Suchergebnisse

The creation of the East Asia Summit (EAS) was once seen as a significant step forward in building a regional community in East Asia. Contrary to popular perception, however, the EAS has not contributed to forming the much-heralded regional community in the region. The EAS has not been able to reach its potential of becoming the key architecture for community building in East Asia due to disagreement and competition among regional countries that were triggered by China's withdrawal of support. This article explores the diplomatic dynamics that have shaped the evolution of the EAS, which has ended up simply coexisting and competing with the architecture it was originally planned to replace, the ASEAN Plus Three. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

After nearly sixty years of political confrontation, hopes for cross-Taiwan Strait reconciliation have run high since the traditionally pro-unification Nationalist Party (the Kuomintang, KMT) returned to power in Taiwan in May 2008. However, obstacles to reconciliation remain daunting, due to a fundamental disjuncture between the ideological beliefs of the two sides, in particular because China and Taiwan still lack a shared memory of Taiwanese history that can serve as the foundation for their reconciliation. This article examines a wide variety of sources from Taiwan and China over recent decades. It illustrates their conspicuous memory gap over the history of the island. Cross-Strait reconciliation needs to begin with recognizing rather than ignoring or covering up the memory gap. Dialogue and joint studies should be carried out to better understand each other's political perspective and emotional appeal associated with historical memory. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

Cover -- Endorsement Page -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of figures -- List of tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Introduction -- Politics and school curricula -- Ideology -- Hegemony, selective tradition, and textbooks -- Hegemony -- Selective tradition -- Textbooks -- Structure of this book -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 2: Analysis of Korean language textbooks in the pre-colonial era -- Introduction -- Nationalism -- Greatness of Korean history and national heroes -- National independence -- Importance of education -- Obeying laws -- Korea's ideal: Western-style civilization and becoming a powerful nation -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Analyzed textbooks -- Chapter 3: Analysis of textbooks of the colonial period -- Introduction -- History -- Geography -- The exploited colonial economy -- Morality -- Science and technology -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Analyzed textbooks -- Chapter 4: Analysis of the textbooks of the neo-colonial period -- Introduction -- American military rule and textbook production -- History and geography -- Morality -- Anti-communism -- School life -- Science and technology -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Analyzed textbooks -- Chapter 5: Textbooks under the dictatorships -- Introduction -- Nationalism (history) -- Morality -- Respecting parents -- Hard work, cooperation, solidarity, and hard study -- Anti-communism -- New Village movement -- Economy -- Surveillance and security -- Geography -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Analyzed textbooks -- Chapter 6: Textbooks in the 21st century -- Introduction -- Nationalism -- Environmentalism -- Morality -- Multiculturalism -- Summary -- Notes -- References -- Analyzed textbooks.

Although scholarly interest in Northeast India is growing there is still relatively little discussion of the high levels of poverty in the region and the failures of development. When mentioned they are viewed instrumentally as causes and/or symptoms of ongoing insurgency and counter-insurgency. However this does not fully explain how a region that receives an extraordinarily large amount of development funding from the Indian Government, has its own development ministry, has some of India's highest human development indicators, and has an array of institutional layers assuring autonomy and decentralisation has poverty levels well above the Indian national average. Using the state of Meghalaya, this article examines the factors underpinning the development agenda in the region and the political space for contesting this agenda. The argument presented is three-fold; the regional development agenda is underpinned by national security imperatives which characterise relations between the various levels of governance ensuring minimal deviation, contestation of the development agenda is limited by national security from above and ethno-nationalism from below narrowing the political space for negotiating development alternatives, and this situation is the result of material and ideational factors embedding development in the politics of state-formation and ethnic identity.

The dissertation traces the sentimental value of childhood and the economic impact of preschool education from 1903 to 1953. According to state theorists and social reformers, by abolishing child labor and separating childhood from work, preschool education would facilitate the transition from a household to an industrial economy and would allow women to join the workforce. Long-term structural continuities undergird conflicts over the political indoctrination of children and their relationships to family hierarchies. Institutionally separated from their families, kindergartners could be trained as loyal Qing subjects, or Nationalist citizens, or Communist comrades. Each regime criticized alternative or older versions of early childhood socialization in order to shape future generations.

Social inequality in Vietnam and the challenges to reform -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Preface -- Introduction: Social Inequality in a Socialist State -- 1. Vietnam's Recent Political Developments -- 2. Vietnam's Recent Economic Reforms and Developments: Achievements, Paradoxes, and Challenges -- 3. Behind the Numbers: Social Mobility, Regional Disparities, and New Trajectories of Development in Rural Vietnam -- 4. From Collectivization to Globalization: Social Differentiation in a Muong Ethnic Community of Vietnam -- 5. Political Capital, Human Capital, and Inter-generational Occupational Mobility in Northern Vietnam -- 6. Social Disparities in Vietnam: The Case of Poverty Reduction and Educational Attainment -- 7. Redressing Disadvantage or Re-arranging Inequality? Development Interventions and Local Responses in the Mekong Delta -- 8. The Politics of Land: Inequality in Land Access and Local Conflicts in the Red River Delta since Decollectivization -- 9. Female Garment Workers: The New Young Volunteers in Vietnam's Modernization -- 10. Class, Nation, and Text: The Representation of Peasants in Vietnamese Literature -- 11. Leisure and Social Mobility in Ho Chi Minh City -- Index -- About the Contributors -- Publications in the Vietnam Update Series.

This article critically analyses Pakistan's development project since its independence in 1947 up till Vision 2025 of 2014. Vision 2025 aspires to 'inclusive growth' through the expansion of the market as the basis for a 'people-centric' approach to development. Based on a critical evaluation of Pakistan's development trajectory, I argue that a reliance on economic growth via liberal capitalism to address poverty has failed in Pakistan. Post-independence aspirations of decent livelihoods became disrupted by the development project, which evolved through Cold War politics. Premised upon the privileging of liberal capitalism, this modernization project was executed by authoritarian regimes that initiated new processes of dispossession and accentuated existent inequalities. Moreover, a critical analysis of Pakistan's development crises must consider how poverty intersects with social inequality justified through zat or caste to reproduce entrenched positions of privilege and disadvantage. Mainstream Pakistani society comprises an efficacious trope of inequality normalized through the 'othering' of poor families, resistance to which is misrepresented as a lack of character and industry. Impoverished communities bear disproportionate costs of development, which compel them to find shelter in segregated communities in slums and earn a living as servants, vendors and through begging, including children on the streets. In the wake of neo-liberal policy reforms, the Benazir Income Support Programme provides temporary monetary relief to some but leaves intact the underlying causes of worsening inequality. A critical discussion of Pakistan's development trajectory challenges the ideological premises of Vision 2025 and its promise of universal wellbeing.

This research would like to discuss the reconceptualization of Ummah in the context of contemporary international politics. Ummah, as a concept, has been implemented since the era of Prophet Muhammad. Since the advent of the modern era, the concept of Ummah has been deemed as irrelevant due to the existence of modern nation-state. However, newly independent countries that are having a majority of Muslim populations tried to rebuild the new consciousness among Muslim communities by establishing organizations that resemble Ummah. There are at least three endeavors noted throughout history: Asian-African Islamic Conference, Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and Developing-8 (D-8). Only two endeavors successfully emerged as an active international organization representing the Muslim community's interest in world politics. Using the English School and South-South perspective, this research tried to decipher the reason behind the creation of those organizations.

Starting with the incident now known as the cow's head protest, this article traces and unpacks the events, techniques, and conditions surrounding the representation of ethno-religious minorities in Malaysia. The author suggests that the Malaysian Indians' struggle to correct the dominant reading of their community as an impoverished and humbled underclass is a disruption of the dominant cultural order in Malaysia. The struggle is also among the key events to have set in motion a set of dynamics - the visual turn - introduced by new media into the politics of ethno-communal representation in Malaysia. Believing that this situation requires urgent examination the author attempts to outline the problematics of the task. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)