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Scholars are divided over whether the emancipatory politics promised by new social movements can be attained within civil society or whether seizure of the state apparatus is necessary. The Bolivarian Revolution led by President Hugo Chávez presents a crucial case for examining this question. Chávez's use of the state apparatus has been fundamental in broadening the concept of citizenship, but this extension of citizenship has occurred alongside the deliberate exclusion of others. This has not only limited its appeal as a citizenship project but created counterpublics that challenge the functioning of the government and its very legitimacy. Analysis of Bolivarianism in terms of micropublics shows both how otherwise disparate micropublics fuse together and why their union remains contingent and dependent on the figure of Chávez, its most significant producer.

This paper explores the state of social movement unionism in New York City and how labour-community coalitions are forging a progressive public policy agenda. Based on twenty formal interviews with labour leaders and nearly a decade of practice working in the city's social and economic justice movement, it appears that unions are increasingly interested in coupling efforts to improve wages and working conditions with broader strategies for growth – namely, levelling the playing field for organizing through public policy reform and pursuing a legislative strategy of social, economic, and environmental justice that will give the broader public more of a reason to want to join a union. However, the New York City labour movement faces a number of obstacles – including union democracy issues, a new generation of conservative union leaders, and increasingly conservative municipal, state, and federal administrations – towards adopting social movement unionism and a progressive public policy platform

In this article, sport related social movements are considered as a special kind of social movements, forming and functioning of which are directly connected to sport culture, sport teams and events and that also are established through what is listed. On the one hand, they are arised as a product of the civil society, and, on the other hand, as a standpoint for its further development in terms of democratization process. The sport related social movements are considered from the prospective of the «new social movements» approach that, according to the author, the most clearly refl ects their specifi city. They are presented as collective actors of social changes. Particular attention is paid to the importance of the networking group identity in this context. The author also clarifi es the characteristics of the sport related social movements as a form of new social movements, and also provides a number of principles through which the self-organizational potential is disclosed. In the modern society, a wide variety of the sport related social movements creates differences between them. This is what gives an opportunity for their detailed classifi cation by different criteria, which are based on differences in their values, goals and ways of achievement, nature of activities, forms of collective behavior, relations with the political system, measures etc. It should be noted that due to the high dynamic and rolling composition of the sport related social movements' borders within the classifi cations can be stretched.

Due to the Internet arrival, the Social Movements, alternatives and critics, have considered it as a new scene capable to renew the traditional ways of intervention and collective action. Besides it is open the possibility to outdo the activism atomization of the social movements, organizing them in a global strategy, articulated upon nodes of local intervention. There is a renewed illusion, due to this inclusion of social movements in the Internet, understood as a new pedagogical tool for the organization, the debate, the broadcast and the social mobilization, which wake up old social utopias, that nowadays they are proposed as real and feasible utopias. This way we regard that the role of the citizenship, as a participant in the political power, could be replaced by a mere contract of enjoyment of goods and services in the Internet worldwide (Pérez Luño, 2004). So, the individual may find satisfied the technological utopia which includes the promise of social change. The tension generated by these to powers seems to be granting a privilege to an instrumental use of New Technologies in the transformation processes that promote the social movements. This way we may misunderstand the managing of utopias with simple strategies of online communication and education. Therefore, it is needed to overflow (in a metaphorical way) that instrumental interpretation of the Internet to release deep structural transformations and new imaginaries related to the utopia of a free communication and education media, at the service of a democratical society development. ; Universidad de Málaga. Campus de Excelencia Internacional Andalucía Tech.

"This collection provides an accessible yet rigorous survey of the rhetorical study of historical and contemporary social movements and promotes the study of relations between strategy, symbolic action, and social assemblage. Offering a comprehensive collection of the latest research in the field, The Rhetoric of Social Movements: Networks, Power, and New Media suggests a framework for the study of social movements grounded in a methodology of "slow inquiry" and the interconnectedness of these imminent phenomena. Chapters address the rhetorical tactics that social movements use to gain attention and challenge power; the centrality of traditional and new media in social movements; the operations of power in movement organization, leadership, and local and global networking; and emerging contents and environments for social movements in the 21st century. Each essay is framed by case studies (drawn from movements across the world ranging from Black Lives Matter and Occupy to Greek anarchism and indigenous land protests) that ground conceptual characteristics of social movements in their continuously unfolding reality, furnishing readers with both practical and theoretical insight. The Rhetoric of Social Movements will be of interest to scholars and advanced students of rhetoric, communication, media studies, cultural studies, social protest and activism, and political science"--

Considering the rise of global political instability and subsequent importance of new social movements, this cutting edge book examines the relationship between the alter-globalization movement and political power in Italy, Spain, and Greece. It argues that not only is the movement anti-political, but that it operates within an apolitical social milieu, as a ritualized holding pattern for middle class youths that find themselves uncomfortably placed between a receding state structure on the one hand, and a rising informal economy on the other. Its ritual liminality allows adherents to act revolutionary while assuring that their middle class privileges remain intact. The author considers the social ramifications of the movement at a time when Europe finds itself at a political and economic crossroads, and offers specific and timely case studies from the three southern European countries.

Dieter Rucht sets out a theoretically oriented discussion of social movements. His intent is not to develop a full-blown theory of social movements but rather to establish the sociological theoretical groundwork that can shape a more fruitful approach to understanding social movements, what he terms an "interactionist, constructionist and process-oriented" approach. The result is a wide-ranging discussion through the lens of this approach of the concepts and arguments that have dominated the field of social movements, although with disappointingly little attention to the scholarship that has challenged and reshaped these dominant ideas.

The origin of peace movements can be traced back to the early nineteenth century, with the foundation of the first peace societies in the Anglo-Saxon world. Issues addressed by the movements include the general fight against war and promotion of peace (including internationalism), antiwar mobilization, nuclear disarmament (including nuclear test ban), mobilization against military infrastructures, and for civil service. Different phases can be discerned in the Western context: the rise of pacifism as a collective and public issue during the nineteenth and early twentieth century; the Cold War era; peace movements as part of the new social movements from the late 1960s to the late 1980s; and the post-Cold War era. The strength and specific features of peace movements vary both across time and across space depending on the specific features of each national context. Today, peace movements are seen as part of the broader family of the new social movements. Scholarly works have characterized the profile of participants in these movements as being rooted in the new middle class, displaying left-libertarian values, and sharing a common concern over social issues, but have also stressed important difference across countries in their social bases. Peace movements find their most important effects at the societal and cultural level rather than at the political level.

Reasons for the emergence of global human rights and peace groups in the West, and their political and organizational survival strategies; 6 articles.