management agency, in support of JKN, the national insurance program that delivers universal healthcare coverage ; (b) Identify users' perception of the Mobile JKN app ; (c) Identify the demographic factors influencing the acceptance. The research methodology applied in this study was descriptive, exploratory, and cross-sectional analysis. The criterion for participants in this research was a member of Universal Healthcare Coverage of Indonesia who had already downloaded and used the Mobile JKN app as the tools to connect to BPJS Kesehatan Institution. The questionnaires were distributed through social media platforms such as Facebook, WhatsApp, LINE, and KakaoTalk. There were 128 Mobile JKN app users participated in this study. The Pearson correlation coefficient was applied to test if a relationship existed between the variables of perceived usefulness (PU) and perceived ease-of-use (PEOU) and standard multiple regression was calculated to analyze the influence of demographic factors regarding the PU and PEOU of the Mobile JKN app. The finding showed that the participants accepted the Mobile JKN app. Analysis of the data explained that the majority of the users perceived the app as useful, with the mean score of PU being 3.8, and that it was easy to use, with the mean score of PEOU being 3.7. It also showed that the PU variable and PEOU variables significantly correlated, with P-value <0.05. The duration of app usage time became the only influential predictor of PEOU score and it explained only 4% of variance of PEOU ; however, it did not significantly affect the PU variable. Only the PEOU variable has an influence on PU and it explained 30% of the variance. This research enriches the knowledge related to technology acceptance in the field of health informatics, specifically on mobile health apps. Keywords: Mobile Health (mHealth), Technology Acceptance Model, Mobile JKN, Mobile app, Acceptance, Indonesian. Student ID: 2016-29060 ; Table of Contents CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ……………………….……. 1 1. Background …………………………………………………. 1 2. Objectives …………………………………………………… 3 3. Definition of terms …………………………………………. 4 CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW ………………….… 6 1. Mobile Health Technology …………………………………. 6 2. Factors Influencing the Acceptance of the Technology ……. 6 3. Technology Acceptance Model ……………………………. 8 CHAPTER III. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK …………. 9 CHAPTER IV. METHODS …………………….……………. 10 1. Study Design ………………………………………………. 10 2. Setting and Sample ………………………….……………… 10 3. Data Collection Procedure ……………….…………………. 10 4. Measures ………………………………….………………… 11 5. Data Analysis ………………………….……………………. 12 6. Ethical Consideration ………………….……………………. 12 CHAPTER V. RESULT ….…………………………………… 13 1. Characteristics of the Participants ….………………………. 13 2. Score of Perceived Usefulness and Perceived Ease of Use …. 15 3. Correlation Between Perceived Usefulness and Perceived Ease-of-Use ………………………………………….………. 19 4. Factor Influencing the Perceived Usefulness and Perceived Easy-of-Use of Participants …………………………………………. 19 CHAPTER VI. DISCUSSION ………………….……………. 24 CHAPTER VII. CONCLUSION ……………………………. 29 REFERENCES ………………………………………………. 32 APPENDICES ………………………………………………… 40 ; Master

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 공과대학 건축학과, 2019. 2. Choi, Choon . ; This research aims to present an analysis of housing policies and housing schemes in Colombia and South Korea. Besides, present alternatives for public housing policies needed to improve the current dwelling situation of Colombian and South Korean Low-income households. The definition of housing rights and habitat must be taken into account when we talk about public housing policies. This study ask the following questions: first, which features of the past and present housing policy strategies, interceded within local economic, political and social context, are assessed to be meaningful in supporting affordable housing for lower-income families? ; second, is it still valid to promote home-ownership as the only proper way for low-income households in Colombia? To answer these questions, the method of this research embraces a historical literature analysis method. Colombian urban development process was not connected to industrialisation as it was in South Korea ; instead, it was a result of the poor living conditions and conflict in the countryside. To solve low-income housing issues, subsidy-based policies have been applied. The most recent policies have exposed the urge of the government to activate the housing market while trying to secure the right to housing to their most vulnerable population by 'free housing' program. However, there is evidence of the negative impact that such policies create. On the other hand, South Korea has served as a case that supports 'public rental housing' as an alternative that can guarantee affordable and decent housing for low-income households. Furthermore, the study opens the idea that Colombia needs an urgent restructuring of their old social housing system based only on the supply of housing by ownership. ; 본 연구는 콜롬비아와 한국의 주택정책과 주택계획의 분석을 목적으로 한다. 게다가, 콜롬비아와 한국의 저소득층의 주거환경 개선을 위해 필요한 공공주택정책의 대안을 제시하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 공공 주택 정책에 대해 이야기할 때 주택 권리와 거주지의 정의를 고려해야 한다. 이 연구에서는 다음 질문을 한다: 첫째, 저소득층을 위한 값싼 주택을 지원하는 데 있어 의미 있는 것으로 평가되는 과거 및 현재의 주택 정책 전략은 무엇인가? 둘째, 콜롬비아의 저소득층에게 주택 소유를 적절한 방법으로 권장하는 것이 여전히 유효한가?. 이러한 질문에 답하기 위해, 이 연구의 방법은 역사문헌 분석법을 채택한다. 콜롬비아의 도시개발 과정은 한국처럼 산업화와 연계되지 않았다. 대신에, 그것은 가난한 생활 환경과 도시 외 지역에서의 갈등으로 인한 것이었다. 콜롬비아에서는 저소득층 주택 문제를 해결하기 위해 보조금 기반의 정책을 적용하였다. 가장 최근의 정책은 '자유 주택' 프로그램을 통해 가장 취약한 인구에 대한 주택 권리를 확보하기 위해 노력하면서 주택 시장을 활성해야 된다는 정부의 목적이 드러났다. 그러나 그러한 정책들이 만들어내는 부정적인 영향의 증거가 있다. 반면에 한국은 저소득층에게 저렴하고 적절한 주거를 보장할 수 있는 대안으로 '공임대주택'을 지원하는 사례가 있었다. 그러나, 한국의 공공임대주택 정책 또한 모든 사람들을 위한 품질 보증에 중점을 둘 필요가 있다. 게다가, 이 연구는 콜롬비아가 단지 소유에 의한 주택 공급에 바탕을 둔 그들의 오래된 사회 주택 시스템의 긴급한 구조조정이 필요하다는 생각을 하게 만든다. ; Abstract. i Table Of Contents . iii Abbreviations . v List Of Tables .vi List Of Figures .vii Chapter 1. Introduction . 1 1.1 Problem Statement . 1 1.2 Research Objectives And Questions . 3 1.3 Research Methodology. 4 Chapter 2. Right And Need Of Low-Income Urban Housing . .6 2.1 The Right To Housing. 6 2.2 Urban Social Housing. 7 2.3 Importance Of Government Intervention Through Housing Policies. 7 Chapter 3. Housing For Low-Income Households Current Situation In Colombia And South Korea . 8 3.1 Urbanisation And Conditions For Low-Income Population's Urban Settlements . 9 3.1.1 Colombia's Ungoverned Urbanisation .14 3.1.2 South Korea's Ideology Of 'Speed' Development . 18 3.2 Access System To Housing.24 Chapter 4. Welfare And Developmental Housing Policies .27 4.1 Welfare Regime Approach . 27 4.2 Latin American Welfare State: Historical Review Of Colombia's Housing Policies.29 4.2.1 Social Housing For Home Ownership.40 4.3 Developmental Welfare State: Historical Review Of South Korea's Housing Policies . 51 4.3.1 Public Rental Housing.61 Chapter 5. Lessons, Analysis And Housing Policies Alternatives .65 5.1 Analysis Of Colombia And South Korea Recent Housing Approaches . 65 5.1.1 Colombia's Economy Activation Attempt Through Social Housing . 65 5.1.2 South Korean Shift Towards Social Oriented Public Housing . 67 5.1.3 General Analysis Of Colombia And South Korea Policies . 70 5.2 Alternatives And Strategies For Low-Income Household's Housing In Colombia And South Korea . 73 5.2.1 Common Strategies For Colombia And South Korea . 73 5.2.2 Specific Strategies For Colombia.74 5.2.3 Specific Strategies For South Korea.75 Chapter 6. Conclusion .77 Bibliography .80 국문 초록.86 ; Master

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :국제대학원 국제학과(국제통상전공),2019. 8. 신성호. ; 우리나라의 국가 사이버안보는 관리체계가 다양한 정부부처들 간에 분산되어 있음은 물론, 공공, 민간, 군사 부문들 간에도 조정과 연계체계 매우 부실하다. 따라서 고도로 지능화되고 복잡해 지고 있는 각종 사이버 공격에 제대로 대처하는 데 한계를 노출하고 있다. 그리고 사이버안보체계의 안정성 면에서도 문제가 적지 않다. 따라서 국가 사이버안보체계 전반에 대한 점검과 재구조화가 필요한 시점이다. 이러한 배경 하에서, 본 논문의 목적은 거버넌스(governance) 관점에 입각하여 핵심정보인프라 분야에서의 국가 사이버안보체계의 실태와 문제점을 분석하고 또한 미국의 사이버안보체계에 대한 사례분석을 행하며, 이를 토대로 핵심정보인프라 분야에서의 사이버안보체계 강화방안을 제언하고자 하는 것이다. 이러한 연구목적을 달성하기 위하여 본 논문은 우선 사회과학 분야에서 널리 사용되고 있는 거버넌스 관점의 등장배경, 의의, 거버넌스 능력 등에 관한 이론적 논의를 행하였다. 다음에는 이러한 이론적 논의를 참조하여 거버넌스의 구성요소, 거버넌스의 성공 요건 등을 중심으로 분석틀을 설정하였다. 이어서 일종의 벤치마킹을 위한 시도로 미국의 사이버안보체계의 실태를 거버넌스 관점에 입각하여 사례분석을 행하였다. 다음 장에서는 앞에서 설정된 분석틀에 입각하여 우리나라 사이버안보 거버넌스 체계의 실태와 문제점을 실증적으로 분석하였다. 마지막으로는 미국의 사이버안보 거버넌스 체계에 대한 사례 분석과 우리나라의 사이버안보체계의 실태 및 문제점에 대한 분석을 토대로, 보다 안정적이고 지속가능한 사이버안보 거버넌스 체계를 구축하기 위한 구체적인 정책방안들을 제시하였다. ; Korea's national cybersecurity governance system is characterized by high levels of fragmentation and instability, unable to form coherent national-level response to increasingly sophisticated and devastating cyber attacks, with the public, private and military sector each struggling to provide for its own cybersecurity. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the contemporary situation and underlying problems of South Korea's national cybersecurity in the area of critical information infrastructure from the governance perspective, then suggest relevant policy measures to bolster cybersecurity of critical information infrastructure. In order to fulfill the objective, this paper first examines the theories pertinent to the concept and emergence of the governance perspective in the disciplines of social science. Then, the components of governance and the requirements for successful governance are explored in order to establish the dimensions of analysis. Subsequently, the paper undertakes a case study of the U.S. cybersecurity governance system to draw relevant policy implications. The following chapter examines the contemporary situation and underlying problems of South Korea's cybersecurity governance, in accordance with the five dimensions of the governance system. This paper concludes with policy suggestions to consolidate a stable and sustainable cybersecurity governance system in Korea. ; CHAPTER I. Introduction 1.1 Research Background 1 1.2 Research Purpose and Research Questions 5 CHAPTER II. Theoretical Underpinning and Research Design 2.1 Theoretical Underpinning 8 1) Cybersecurity 8 2) Critical Infrastructure or Critical National Infrastructure 9 3) Critical Information Infrastructure 11 4) Emergence of Governance Perspective 12 5) Conceptualizing Governance 14 6) Governance Capacity and Good Governance 17 7) Conditions for Governance Formation 18 8) Requirements for Successful Governance 19 2.2. Literature Review 22 1) Literatures on Regional and Global Cybersecurity Governance 22 2) Literatures on Cybersecurity Governance in South Korea 24 3) Common Limitations of Precedent Studies 27 2.3 Research Method: Document Research and Case Study 28 2.4 Rationale for U.S. Cybersecurity Governance as Case Study 32 2.5 Dimensions of Analysis 33 CHAPTER III. The Cybersecurity Governance System of the United States 3.1 An Overview of Cybersecurity Legislation and Policies in the U.S. 35 3.2 Legal and Institutional Systems: Roles and Responsibilities 43 3.3 Federal Cybersecurity Budget 45 3.4 Public-Private Partnership: Critical Infrastructure Sector Partnership 47 3.5 Federal Cybersecurity Monitoring and Evaluation Systems 51 CHAPTER IV. An Analysis of South Korea's National Cybersecurity Governance System on Critical Information Infrastructure 4.1 An Overview of South Korea's National Cybersecurity Challenges 53 4.2 An Analysis of the Cybersecurity Governance System of South Korea 57 1) Legal and Institutional Systems 57 2) Administrative System for Critical Information Infrastructure 67 3) Finance and Budget Systems 76 4) Public-Private Partnership 79 5) Monitoring and Evaluation Systems 81 CHAPTER V. Policy Measures to Consolidate the National Cybersecurity Governance System in South Korea 5.1 Policy Suggestions to Consolidate the Cybersecurity Governance System 1) Legal and Institutional Systems 84 2) Administrative System 86 3) Finance and Budget Systems 90 4) Public-Private Partnership 92 5) Monitoring and Evaluation Systems 95 5.2 Engineering Cyber Resilient Governance 101 CHAPTER VI. Conclusion 6.1 Conclusion and Implications 105 6.2. Future Avenues of Research 109 Bibliography 110 ; Master

Germany's political economy has undergone a substantial transformation. After having been held up as the "sick man of Europe" at the turn of the century, it is now considered, depending on the point of view, either an "economic superstar" or a bulky elephant in the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). At the core of Germany's transformation there lies a prolonged trajectory of wage restraint. The observation from which this dissertation takes off is that, since the mid-1990s, the most pronounced trajectory of wage restraint can be observed in the German public sector rather than the export sector. Yet very little is known about the political economy of public sector wage setting. What explains Germany's trajectory of public sector wage restraint vis-à-vis its EMU peers? Through a triangulation of interviews with key policy actors, archival and secondary sources, the dissertation shows historically and analytically that Germany's trajectory is the result of the public employers' necessity to pursue consolidation in the face of an ever tighter fiscal space. This necessity was/is not homogeneously distributed among the German public employers. It is mediated by the institutional structures of the German semisovereign state. Germany is a fragmented polity characterized by an asymmetric fiscal federalism system. Tax legislation is centralized within the Federation's remits while administrative expenditures are mostly a prerogative of sub-national governments. Public employers' revenues are thus constrained by the lack of fiscal autonomy. The incapacity to manipulate revenues at will urges them to rein in the fiscal costs of public sector wage setting. Within this constellation, the public employers are semisovereign state actors in that they share the political authority to adopt public sector wage policies with other centres of power over which they have no control. But the structure of the politico-administrative system is such that the bulk of the public sector wage bill is footed by sub-national employers. This creates conflicts of interest among the public employers. "Together we rule divided we stand" tells the story of a political misalignment within the public employers' historical coalition. For forty years, public employers' unity had ensured centralized and encompassing wage bargaining in the German public sector. The deficits caused by reunification first, slow growth and the Red-Green's tax reform later dealt a blow to the finances of public employers. Before acceding EMU, in 1996, the public employers united had to push for public sector wage restraint to bring the deficit below the Maastricht's 3% vincolo esterno. Had the employers not pursued restraint fiercely before the 1997 fiscal year, Germany would have most likely not qualified for EMU. In the 2000s the public employers grew politically divided and took different paths. Given their disproportional personnel costs, the Länder pulled out of the public employers' bargaining coalition and opted for the institutionalization of their own Länder-level collective bargaining. Simultaneously, in the fiscal federalism reform they successfully claimed back the legislative competence to regulate their civil servants' pay and careers. The federal and municipal employers remained together within a new joint collective bargaining framework. The double process of institutional and constitutional reforms has now led to the institutionalization of a low-wage equilibrium characterized by consensus-based joint decision making. This is, however, an institutional equilibrium in which public wages can only be set as a lowest common denominator taking into consideration the poorer employers' ability to pay. These state institutional structures, I claim, currently hamper Germany's capacity to inflate its economy via public sector wage/fiscal inflation in order to ensure a more symmetric adjustment in the post-crisis EMU. The dissertation shows that restraint is not the result of a state capture by a dominant export sector's elite. Nor is it imposed via export-led pattern bargaining. The public employers were the protagonists and their interests were primarily fiscal in nature. In hoping to bring the public employers within the radar of CPE scholars, the dissertation suggests that the state matters but it is not a monolithic bloc capable of unitary action. What characterizes governments in their function of public employers is rather their internal dividedness, with which they must come to terms in order to "act" as wage setters.

У статті описано специфіку старообрядницьких поселень сучасного Жмеринського району в контексті культурних традицій Поділля. Висвітлено вплив історичних подій на спосіб життя та культурні традиції даних громад. Досліджено їх внесок у формування адміністративно-територіального устрою Жмеринського району (зокрема, на утворення нових поселень та їх районування), особливості будівництва і провідні види діяльності – традиційні для старообрядців загалом та специфічні, властиві тільки для даного регіону. ; Eastern Podillya is a multi-religious land, various ethnic groups lives here side by side for many centuries. They were obeyed to common laws and made a joint contribution to the development of their cities and villages. Simultaneously, different communities tried to preserve their own cultural identity, therefore they were creating separate settlements with unique architecture, traditions and specification.This multicultural palette was not stable due to constant changes in historical and political terms. Some nations received support, while others were oppressed. Because of this, the community of Old-Believers has been severely affected. But despite the permanent persecution and assimilation policy of the USSR, the Old-Believers communities of Eastern Podillya still retain their history, religion and cultural traditions.The appearance of the Old-Believers in Ukraine is connected with persecution of them in Russia in the late XVII century. Many of them settled in the Podillya lands, since the then Polish authorities were interested in new settlements and gave them religious and economic privileges.In view of the constant harassment of the Old-Believers faith on the part of the Russian Empire, the Old-Believers communities were mostly closed and settled far from the rest of the people, often in the forests, which affected their place names. Even in mixed settlements, the Old-Believers lived separately, preserving their specific social and cultural features: language, national costumes, architecture and type of activity.The modern Zhmerynka district is one of the most famous multicultural centers of the Eastern Podillya. At least four ethno-religious communities live here for centuries. The Old-Believers had a significant influence on the formation of the administrative-territorial structure of this region.The first Old-Believers settlement – the village of Chernyatin – emerge here in the XVII century on the land of the Polish prince Lyubomyrsky. Subsequently, a new landowner evicted them to the south, and they founded a new settlement in the forest, which was called Sloboda Cherniatynska. At the new place, they immediately built a wooden church in a log house, which was later named after St. Philip. They had an unconventional specification – they were engaged in gardening and growing fruit and berry crops. The people from Sloboda Cherniatynska founded two more villages – Martynivka and Oleksandrivka, where Ukrainians and Russians lived together.The village of Zhukivtsi from the beginning was multi-religious: Orthodox, Old-Believers, Catholics and Jews lived here together. The Old-Believers of Zhukivtsi were strongly united and organized for defending of their own property and religious interests. For example, they managed to rebuild a burnt church in a time, when it was forbidden by Nicholas I. To get around the ban, the building of a new temple was made secretly in the woods, after that it was transported and assembled overnight. In accordance with the Old-Believer tradition, this church is assembled from a log without any nail and has two domes.The village of Ludavka is also multi-ethnic. It is as divided into two parts: the western parts of the village occupy Ukrainians, and in the east live Old-Believers from Russia. Both ethnic groups were mostly engaged in agriculture, and most of the Old-Believers also rented gardens and worked on stone and joinery work. Well-known the Old-Believers family of the Bahins, who manufactured and sold wheels for the wagons. In Ludavka was an Old-Believer church, which had one dome and a three-tiered iconostasis. It was exposed to fires twice and was rebuilt both times, but in the 1960's the Soviet authorities shut her down and transformed into a village club.The Old-Believers of Ukraine are a distinct ethnic group that differs both from the indigenous population and from the Russian Orthodox who live here. Living in a foreign country, even in the multi-ethnic settlements, they tried not to assimilate with the local population and retain their traditions. At the same time, the Old-Believers of the Zhmerynka district partially accepted the tradition of gardening of the Ukrainians, adapting it to their own needs.

The article states that authority is a key structural element of criminal procedural competence. At the pre-trial stage, the investigative judge, who is empowered with powers that are specifically defined in the criminal procedure code, is a guarantee of the rights, freedoms and interests of individuals in criminal proceedings. In the general theory of competence distinguish the most typical powers, which include: a) to manage; b) to manage; c) to decide; d) participate; e) to standardize; e) to organize; g) develop; g) specify; h) coordinate; i) to control; and) prohibit. In turn, looking at the issues of authority of the investigating judge through the lens of the dogma of competence theory, gives the opportunity to point out certain features and to isolate some theoretical and applied problems. In accordance with the doctrine of criminal proceedings, powers are perceived as a duty (an inseparable combination of law and obligation) of a governmental entity. At the same time, the totality of such powers provides the possibility for the subject to fulfill his criminal procedural function. Therefore, it is no coincidence that the authority of the court in the scientific literature is defined as "fixed by the rules of criminal procedural law and determined by the subject matter of keeping the circle of rights and duties (responsibilities), established to perform specific procedural actions and to take appropriate procedural decisions in criminal proceedings. In turn, other researchers, adapting this definition to the procedural status of the investigating judge, propose to define his authority as a set of interrelated rights and obligations (responsibilities) established for him to perform procedural actions and to make procedural decisions on judicial execution. control over observance of rights, freedoms and interests of persons in criminal proceedings . Thus, as we can see, the science of criminal proceedings proposes to take the powers of an investigating judge as a means of exercising his function, and the CCP focuses on the fact that the function (judicial control) is one of the possible powers of the investigating judge. There are nine groups of powers for the investigating judge: 1) powers related to the application of criminal prosecution measures; 2) powers related to the consideration and resolution of issues concerning the granting of permission to conduct statutory investigative (investigative) actions, the NSRD and other procedural actions aimed at collecting evidence by the parties; 3) the authority to consider and resolve complaints against the decision, actions or omissions of the investigator and the prosecutor; 4) the power to collect evidence through interrogation and the appointment of expertise; 5) powers related to updating and setting procedural time limits; 6) the authority to consider and resolve allotment issues; 7) the authority to decide at the stage of pre-trial investigation the fate of material evidence; 8) the authority to resolve the issue of the use of information obtained as a result of the NSDF on the features of a criminal offense not investigated in this criminal proceeding in other criminal proceedings; 9) the general duties (powers) of the investigating judge on the protection of human rights enshrined in Art. 206 CPC. The authority of the investigating judge, defined by the scholars as enshrined in the rules of criminal procedural law and determined by the subject matter of keeping the circle of rights and duties (responsibilities), is established for the execution of specific procedural actions and the adoption of appropriate procedural decisions in criminal proceedings. ; Розглянуто питання владних повноважень слідчого судді та зазначено, що вони є ключовим структурним елементом кримінально-процесуальної компетенції. Повноваження слідчого судді у кримінальному провадженні ‒ це правообов'язок державно-владного суб'єкта. Вивчено варіанти класифікації повноважень слідчого судді за їх предметним критерієм. Обґрунтовано позицію, що принциповою рисою компетенції слідчого судді в кримінальному провадженні є пасивний характер судово-контрольних повноважень, за винятком загального обов'язку щодо захисту прав людини. ; Розглянуто питання владних повноважень слідчого судді та зазначено, що вони є ключовим структурним елементом кримінально-процесуальної компетенції. Повноваження слідчого судді у кримінальному провадженні ‒ це правообов'язок державно-владного суб'єкта. Вивчено варіанти класифікації повноважень слідчого судді за їх предметним критерієм. Обґрунтовано позицію, що принциповою рисою компетенції слідчого судді в кримінальному провадженні є пасивний характер судово-контрольних повноважень, за винятком загального обов'язку щодо захисту прав людини.

Узагальнено повноваження органів місцевого самоврядування та ресурсне забезпечення їх реалізації. Розглянуто напрями державної фінансової підтримки розвитку громад в умовах децентралізації влади. Визначено можливості економічного розвитку громад за рахунок державної підтримки. Обґрунтовано необхідність стимулювання створення та розвитку економічно спроможних громад. ; Problem setting. An important task of the state is the creation of material, financial and organizational conditions for the formation of capable communities, the implementation of local government authorities' own and delegated functions, and the improvement of the well-being of the inhabitants. In addition to powers, local authorities receive additional resources and financial basis. The topical task of the financial decentralization is to provide the necessary amount of financial resources for the implementation of the specified activity. In modern conditions, stimulating decentralization processes from the state budget provides significant financial resources for community development, as well as mechanisms for the formation of local budgets.Recent research and publications analysis. Finding sources of funding for the development of territories is a constant focus of both academics and practitioners. Among the officials at the highest level, these aspects are covered by V. Hroisman, H. Zubko, N. Bondarchuk and others. Experts from the EU programs and scientists made a significant contribution to the formation of the national system of financial support for the development of communities: O. Hladka, Ya. Kaziuk, O. Krainyk, K. Meddok, H. Medouse, A. Tkachuk, Yu. Tretiak, O. Kalashnikova, Î. Mrinska and others.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In spite of the considerable interest in problems of the financial provision for the development of communities in the conditions of decentralization among scholars and practitioners, in our opinion, it is advisable to study in detail various areas of state financial support for the local development, in particular, United territorial communities.Paper main body. In the process of decentralization, the United territorial communities move to direct inter-budget relations with the state budget, receive powers and resources, including financial, which have cities of regional significance. By introducing decentralization reform, the state actively encourages and finances local and regional development. Public financial support for the development of communities during the last 5 years (from 2014 till 2018) has increased by almost 40 times and continues to grow. To strengthen the economic capacity of the territories, a subvention from the state budget to local budgets for the formation of the infrastructure of newly created communities is foreseen. Financing of the investment programs and regional development projects aimed at developing regions, creating the infrastructure of industrial and innovation parks, sports infrastructure and meeting the priorities defined in the State Strategy for Regional Development for the period up to 2020 can be carried out at the expense of the State Fund for Regional Development. In addition, there was founded the funding for the construction of sports facilities, a subvention for the development of medicine in the countryside, funds for supporting sectoral regional policy, and the state budget for 2019 there is provided with a subvention for the construction, reconstruction, repair and maintenance of public roads. In order to exercise their powers, there have been transferred into the local budgets, a single tax, corporate income tax and the tax of financial institutions of communal property, property tax (real estate, land, transport) and 60% of the income tax of natural persons. Local authorities are empowered to approve their own budgets, regardless of the adoption of the law on the state budget. Having received additional government-delegated powers, United territorial communities (UTC) receive corresponding transfers: dotations, educational and medical subventions, etc. In assessing the results of financial decentralization, it is worth noting the growth of local budgets and the significant acceleration of local budget revenue growth in the comparison to the average figures all over Ukraine. Conclusions of the research and prospects of further studies. Modern processes of budget decentralization facilitate the implementation of socio-economic development of territories, allow increasing revenues to local budgets for the implementation of powers, and stimulate local authorities and communities to search and implement potential priority measures and projects, which will ultimately have a positive effect on the community development. The received in a result of reforms powers and resources allowed local authorities to make decisions on the socio-economic development of the territories, the formation of the investment attractiveness of the territories, the possibilities of creating and updating educational, medical, transport, housing and communal infrastructure. Further research should substantiate measures on the completeness of reforms and the search for new opportunities and sources of financing local economic development.

Problem setting. The aim of the Sustainable Development Strategy "Ukraine 2020" is to introduce European standards of living in Ukraine and Ukraine's leading position in the world.Therefore, the state policy of Ukraine in modern conditions is intended to ensure further reform of all spheres of public life in the context of ensuring the appropriate level of socio-economic development of the country and high European standards of living. This testifies to the unconditional relevance of the study of the issues of determining the theoretical and methodological foundations of state policy in the sphere of European integration.Recent research and publications analysis. The research of theoretical and methodological foundations of state policy in the sphere of European integration has been done by such scientists as: I. Artyomov, V. Bakumenko, V. Bondarenko, O. Vashchuk, D. Viter, L. Zagainova, O. Kazakevich, A. Krivonogova, O. Rudenko and other.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. However, many questions regarding the definition and content of state policy in the sphere of European integration in the face of the current challenges remain poorly understood.Paper main body. For Ukraine, as an integral part of Europe, the need to formulate and implement a relevant state policy for European integration has long been a necessary prerequisite for further socio-economic development of the country and the construction of a welfare state in the medium term.In the context of the study of theoretical and methodological foundations of state policy in the sphere of European integration, we will consider different scientific views and methodological approaches to defining its main categories and definitions regarding their essence and content.The European Union, which was introduced in 1993 under the Maastricht Treaty, is a consolidated multinational entity (not a legal entity), an intergovernmental association of European countries through the creation of a common market, economic and monetary union, and through the implementation of a common policy and activities aimed at ensuring the continued economic growth, social development and cohesion of the participating countries. Member States of the European Union have set up joint institutions to which they have delegated part of their national powers so that decisions in certain areas of common interest can be made democratically at the pan-European level.The concept of "multi-level governance" of European integration is appropriate, in addition to supranational, national and regional, to complement the local level of interaction.State policy in the sphere of European integration is the legislative activity of state bodies and local self-government bodies through a set of mechanisms and instruments for its formation and implementation regarding the adaptation and implementation of national laws, regulations, rules and procedures to EU standards (their Europeanization) covering different spheres of public life with a view to competitive sustainable development of the country and raising the standard of living of the population to European standards.State policies in the sphere of European integration must also comply with the principles of: coherence and orderliness; predictability and effectiveness, economic feasibility, social and environmental responsibility, which will improve its efficiency and effectiveness.The subjects of state policy in the sphere of European integration, in addition to the subjects of implementation (legislative, executive and judicial bodies of state power, local self-government bodies), should also include the actors of influence (political parties, public-political associations, mass media). information, public, individuals).The objects of state policy in the sphere of European integration, it is expedient to consider all spheres of social activity (economic, social, humanitarian, environmental, cultural, sports, etc.), with which the processes of European integration are related.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Thus, on the basis of the conducted researches it can be concluded that only if the state goals and principles of state policy in the sphere of European integration are provided at the state level, additional opportunities will be opened to meet the needs of society for the realization of the European vector of the country's development. In addition, under the current conditions, the formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration is the basis of sustainable socio-economic development of the country, the guarantee of state sovereignty, the issue of ensuring high standards of living for the population of Ukraine. ; Охарактеризовано теоретичні питання, що стосуються основних понять державної політики у сфері європейської інтеграції. Висвітлено методологічні підходи щодо визначення сутності та змісту державної політики у сфері європейської інтеграції. Досліджено подальший розвиток визначення сутності та змісту державної політики у сфері європейської інтеграції.

The file associated with this record is under embargo until 12 months after publication, in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. The full text may be available through the publisher links provided above. ; The Compact High Energy Camera is a focal plane camera designed for two mirror Schwarzschild–Couder design imaging air Cherenkov telescopes such as the SST-2M variants on the Cherenkov Telescope Array. It utilises a 2048-pixel array of silicon photomultipliers arranged in thirty-two 8 x 8 pixel tiles. Each detector tile is instrumented with a front-end electronics module designed to provide single photon counting with sub-nanosecond timing, full-waveform digitisation and event triggering capabilities based around TARGET ASICs. Performance results including triggering, digitiser noise, signal crosstalk, linearity and dynamic range from initial laboratory tests have been collated and are presented. ; State Committee of Science of Armenia, Armenia; The Australian Research Council, Astronomy Australia Ltd, The University of Adelaide, Australian National University, Monash University, The University of New South Wales, The University of Sydney, Western Sydney University, Australia; Federal Ministry of Science, Research and Economy, and Innsbruck University, Austria; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientı́fico e Tecnológico (CNPq), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP), Ministry of Science, Technology, Innovations and Communications (MCTIC), Brasil; Ministry of Education and Science, National RI Roadmap Project DO1-153/28.08.2018, Bulgaria; The Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada and the Canadian Space Agency, Canada; CONICYT-Chile grants PFB-06, FB0821, ACT 1406, FONDECYT-Chile grants 3160153, 3150314, 1150411, 1161463, 1170171, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Vice-Rectory of Research internationalization grant under MINEDUC agreement PUC1566, Chile; Croatian Science Foundation, Rudjer Boskovic Institute, University of Osijek, University of Rijeka, University of Split, Faculty of Electrical Engineering, Mechanical Engineering and Naval Architecture, University of Zagreb, Faculty of Electrical Engineering and Computing, Croatia; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, MEYS LE13012, LG14019, LM2015046, LO1305, LTT17006 and EU/MEYS CZ.02.1.01/0.0/0.0/16\_013/0001403, Czech Republic; Ministry of Higher Education and Research, CNRS-INSU and CNRS-IN2P3, CEA-Irfu, ANR, Regional Council Ile de France, Labex ENIGMASS, OSUG2020, P2IO and OCEVU, France; Max Planck Society, BMBF, DESY, Helmholtz Association, Germany; Department of Atomic Energy, Department of Science and Technology, India; Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF), Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), MIUR, Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica (INAF-OABRERA) Grant Fondazione Cariplo/Regione Lombardia ID 2014-1980/RST ERC, Italy; ICRR, University of Tokyo, JSPS, MEXT, Japan; Netherlands Research School for Astronomy (NOVA), Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), Netherlands; University of Oslo, Norway; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, DIR/WK/2017/12, the National Centre for Research and Development and the National Science Centre, UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00583, Poland; Slovenian Research Agency, Slovenia, grants P1-0031, P1-0385, I0-0033, J1-9146; South African Department of Science and Technology and National Research Foundation through the South African Gamma-Ray Astronomy Programme, South Africa; MINECO National R+D+I, Severo Ochoa, Maria de Maeztu, CDTI, PAIDI, UJA, FPA2017-90566-REDC, Spain; Swedish Research Council, Royal Physiographic Society of Lund, Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, The Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC) at Lunarc (Lund), Sweden; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), Ernest Boninchi Foundation, Switzerland; Durham University, Leverhulme Trust, Liverpool University, University of Leicester, University of Oxford, Royal Society, Science and Technology Facilities Council, UK; U.S. National Science Foundation, U.S. Department of Energy, Argonne National Laboratory, Barnard College, University of California, University of Chicago, Columbia University, Georgia Institute of Technology, Institute for Nuclear and Particle Astrophysics (INPAC-MRPI program), Iowa State University, the Smithsonian Institution, Washington University McDonnell Center for the Space Sciences, The University of Wisconsin and the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation, USA. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreements No 262053 and No 317446. This project is receiving funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programs under agreement No 676134. ; Peer-reviewed ; Post-print

Today Press freedom in Chile is not a relevant issue because it is been thought that there is almost no problem related to freedom of expression. However, this Latin American country has a long history to tell. By means of media freedom, today Chile is an a good situation regarding the rankings of Democracy and Press Freedom in the world. But after years of hard struggles in the last 50 years, Chile enforce universal rights such as press freedom and freedom of expression. The experiences during the government of Salvador Allende and later Dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet cemented the path of the media and the journalism practices. Standing on this historical context, this study aims to discuss the working conditions that journalists had in the past and what they have today in relation to freedom of expression and the press freedom. To achieve that goal, 15 interviews were conducted to journalists who worked at different times in the history of Chile to demonstrate and understand the transformation of Chilean journalism in the last 50 years. Their experiences and perspectives will allow to open the debate on journalistic practices and the conditions of journalism in the past, present and future in Chile. ; ACCEPTANCE AND APPROVAL……………………………………………….…. i YAYIMLAMA VE FİKRİ MÜLKİYET HAKLARI BEYANI .……………….…… ii ETİK BEYAN. iii DEDICATION.………………………….…………….…. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . v ABSTRACT .……………………………………………………………………. vi TURKISH ABSTRACT ………………………………………………. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………………. viii TABLES………………………………………………………………………………. xii PICTURES…………………………………………………………….……………. xiii GRAPHICS…………………………………………………………….……………. xvi LIST OF JOURNALITS INTERVIEWED………………………………………… .xv INTRODUCTION…………………………………….…………….….…….………1 CHAPTER 1: MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY 1.1. UNDERSTANDING DEMOCRACY……………………….………………15 1.2. MAIN TYPES OF DEMOCRACY AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS…20 1.3. UNDERSTANDING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND DEMOCRACY…………….22 1.4. FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND PRESS FREEDOM.26 1.4.1. Liberal Doctrine.28 1.4.2. Freedom of speech according to Locke and Mill.33 1.5. MEDIA FREEDOM: IDEOLOGY, POWER AND OWNERSHIP.40 1.6. LIMITS OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION………………………….…….43 1.7. MEDIA AND POLICY REGARDING THE FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN CHILE.45 CHAPTER 2: JOURNALİSM İN CHİLE (1970 – 1990) 2.1. JOURNALISM IN THE ERA OF SALVADOR ALLENDE (1970 - 1973)….……………………………….…49 2.1.1. Allende: a piece of him….….………….…………….…49 2.1.2. Allende in the face of the world: historical context….…50 2.1.3. Economic program of the Allende conglomerate……….…………52 2.1.4. United state against to Allende. 54 2.2. THE PRESS IN THE TIMES OF ALLENDE AND THE UNIDAD POPULAR.54 2.2.1. The opposition press: always against to Allende…….….……….59 2.2.2. Leftist press as an eternal ally of Allende…………………….……63 2.2.3. Journalism in Allende times according to journalists…….….….66 2.2.4. TVN as a television belonging to the state of chile………….….69 2.2.5. Ideologization in the press…………………………………….…….71 2.3. JOURNALISM IN THE ERA OF AUGUSTO PINOCHET (1973-1990).72 2.3.1. Rightist press in Pinochet times………………………………….…78 2.3.2. Press that survived of dictatorship……………………………….….83 2.3.3 Journalists during Pinochet time: exile and torture…………….….88 2.3.4. Working in the public TV………………………………………………90 2.4. PARTISAN JOURNALISM……………………………………….……92 CHAPTER 3: PRESENT AND FUTURE OF JOURNALISM IN CHILE 3.1 DEMOCRACY AND PRESS FREEDOM NOWADAYS.94 3.2. CENSORSHIP IN CHILE IN THE 21ST CENTURY.102 3.3. CONGLOMERATES IN CHILE.107 3.3.1. Chilean television………………………………………….…….…110 3.3.2. Radio in Chile………………………………………………….….…112 3.3.3. Written press in Chile………………………………………….…….114 3.4. CURRENT SITUATION OF JOURNALS.115 3.5. PAPER VERSUS DIGITAL.118 3.6. FREE MEDIA IN DIGITAL ERA…………….120 3.7. DIGITAL ERA IN CHILE.122 3.8. WORKING CONDITIONS OF JOURNALISTS.128 3.9. FUTURE OF JOURNALISM IN CHILE.129 CONCLUSION…….……………….………….……………………………….…137 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………….143 APPENDIX1. CONSENT FORM….…………………………….152 APPENDIX2. QUESTIONNAIRE …….…………………….………….153 APPENDIX3. ETHİCS BOARD WAIVER FORM ………………………………….154 APPENDIX4. ORIGINALITY REPORT…….…………………….…………….155 AUTOBİOGRAPHY.…………………….…….157 ; Bugün Şili'de basın özgürlüğü güncel bir konu değildir çünkü ifade özgürlüğü ile ilgili bir sorun olmadığı düşünülmektedir. Ancak, bu Latin Amerika ülkesi, anlatacak uzun bir geçmişe sahiptir. Bugün Şili, medya özgürlüğü açısından dünyadaki Demokrasi ve Basın Özgürlüğü sıralaması baz alındığında, iyi bir durumdadır. Fakat, esasında 50 yıl boyunca verilen zorlu mücadeleler sonunda Şili basın özgürlüğü ve ifade özgürlüğü gibi evrensel haklar konusunda iyi bir noktaya ulaşmıştır. Salvador Allende hükümeti ve daha sonra Augusto Pinochet Diktatörlüğü sürecinde yaşananlar genel olarak medyanın ve gazetecilik pratiklerinin rotasını belirlemiştir. Bu tarihsel bağlamdan hareketle, çalışmanın amacı Şili'de gazetecilik koşullarının geçmişten bugüne nasıl bir yola girdiğini ifade özgürlüğü tartışmaları bağlamında ele almaktır. Şili'deki gazeteciliğin son 50 yılda nasıl yol aldığını ortaya koymak için, farklı tarihsel dönenmlerde çalışan 15 gazeteci ile görüşmeler yapılmıştır. Onların deneyimleri ve bakış açıları Şili'de gazetecilik pratiklerine ve geçmişte, bugün ve gelecekte gazateciliğin koşullarına dair tanıklıklar üzerinden bir tartışma zemini oluşturmaya imkan vermiştir.

AbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pendistribusian DD, mendeskripsikan dampak DD terhadap kesejahteraan masyarakat, dan untuk mendeskripsikan tata kelola DD. Lokasi penelitian di Desa Sungai Raya Kecamatan Sungai Raya Kepulauan Kabupaten Bengkayang. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode deskriptif dan evaluatif. Jumlah sampel sebanyak 54 orang yang terdiri dari 44 orang sampel kepala/wakil kepala keluarga dan 10 orang sampel aparat desa dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan kuesioner. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pendistribusian DD di Desa Sungai Raya sudah berjalan cukup baik dengan menentukan pilihan objek dan alternatif yang baik. Adanya kebijakan DD memberikan manfaat dan dampak positif bagi sarana dan infrastruktur desa dalam hal pemenuhan kebutuhan fasilitas publik sehingga akan meningkatkan perekonomian desa dan kesejahteraan masyarakat. Tata kelola di Desa Sungai Raya, baik itu di tingkat pemerintah desa hingga masyarakat cukup baik dari sisi perencanaan. Namun untuk pelaksanaan, masyarakat masih kekurangan informasi terkait kebijakan DD serta kurangnya pengawasan pemerintah desa terhadap pelaksanaan pembangunan infrastruktur seperti dalam kualitas dan ketahanan bangunan yang dibuat sangat rendah.Kata kunci: Evaluasi, Dana Desa, Kesejahteraan masyarakatDAFTAR PUSTAKAAbidin, M. Z. (2015). Tinjauan Atas Pelaksanaan Keuangan Desa Dalam Mendukung Kebijakan Dana Desa. Jurnal Ekonomi & Kebijakan Publik, Vol. 6 No. 1, 61 – 76.Adisasmita, R . (2011). Pembiayaan Pembangunan Daerah. Yokyakarta: Graha Ilmu. Hlm: 24.Adisasmita, R. (2013). Teori-teori Pembangunan Ekonomi, Pertumbuhan Ekonomi dan Pertumbuhan Wilayah. Yokyakarta: Graha Ilmu. Hlm: 94-95.Aljannah, S. (2017). 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Comunicación presentada en el Congreso Internacional Interdisciplinar "La ciudad: imágenes e imaginarios" celebrado en la Facultad de Humanidades, Comunicación y Documentación, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid del 12 al 15 marzo de 2018. ; Las ciudades, que deberían de permanecer libres de ideologías hegemónicas, se han convertido en grandes murales saturados de imágenes desde los que programar, dirigir y controlar a sus ciudadanos. La ciudad constituye un sistema dominante que establece una relación de poder con sus habitantes. Es un espacio políticamente activo y dominado por los medios de comunicación. Los espacios públicos, que deberían de pertenecer al pueblo, han sido escamoteados y es necesario recuperarlos. El arte público, con una intención comunicativa ciudadana y que sirve como reflexión sobre el propio entorno en el que se exhibe, se presta a este fin. El arte público que aquí me interesa analizar, es un arte activamente interesado en desvelar y denunciar las condiciones sociales y situaciones en las que se ejerce un poder totalitario, tanto tácito como explícito. Llamémosle arte crítico, por englobar en un sólo término el arte de corte político, ideológico o social. Estás prácticas, además de confrontarse con la problemática de lidiar con los mecanismos formales del propio arte – la inserción de la obra en el campo del arte neutraliza y vacía muchos de sus significados-, se encuentran en una tesitura delicada a la hora de decidir los contextos y el modo de llegar al público. Las estrategias de comunicación y distribución se convierten así en puntos fuertes para los proyectos. La calle, los medios de comunicación y la publicidad aparecen como espacios expositivos verdaderamente eficaces que añaden significados productivos y posibilitan una gran visibilidad. La ciudad se convierte en el soporte idóneo para estos medios. El proyecto 00000000X hace uso de estas estrategias para exponer la idea de que el cuerpo, sometido a los valores inculcados por las imágenes estereotipadas que promueven los medios de masas, se ha convertido en un producto de consumo más cuya materialidad es transformable. Este proyecto pretende activar el pensamiento crítico del ciudadano haciendo uso de los mismo soportes publicitarios que las imágenes sobre las que quiere reflexionar. Presentando una serie de fotografías que ponen de manifiesto que nada es lo que parece ser, alerta sobre el sistema visual y los medios que lo controlan. El proyecto 00000000X pretende hacernos ver que la ciudad se configura como una caverna más. ; The cities, which should remain free of hegemonic ideologies, have become large murals saturated with images from which to program, direct and control citizens. The city constitutes a dominant system that establishes a relationship of power with its inhabitants. It is a politically active space dominated by the media. Public spaces, which should belong to the people, have been stolen and it is necessary to recover them. Public art, with a citizen communicative intention and that serves as a reflection on the environment in which it is exhibited, is offered for this purpose. The public art that I am interested in analyzing here is an art actively interested in revealing and denouncing the social conditions and situations in which a totalitarian power is exercised, both tacit and explicit. Let's call it critical art, because it encompasses political, ideological or social art in a single term. La ciudad: imágenes e imaginarios – Libro de actas (ISBN: 978-84-16829-44-6) - 323 - This practie, in addition to confronting the problem of dealing with formal mechanisms of art itself - the insertion of the work in the field of art neutralizes and empties many of its meanings-, are in a delicate position when deciding the contexts and the way to reach the public. Thus, communication and distribution strategies become strong points for projects. The street, communication media and advertising appear as truly effective exhibition spaces that add productive meanings and enable great visibility. The city becomes the ideal support for these media. Project 00000000X makes use of these strategies to expose the idea that the body, subjected to the values inculcated by the stereotyped images promoted by the mass media, has become a consumer product whose materiality is transformable. This project aims to activate the critical thinking of the citizen making use of the same advertising media as the images on which he wants to reflect on. Presenting a series of photographs that show that nothing is what it seems to be, alert about the visual system and the media that control it.

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :사범대학 체육교육과,글로벌스포츠매니지먼트전공,2019. 8. 강준호. ; South Korea is at the forefront of eSports. From StarCraft back in the 1990's to League of Legends in 2018, Korea is considered to be the center of eSports. With the rise of eSports comes the question of how it can be considered as a sport, and how can it be included in the Olympics. One aspect of sports, particularly those in the Olympics is institutionalization. This research attempts to understand how Korea is institutionalizing eSports as a Sport particularly in the aspects of a) development of rules and regulations b) development of expertise c) formalization of training and d) emergence of governing bodies. It also seeks to understand the success factors and challenges that is faced in the process of institutionalization of esports as sport. Experts in the field of eSports were sought for their opinion on the matter. A series of interviews, document studies and a Delphi approach was used. The results show that Korea is advancing considerably in the process. Korea is able to institutionalize eSports as a sport primarily because of a government mandate which gives legitimacy to the governing body the Korea eSports Association (KeSPA). Furthermore, with requirements already in place by international sports authority such as the Olympics, Korea is attempting to fulfill these requirements to it can finally become a full-fledged sport. The study also showed the success factors which include a) strong community, b) media adaption, c) commercialization, d) ubiquity of PC bangs and fast internet speeds e) popularity of games and f) government support. However, road blocks to the process are also present, particularly a) the negative perception, b) conflicting company interests, c) politics, and d) the limited experience in running eSports as a sports. ; 대한민국은 e스포츠의 선두자리에 위치하고 있다. 1990년대 스타크래프트부터 시작해서 2018년 리그오브레전드까지 한국은 e스포츠의 중심지로 꼽히고 있다. e스포츠의 상승과 함께 따라오는 문제는 과연 스포츠로 간주될 수 있는지 와, 그리고 어떻게 올림픽 종목으로 포함될 수 있는지에 대한 의문이 제기된다. 스포츠의 측면 중에 하나이자, 특히 올림픽의 측면은 제도화이다. 본 연구는 한국이 e스포츠를 스포츠로서 어떻게 제도화하고 있는지를 이해하고자 한다. 특히 a) 규칙 및 규정 개발 b) 전문성 개발 측면 c) 훈련 공식화 및 d) 거버넌스 기구의 출현. 또한 e스포츠를 스포츠로서 제도화하는 과정에서 직면하는 성공 요인과 도전을 이해하려고 한다. 이해를 돕기 위해 e스포츠 분야의 전문가들에게 본 연구문제에 대한 그들의 의견을 구했다. 방법으로는 인터뷰, 문서 연구, 델파이 접근법이 사용되었다. 연구 결과는 한국이 제도화하는 과정에서 상당히 발전하고 있다는 것을 보여준다. 한국은 e스포츠협회(KeSPA)에 합법성을 부여하는 정부의 권한 때문에 e스포츠를 스포츠로 제도화할 수 있다. 게다가, 올림픽과 같은 국제 스포츠 기관의 요구조건이 이미 시행되어 있기 때문에, 한국은 따라서 완전한 스포츠화가 될 수 있도록 하기 위해 그런 요구 조건을 충족시키려 하고 있다. 이 연구는 또한 다음과 같은 성공요인을 보여주고 있다: a) 강력한 지역사회, b) 미디어 적응, c) 상업화, d) 아주 흔한 PC 방과 빠른 인터넷 속도 e) 게임인기 및 f) 정부 지원. 그러나, 진행하는 과정에 있어 장애물 또한 존재하였다. 특히 a) 부정적인 인식, b) 상충하는 회사의 관심, c) 정치, d) e-스포츠를 스포츠로서 운영하는데 있어서의 제한된 경험을 꼽을 수 있다. ; Acknowledgment ii Abstract iii Table of Content iv Chapter 1. Introduction 1 1.1. Background 1 1.2. Rationale for Study 6 1.3. Research Purpose and Questions 10 1.3. Significance of the Study 11 Chapter 2. Review of Literature 11 2.1. Definition of eSports 11 2.2. History of eSports 13 2.3. eSports in Korea 14 2.4. Characteristics of eSports 17 2.5. Institutionalization of Esports 27 Chapter 3. Methodology 28 3.1. Qualitative Research Approach 28 3.1.1 Interviews 29 3.1.2 Document Analysis 29 3.1.3 Delphi Approach 30 3.2. Participants 31 3.3. Data Collection and Analysis 31 Chapter 4. Results 33 4.1 Process of Institutionalization 34 4.1.1 Development of Rules and Regulations 35 4.1.2 Development of Expertise 36 4.1.3 Formalization of Training 38 4.1.4 Emergance of Governing Bodies 39 4.2 Success Factors and Challenges 40 4.2.1 Delphi Round 1 Results 41 4.2.2 Delphi Round 2 Results 50 4.2.3 Delphi Round 3 Results 55 4.2.4 Delphi Study Summary 56 4.2.4.1 Success Factors 56 4.2.4.7 Challenges 58 Chapter 5. Discussion and Conclusion 59 5.1 Discussions 60 5.1.1 Insitutionalization of eSports in Korea 60 5.1.2 Success Factors 62 5.1.3 Challenges 65 5.2 Limitations and Future Direction 67 5.3 Conclusion 68 Bibliography 70 Appendix I: Cover Letter 79 Appendix II: Round 1 Questions 81 Appendix III: Round 2 Questions 82 Appendix IV: Round 3 Questions 85 ; Master

This article thinks through the interconnection between art, education, and human development within the framework of the Latin American peasant and indigenous movements' political praxis. To do this, it is argued that the art conception woven by these political subjects emerges from an apprehension of the heart as the epistemic and ontological nucleus of their feelings, their thinking, and their political action – a sentimental-thoughtful art – which demarcates another paradigm of thought and knowledge building. Thus, I introduce some expressions of the aesthetics of resistance in the sentimental-thoughtful art of the Landless Rural Workers' Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra – MST) and the Zapatista Movement, with an emphasis on the principles that underlie the educational and political dimension of art in the struggle for land, territory, and an emancipatory project. In Latin American and Caribbean history, the sentimental-thoughtful art nurtured the dreams of freedom, emancipation, and justice – and, in times of recrudescence of the class struggle, people cried out for never losing tenderness, in Che Guevara's words. ; Este artículo analiza la interconexión entre arte, educación y formación humana en el ámbito de la praxis política de los movimientos campesinos e indígenas de América Latina. Para hacer esto, se argumenta que la concepción de arte tejida por estos sujetos políticos surge de una aprehensión del corazón como núcleo epistémico y ontológico de sus sentimientos, de su pensamiento y de su acción política – un arte sentipensante – que delimita a otro paradigma de pensamiento y de construcción de conocimiento. Así, presento algunas expresiones de la estética de la resistencia en el arte sentipensante del Movimiento de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra – MST) y del Movimiento Zapatista, con énfasis en los principios que fundamentan la dimensión educativa y política del arte en la lucha por la tierra, el territorio y un proyecto emancipador. En la historia latinoamericana y caribeña, el arte sentipensante alimentó los sueños de libertad, emancipación y justicia – y, en tiempos de recrudecimiento de la lucha de clases, se clamó por no perderse la ternura jamás, en las palabras del Che Guevara. ; Cet article analyse l'articulation entre art, éducation et formation humaine dans le domaine de la praxis politique des mouvements paysans et indigènes latino-américains. Pour ce faire, il est soutenu que la conception de art tissée par ces sujets politiques émerge d'une appréhension du cœur en tant que noyau épistémique et ontologique de ses sentiments, de sa pensée et de son action politique – un art sentimental-pensant – qui délimite un autre paradigme de pensée et de construction du savoir. Ainsi, je présente quelques expressions de l'esthétique de la résistance dans l'art sentimental-pensant du Mouvement des Travailleurs Ruraux Sans Terre (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra – MST) et du Mouvement Zapatiste, en mettant l'accent sur les principes qui sous-tendent la dimension éducative et politique de l'art dans la lutte pour la terre, le territoire et un projet émancipateur. Dans l'histoire de l'Amérique Latine et des Caraïbes, l'art sentimental-pensant a nourri des rêves de liberté, d'émancipation et de justice – et, à l'époque d'une intensification de la lutte des classes, des gens criaient pour ne jamais perdre la tendresse, selon les mots de Che Guevara. ; Este artigo tece reflexões sobre a articulação entre arte, educação e formação humana no âmbito da práxis política dos movimentos camponeses e indígenas latino-americanos. Para tanto, argumenta-se que a concepção de arte tecida por esses sujeitos políticos emerge de uma apreensão do coração como núcleo epistêmico e ontológico de seus sentimentos, de seu pensamento e de sua ação política – uma arte sentipensante – que demarca outro paradigma de pensamento e de construção de conhecimento. Nesse sentido, apresento algumas expressões da estética da resistência na arte sentipensante do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) e do Movimento Zapatista, com destaque para os princípios que fundamentam a dimensão educativa e política da arte na luta em defesa da terra, do território e de um projeto emancipatório. Na história latino-americana e caribenha, a arte sentipensante alimentou os sonhos de liberdade, emancipação e justiça – e, nos momentos de recrudescimento da luta de classes, clamou-se por não se perder a ternura jamais, nas palavras de Che Guevara.

Community organizing is one of the most legitimate forms of collective action in the United States today, fostering the participation of urban working classes that are structurally excluded from the political field. And yet, the conditions of possibility of such socially unlikely participation have received little scholarly attention. Based on an ethnographic and sociohistorical inquiry conducted in Chicago, the historic birthplace of that repertoire of collective action, my goal in this dissertation is to address this gap by focusing on the group of professionals, called community organizers, who make popular and lay political participation and representation possible. The central paradox here is that, contrary to what the literature in political sociology usually argues, these professionals refuse to speak on behalf of the mobilized community, actively stepping back behind the spokespeople they select and train. What does the study of this role say about the links between processes of institutionalization, professionalization and politicization/depoliticization? In order to make sense of the original dissociation between the professional's role and that of the spokesperson and understand how it affects the division of political work, the dissertation shows how the role of "leader-maker" has emerged, taken shape and been legitimized from the 1970s onwards, at the junction of, on the one hand, the reform-minded community organization tradition dating back to the early 20th century, and on the other, the legacy of the contentious politics of the 1960s and 1970s. I then shift the focus to what this hybrid role, where claims of professional expertise and mobilization and politicization cannot be disentangled, actually looks like in terms of daily practices developing popular representation. These practices occur within a space of political intermediation broadly shaped by networks of interdependencies with other competing sectors (the political and philanthropic fields, the "space of social movement") which are beyond the lay spokespeople's reach. By looking at organizers' individual trajectories, however – from their social dispositions towards commitment to the actual incorporation of this pragmatic practical sense and the ways individuals can stay in the field or exit the role towards other career opportunities – the research shows that becoming an organizer can confirm or initiate dynamics of individual politicization. ; Alors que le community organizing constitue aujourd'hui l'une des formes d'action collective les plus légitimes aux États-Unis, encourageant la participation de classes populaires urbaines que tout exclut du champ politique, les conditions de possibilité de cette participation improbable restent peu étudiées. À partir d'une enquête ethnographique et sociohistorique menée à Chicago, berceau historique de ce répertoire d'action, cette thèse se penche sur le groupe de professionnel·le·s, les community organizers, qui font exister une participation et une représentation politiques profanes. Pourtant, contrairement aux arguments classiques de la sociologie politique, ces professionnel·le·s refusent de parler au nom du groupe mobilisé, la community, se mettant activement en retrait derrière des porte-parole populaires qu'ils et elles sélectionnent et forment. Que dit l'étude de ce rôle des liens entre institutionnalisation, professionnalisation et politisation/dépolitisation ? Pour saisir les ressorts de cette dissociation originale entre professionnel·le et porte-parole et ses effets sur la division du travail politique, on montre comment ce rôle de « faiseur de représentants » émerge, se consolide et se légitime à partir des années 1970, à la frontière entre, d'une part, la tradition d'intervention sociale héritée des initiatives réformatrices des premières décennies du XXe siècle, et d'autre part les pratiques contestataires héritées des mouvements sociaux des années 1960 et 1970. La thèse expose ensuite comment ce rôle hybride, où revendication d'expertise professionnelle et travail de mobilisation et de politisation sont indissociables, se manifeste dans des pratiques quotidiennes de mise en représentation populaire. Celles-ci s'inscrivent dans un espace d'intermédiation largement déterminé par des relations d'interdépendance avec d'autres espaces et champs concurrents (champs politique et philanthropique, « espace des mouvements sociaux ») qui échappent aux porte-parole profanes. Enfin, en déplaçant la focale vers les trajectoires des community organizers, de leurs dispositions à l'engagement aux modalités de maintien dans le rôle ou de reconversion dans d'autres espaces professionnels en passant par l'incorporation en acte de ce sens pratique militant pragmatique, on voit néanmoins que devenir community organizer peut confirmer ou enclencher des dynamiques de politisation individuelle.