Suchergebnisse

The paper considers the views of the founders of the Slavophilism (A.S. Homjakov, I.V. Kireyevsky, K.S. Aksakov, Y.F. Samarin) to the problem of balance between the interests of society and the state. Slavophile interpretation of this issue compared with the values of the world's leading political ideologies — conservatism, liberalism and socialism. In particular, it analyzes the liberal concept of "civil society" and Slavophile concept of "land". In addition, revealed the meaning of Slavophile concepts as "citizenship" and "civic life". The author cites a number of researchers and philosophers of the past and present quotes about of the place and role of the Slavophiles in the political and ideological spectrum in Russia and Europe. The main idea of the article is that having some common ground in this aspect with the liberal, conservative and socialist ideologies Slavophilism expressed originality of Russian culture and Russian political tradition. This originality can be traced, in particular, in the views of the Slavophiles on the popular representation as a way of citizen participation in politics, in their assessment of personal and people's freedom. The author examines the social, political, cultural background and means of realization of freedom in society and in the state.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)2.1-47 ; Рассматриваются взгляды основоположников славянофильства (А.С. Хомякова, И.В. Киреевского, К.С. Аксакова, Ю.Ф. Самарина) на проблему соотношения интересов общества и государства. Славянофильская трактовка этого вопроса сопоставляется с ценностями ведущих мировых политических идеологий — консерватизма, либерализма и социализма. В частности, анализируются либеральное понятие «гражданское общество» и славянофильское понятие «земля». Кроме того, выявляется смысл таких славянофильских концептов, как «гражданственность» и «гражданская жизнь». Автор приводит высказывания целого ряда исследователей и философов прошлого и современности относительно места и роли славянофильства в политико-идеологическом спектре России и Европы. Основная мысль статьи заключается в том, что, имея определенные точки соприкосновения в рассматриваемом аспекте с либеральной, консервативной и социалистической идеологиями, славянофильство выразило своеобразие русской культуры и русской политической традиции. Это своеобразие прослеживается, в частности, в воззрениях славянофилов на народное представительство как способ участия граждан в политике, в их оценке личной и народной свободы. Рассматриваются социальные, политические, культурные предпосылки и средства реализации свободы в обществе и государстве.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2015)2.1-47

Our article examines key aspects of the Greek crisis and explores it under the light of the ongoing decline of the European Social Model. It is argued that the austerity measures implemented as conditions for receiving consecutive 'bail-out' loans have had, so far, a very negative impact upon the Greek economy, politics and society. Further, it is argued that labour market reforms underway inGreeceand the rest ofSouthern Europesignal some very worrying developments with respect to the social dimension of European integration. Indeed, especially in the area of collective agreements, when we view these reforms from a European perspective we can identify the rise of wage policy interventionism by the EU; a new process that 'combines European requirements for national wage and labour market policies with the threat of economic sanctions' (Busch et al (2013:8). In turn this signals the intensification of the (neo) liberalisation of the European Social Model and puts under severe doubt the prospects for a more socialEuropethat will prioritize social objectives and rights over economic freedoms. ; Our article examines key aspects of the Greek crisis and explores it under the light of the ongoing decline of the European Social Model. It is argued that the austerity measures implemented as conditions for receiving consecutive 'bail-out' loans have had, so far, a very negative impact upon the Greek economy, politics and society. Further, it is argued that labour market reforms underway inGreeceand the rest ofSouthern Europesignal some very worrying developments with respect to the social dimension of European integration. Indeed, especially in the area of collective agreements, when we view these reforms from a European perspective we can identify the rise of wage policy interventionism by the EU; a new process that 'combines European requirements for national wage and labour market policies with the threat of economic sanctions' (Busch et al (2013:8). In turn this signals the intensification of the (neo) liberalisation of the European Social Model and puts under severe doubt the prospects for a more socialEuropethat will prioritize social objectives and rights over economic freedoms.

The author discusses the evolving concept of Economic Citizenship and relates a socio-legal dimension to transnational migration to and from India. The paper explores economic citizenship by developing the definition first identified by T.H. Marshall and then uses two case studies to show contrasted applications of Marshall's definition. Marshall states that there are three types of rights needed for an individual's development so that s/he can exist in, participate in and contribute to society. 1.Civil rights protect personal freedom. One is entitled to exercise freedom of speech, thought and faith, own property, conclude valid contracts, and have recourse to justice. 2.Political rights allow participation and franchise rights in political environments. 3.Social rights are the right to defend and assert all of one's rights on the same terms as other members of society and by due process of law. They relate to the "whole range from the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilised being according to the standards prevailing in the society." The paper observes that presence alone of economic opportunity in a society does not mean that the state has discharged its responsibilities to its citizens. Economic opportunity should also be legally accessible to the individual. The legal tie between economic and social aims supports the ensuing right for members of society to earn their livelihoods through the right to work. A denial of these rights should let the individual have political recourse to judicial and legislative redress. Case Study One analsyes economic citizenship in the resettlement dispute in Arunachal Pradesh of Chakma and Hajong tribes from the Chittagong Hill Tracts. These residents are indigenous people of India and are entitled to Indian citizenship by the Citizenship Act 1995, but they lack legal recognition as citizens. The State and Central Governments formally and systematically refuse rights to ...

The article demonstrates that the principle of federalism should not be regarded as an inalienable principle of the Ukrainian political tradition. On the contrary, its distribution in the Ukrainian socio-political thought and public consciousness was conditioned by the level and peculiarity of the national consciousness of the Ukrainian intellectuals, who, understanding the inability of Ukrainians to revive their own state, tried to develop the political programs and principles that were most appropriate to socio-political circumstances. Against this background, it is shown that, despite the super national nature of liberalism, the principle of federalism can not be considered its integral part, since it does not foresee the grading of the values of domestic and foreign policy, and in the end, freedom of the individual at the same time foretells the freedom of the community, which is the result of solidarity of historically changing interests of people. ; В статье показано, что федерализм не стоит позиционировать как неотъемлемый принцип украинской политической традиции. Напротив, его распространение в общественно-политической мысли было обусловлено уровнем и своеобразием национального сознания украинской интеллигенции, которая, понимая несостоятельность украинцев возродить собственное государство, пыталась разработать наиболее подходящие общественно-политическим обстоятельствам программы и принципы. Наряду с указанным обнаружено, что несмотря на наднациональный характер либерализма, принцип федерализма нельзя считать его неотъемлемым элементом, поскольку он не предусматривает градации ценностей внутренней и внешней политики, в следствии чего, свобода личности одновременно предвещает свободу сообщества, которое, в свою очередь возникает как результатомсолидаризации, исторически переменных интересов людей. ; В статті показано, що федералізм не варто розглядати як невід'ємний принцип української політичної традиції. Навпаки, його поширення в суспільно-політичній думці було зумовлене рівнем та своєрідністю національної свідомості української інтелігенції, яка, розуміючи неспроможність українців відродити власну державу, намагалася розробити найбільш відповідні суспільно-політичним обставинам політичні програми та принципи. Поряд з вказаним виявлено, що незважаючи на наднаціональний характер лібералізму, принцип федералізму не можна вважати його невід'ємним елементом, оскільки він не передбачає градації цінностей внутрішньої і зовнішньої політики, у підсумку чого, свобода особистості водночас віщує свободу спільноти, яка постає результатом солідаризації, історично змінних інтересів людей.

Limitation of the right to freedom of a person is a very sensitive issue, both from the aspect of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and many international charters and conventions, national laws, and primarily the Criminal Procedure Code. There are various types of limitation of the freedom of movement of a person. However, this papers will mainly deal with detention of the suspect. The suspect may be detained on several legal grounds, and the subject of our research is detention in compliance with provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Serbia. Therefore, special attention has been paid to positive legislation in the Republic of Serbia, critical analysis of some law solutions with an emphasis on some illogicality and incompleteness of particular legislative provisions. Moreover, some comparative law solutions in Germany, Italy and Russia have been presented, as well as different possibilities when it comes to detention of the suspect in accordance with provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code, and some concrete suggestions de lege ferenda have been offered. ; Ograničenje prava na slobodu nekog lica predstavlja veoma osetljivo pitanje, kako sa aspekta Ustava Republike Srbije, tako i sa aspekta mnogobrojnih međunarodnih povelja i konvencija, ali i nacionalnih zakona, a pre svega Zakonika o krivičnom postupku. Različiti su vidovi ograničenja slobode kretanja nekog lica, ali će u radu prevashodno biti reči o zadržavanju osumnjičenog lica. Osumnjičeno lice može se zadržati po više zakonskih osnova, a predmet našeg istraživanja je zadržavanje osumnjičenog u skladu sa odredbama Zakonika o krivičnom postupku Republike Srbije. S tim u vezi, ukazuje se na pozitivnu zakonsku regulativu u Republici Srbiji. Posebna pažnja posvećena je kritičkoj analizi pojedinih zakonskih rešenja, a ukazuje se i na određene nelogičnosti i nepotpunosti konkretnih zakonskih odredbi. Takođe, predstavljena su i pojedina uporedno pravna rešenja u Nemačkoj, Italiji i Rusiji i navedene drugačije mogućnosti kada se radi o zadržavanju osumnjičenog prema odredbama ZKP i dati su određeni konkretni predlozi de lege ferenda.

International audience ; Proponents of the theory of judicial supremacy argue that the Supreme Court is the ultimate authority on the American Constitution. This legal philosophy, stemming from the belief that the judicial branch, being composed of legal experts, is therefore the best to comprehend and interpret the "true" sense of the Constitution. Adhering to this judicial conception, any decision rendered by the Supreme Court would thus, theoretically be the final word on a given subject. However, controversial court cases, such as those dealing with abortion, religious freedom, or same-sex marriage disprove this theory as the decisions given by the Court have not led to any sort of resolution of these polemical issues. Instead, these decisions have actually sparked strong movements amongst the public such as right to life movements or through governmental actions such as religious freedom bills. This article will look at these reactions, and the role that the Supreme Court had in creating them as elements in the American culture wars. What will be shown is that in spite of the prominence or defense of judicial supremacy, the Supreme Court rarely has the last word. However, these culture wars are not proof of a dysfunctional system. Instead, they are proof of a continuing discourse necessary to a functioning democracy. ; Selon le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, chaque branche du gouvernement possède une responsabilité unique et un rôle spécifique dans le bon fonctionnement de la société. Le législatif crée les lois, l'exécutif les applique et le pouvoir judiciaire les interprète. Ce principe est bel et bien l'idéal-type, et il est nécessaire au bon fonctionnement du gouvernement. Cependant, dès que surgit un débat sur une loi, cette distinction claire entre les trois pouvoirs devient floue et problématique. Dans une telle situation aux États-Unis, c'est le pouvoir judiciaire, et lui seul, qui maîtrise le domaine et qui garde le devoir d'interpréter la loi et, en l'occurrence, la Constitution (Marbury v. ...

Which rules should be established in order that the human rights of intersex persons be respected in France. This is the question this article is trying to answer to, by focusing on the current majors violations of intersex persons' human rights, i.e. the right to privacy and the right to physical integrityRegarding the right to privacy, this article aims to show that the respect of this right for intersex persons implies first to adopt a non binary conception of sex. Considering current political and legal constraints it is likely that this adoption will be the work of a jurispruential custom, by which French judges will conform to the article 8 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as it is interpreted by the European court of human rights. Second, the right to privacy of intersex persons, combined with the prohibition of discriminations implies that sex becomes an optionnal marker on identity documents for which this marker is not necessary. Regarding intersex persons' right to physical integrity, this article intends to show, that article 3 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms establishes an obligation for French public authorities to change French law on several points. First, these authorities shall improve the protection mecanisms for intersex persons' right to physical integrity. To achieve this, these authorities shall stop to encourage medical acts of sexual conformation and shall better supervize medical acts on intersex persons. Second, these authorities should facilitate compensation to intersex persons because of the constraints they are facing right now when they use the traditional mecanism of liability. To do this, it seems necessary to allow intersex persons to get compensation from a compensation fund, on the basis of national solidarity and under more favorable conditions than the ones needed to get compensation through liability. ; Quelles règles doivent être mises en place pour que soit respectés en France les ...

Стаття присвячена визначенню характерних ознак законодавчих дефектів з погляду потреб юридичної доктрини та прикладного правозастосування, які дають можливість виокремити вказане правове явище з-поміж інших. Законодавчі дефекти розглядаються через призму особливостей нормативної регламентації кримінальних процесуальних правовідносин. Відзначається, що дефекти законодавства є офіційним (хоча і негативним) результатом правотворчої діяльності. ; Статья посвящена определению характерных признаков законодательных дефектов с учетом потребностей юридической доктрины и прикладного правоприменения, которые дают возможность вычленить указанное правовое явление среди других. Законодательные дефекты рассматриваются через призму особенностей нормативной регламентации уголовных процессуальных правоотношений. Отмечается, что дефекты законодательства являются официальным (хотя и негативным) результатом правотворческой деятельности. ; The article is devoted to defining characteristic features of legislative flaws from the point of view of the needs of legal doctrine and law enforcement application, enabling to single out specified legal phenomenon among others. Legislative flaws are considered in the light of the rule-making features of regulation of criminal legal procedural relations. It is noted that the flaws of legislation are an official (albeit negative) result of law-making activity. It is emphasized that state power statement of a legislative flaw is an official formalized criterion of legislative error, but it cannot be considered its mandatory feature. It is proved that the only universal and mandatory signs of a legislative flaw, which make it possible to separate it from similar legal phenomena, are social harm of legislative flaw, and as one of its principal manifestations, reduction of the effectiveness of law enforcement activity and level of protection of rights, freedoms and legal interests of participants of legal relationships. Taking into account the defined attributes, definition of legislative flaw is proposed as the official result of legislative activity (or inactivity), which in the process of its implementation leads to socially harmful effects and the fact of its existence reduces the efficiency of law enforcement activity and the level of protection of rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of participants of legal relations.

In contemporary Western world religion has long lost its status of a default legitimating formula and has been relegated, in liberal political philosophy, to the private sphere. Institutionally, religious organizations have been largely separated from government institutions. Despite these adverse circumstances, religion – both as a system of ideas, values and norms and in its institutional expression – has adopted effective survival strategies guarding it from social and political marginalization. Religion has been accorded special status among other ideologies. In science, it results in a sort of methodological agnosticism, which treats religious and scientific statements as belonging to two incommensurable spheres. In politics, religious organizations are often granted special legal status among other political actors and religious freedom has been constitutionalized as a special case of general freedom of expression. As judicature and political practice show, religious arguments can often trump non-religious claims when fundamental value conflicts arise. In their political activity, religious organizations have used strategies characteristic for other political actors (lobbying, mass mobilization etc.), thereby gaining democratic legitimacy, as well as unique, religion-specific strategies. Armed with these and other empowering tools, religion can continue to influence democratic political systems in significant ways. ; Utraciwszy status dominującej formuły legitymizacyjnej w świecie zachodnim, religia została też instytucjonalnie oddzielona od państwa i, w myśl ideologii liberalnej, zepchnięta na margines życia publicznego. Pomimo tych niesprzyjających okoliczności, religia – zarówno jako system idei i norm, jak i w wymiarze instytucjonalnym – zdołała obronić się przed marginalizacją, zapewniając sobie szczególny status wśród innych ideologii. W nauce objawia się to swego rodzaju metodologicznym agnostycyzmem, nakazującym traktować twierdzenia religijne jako niewspółmierne z naukowymi, a zatem niepodlegające krytyce. W polityce, organizacje religijne uzyskały w wielu państwach zachodnich szczególną pozycję, a wolność religijna została ukonstytuowana jako szczególny przypadek swobody wypowiedzi. W swej działalności politycznej organizacje religijne stosują zarówno metody identyczne z innymi aktorami politycznymi (lobbying, masowa mobilizacja itp.) – co nadaje im legitymację w ramach demokratycznych systemów politycznych – jak i specyficzne strategie religijne. Działania te są w artykule analizowane głównie na przykładach polskich i amerykańskich. Uzbrojone w takie narzędzia, religijne podmioty polityczne mogą wywierać znaczący wpływ na demokratyczne systemy polityczne.

Which rules should be established in order that the human rights of intersex persons be respected in France. This is the question this article is trying to answer to, by focusing on the current majors violations of intersex persons' human rights, i.e. the right to privacy and the right to physical integrityRegarding the right to privacy, this article aims to show that the respect of this right for intersex persons implies first to adopt a non binary conception of sex. Considering current political and legal constraints it is likely that this adoption will be the work of a jurispruential custom, by which French judges will conform to the article 8 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as it is interpreted by the European court of human rights. Second, the right to privacy of intersex persons, combined with the prohibition of discriminations implies that sex becomes an optionnal marker on identity documents for which this marker is not necessary. Regarding intersex persons' right to physical integrity, this article intends to show, that article 3 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms establishes an obligation for French public authorities to change French law on several points. First, these authorities shall improve the protection mecanisms for intersex persons' right to physical integrity. To achieve this, these authorities shall stop to encourage medical acts of sexual conformation and shall better supervize medical acts on intersex persons. Second, these authorities should facilitate compensation to intersex persons because of the constraints they are facing right now when they use the traditional mecanism of liability. To do this, it seems necessary to allow intersex persons to get compensation from a compensation fund, on the basis of national solidarity and under more favorable conditions than the ones needed to get compensation through liability. ; Quelles règles doivent être mises en place pour que soit respectés en France les ...

International audience ; Proponents of the theory of judicial supremacy argue that the Supreme Court is the ultimate authority on the American Constitution. This legal philosophy, stemming from the belief that the judicial branch, being composed of legal experts, is therefore the best to comprehend and interpret the "true" sense of the Constitution. Adhering to this judicial conception, any decision rendered by the Supreme Court would thus, theoretically be the final word on a given subject. However, controversial court cases, such as those dealing with abortion, religious freedom, or same-sex marriage disprove this theory as the decisions given by the Court have not led to any sort of resolution of these polemical issues. Instead, these decisions have actually sparked strong movements amongst the public such as right to life movements or through governmental actions such as religious freedom bills. This article will look at these reactions, and the role that the Supreme Court had in creating them as elements in the American culture wars. What will be shown is that in spite of the prominence or defense of judicial supremacy, the Supreme Court rarely has the last word. However, these culture wars are not proof of a dysfunctional system. Instead, they are proof of a continuing discourse necessary to a functioning democracy. ; Selon le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, chaque branche du gouvernement possède une responsabilité unique et un rôle spécifique dans le bon fonctionnement de la société. Le législatif crée les lois, l'exécutif les applique et le pouvoir judiciaire les interprète. Ce principe est bel et bien l'idéal-type, et il est nécessaire au bon fonctionnement du gouvernement. Cependant, dès que surgit un débat sur une loi, cette distinction claire entre les trois pouvoirs devient floue et problématique. Dans une telle situation aux États-Unis, c'est le pouvoir judiciaire, et lui seul, qui maîtrise le domaine et qui garde le devoir d'interpréter la loi et, en l'occurrence, la Constitution (Marbury v. ...

Transnational organized criminal activities and local activities have affected both countries, Albania and Kosovo. Meanwhile, transnational crime with transnational and local base Albania-Kosovo, is of interest and influence, therefore, it is suggested that the cooperation between the Republic of Albania and the Republic of Kosovo in this regard be serving in law enforcement institutions in Albania and within law enforcement institutions in Kosovo. Transnational organized crime, terrorism, corruption and money laundering are global security threats and local, regional and international sources of crises. Organized crime knows no nationality, no countries, borders, homeland, race, ethnicity, religion and religious beliefs. That is why it is required cooperation in the fight against transnational organized crime and transnational organized crime to be implemented permanently with the main goal of the strategy implementation, action plans, joint operations between the two countries, Albania and Kosovo. Important role in this association play their respective law enforcement institutions such as the police of the two countries, prosecutions, courts and other institutions. While international cooperation is realized with major international organizations like the UN, the EU, Interpol, Europol, SECI center etc. During the years 2002-2015 between the governments, ministries of internal and Police of the Republic of Albania and the Republic of Kosovo hav signed several agreements, memoranda of understanding and common protocols. Interstate and transnational cooperation through the tabulation and graphs presented and seek to build strategies, institutions, measures, operations and joint actions with preventive, managers and common problem solvers of security and the fight against transnational organized crime. Consolidation of security in Albania and Kosovo, is closely associated with the construction, consolidation and functioning of the rule of law, and the rule of law, reaching freedom and respect for fundamental human rights. Albania-Kosovo cooperation significantly affects the strengthening of the rule of law against transnational organized crime. This cooperation is a necessary precondition for the prevention of conflicts and internal, external and regional crises, in order to achieve security and human rights and freedom.

Defence date: 13 September 2016 ; Examining Board: Professor Jorge Flores, European University Institute; Professor Christophe Duhamelle, École des hautes études en sciences sociales; Professor Luca Molà, European University Institute; Professor Angelo Torre, Università del Piemonte Orientale. ; "The Enclosure of Movement" explores the historical relationship between early modern state-building and the channelling of inter-polity mobility. Few historical settings offer a more illuminating prospect on this problem than the Holy Roman Empire, a variably integrated array of more than three-hundred quasi-sovereign polities between the Alps and the North Sea. The movements of goods and people through this fragmented political landscape engendered countless conflict-fraught encounters between travellers, local communities and the deputies of several hundred rulers. In the Old Reich, the politics of mobility were frequently framed in terms of 'safe-conduct', the quasi-sovereign right to escort travellers and to levy customs duties on passing goods and people. Based on manuscript, printed and visual sources from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries, collected in more than twenty archives, I survey interactions between state deputies, mobile populations and other stakeholders, reconstructing how passage and obstruction were negotiated at ground level. Detailed studies explore contentious processions, boundary disputes, techniques to channel mobility, self-serving orders of movement resting on ambiguous forms of protection, as well as seminal ideological debates around freedom of movement and its restriction. The study contributes to a better understanding of the politics of mobility in the Holy Roman Empire and broader accounts of state-building in at least three ways. First, I show that borders were not a privileged site for controlling inter-polity mobility, which challenges conventional conceptions and visualisation of pre-modern statehood. Second, I unearth debates around freedom of movement and its restriction that gave rise to concepts and arguments still in circulation today. Third, I propose a new way of historicizing the politics of mobility and offer a more complex, agency-oriented and open-ended account of how modern statehood gave rise to a contentious regime of movement.

Education is a vital investment for human and economic development and is influenced by the environment within which it exists. Changes in technology, labour market patterns and general global environment, all require policy responses. Traditions, culture and faith all reflect upon the education system and at the same time are also affected by them.We are living in an inquiring and innovation-oriented society. The demand of twenty first century is novelty, creativity, and integration of knowledge at global level, research, critical and analytical thoughts. Rapidly social changes are creating uncertainty and complexity in the society. To prepare the children and youth to cope with the present situation needs to develop analytical and critical thinking, skill and attitude that would make them more flexible and innovative to deal with uncertainty and crises at national and global level. The greatest need of the hour is to re design curriculum, textbooks, teaching methodology and children's literature, formal and non-formal educational systems.This research paper focused on the role and challenges of education in national development. It dwelt extensively on the factors that aids and fosters educational development, Nigeria being the case study in this regard. It further unravels the importance of education in the Nigeria experience stating categorically the dimensions in which education had impacted the Nigeria states with such areas as technological, Industrial, Health, law, Security and Agricultural etc. The research paper further gave a comprehensive analysis of the importance and developmental contributions of tertiary education in contemporary Nigeria society. The importance of education in Professionalism was also extensively overviewed ,that is, the contribution of education to man power development and labour force in Nigeria and the policy underlining the educational system.The dimensions in which education has deepened the Nigeria democratic experience was also inclusive in the research that is political and social transformation. Nigeria has within a short period witness tremendous growth in social progress, freedom of speech, freedom of association and amongst others human rights, all synonymous with the contribution of education. Finally, the project tries to ascertain the contemporary challenges confronting the educational development in Nigeria and conclusively proffer solution and constructive recommendations.

In contemporary Western world religion has long lost its status of a default legitimating formula and has been relegated, in liberal political philosophy, to the private sphere. Institutionally, religious organizations have been largely separated from government institutions. Despite these adverse circumstances, religion – both as a system of ideas, values and norms and in its institutional expression – has adopted effective survival strategies guarding it from social and political marginalization. Religion has been accorded special status among other ideologies. In science, it results in a sort of methodological agnosticism, which treats religious and scientific statements as belonging to two incommensurable spheres. In politics, religious organizations are often granted special legal status among other political actors and religious freedom has been constitutionalized as a special case of general freedom of expression. As judicature and political practice show, religious arguments can often trump non-religious claims when fundamental value conflicts arise. In their political activity, religious organizations have used strategies characteristic for other political actors (lobbying, mass mobilization etc.), thereby gaining democratic legitimacy, as well as unique, religion-specific strategies. Armed with these and other empowering tools, religion can continue to influence democratic political systems in significant ways. ; Utraciwszy status dominującej formuły legitymizacyjnej w świecie zachodnim, religia została też instytucjonalnie oddzielona od państwa i, w myśl ideologii liberalnej, zepchnięta na margines życia publicznego. Pomimo tych niesprzyjających okoliczności, religia – zarówno jako system idei i norm, jak i w wymiarze instytucjonalnym – zdołała obronić się przed marginalizacją, zapewniając sobie szczególny status wśród innych ideologii. W nauce objawia się to swego rodzaju metodologicznym agnostycyzmem, nakazującym traktować twierdzenia religijne jako niewspółmierne z naukowymi, a zatem niepodlegające krytyce. W polityce, organizacje religijne uzyskały w wielu państwach zachodnich szczególną pozycję, a wolność religijna została ukonstytuowana jako szczególny przypadek swobody wypowiedzi. W swej działalności politycznej organizacje religijne stosują zarówno metody identyczne z innymi aktorami politycznymi (lobbying, masowa mobilizacja itp.) – co nadaje im legitymację w ramach demokratycznych systemów politycznych – jak i specyficzne strategie religijne. Działania te są w artykule analizowane głównie na przykładach polskich i amerykańskich. Uzbrojone w takie narzędzia, religijne podmioty polityczne mogą wywierać znaczący wpływ na demokratyczne systemy polityczne.