Suchergebnisse

ABSTRACT Objective: describe and analyze the perception of gender violence from the managers of support services to women in Piauí. Method: descriptive study with qualitative approach realized in government agencies to support the woman in the city of Teresina-PI with nine managers of these bodies. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and interpreted by the technique of content analysis. The study was approved by the Ethics Research Committee from the Universidade Federal University do Piauí - UFPI, by means of CAAE nº 0228.0.045.000-08. Results: gender violence is a complex problem that involves social and cultural inequalities between men and women constructed throughout the mankind history, being necessary public policies for the prevention and suppression of this violence. Conclusion: the results showed that gender violence involves a multidimensional aspect, in which nursing takes place in the support network for women victims of violence. There was also a need for cultural change in society, with the commitment of all in protecting and promoting women's rights. Descriptors: perception; gender violence; nursing. RESUMO Objetivo: descrever e analisar a percepção das gestoras dos serviços de apoio às mulheres no Piauí acerca da violência de gênero. Método: estudo descritivo de abordagem qualitativa realizado nos órgãos públicos de apoio à mulher da cidade de Teresina-PI com nove gestoras desses órgãos. Os dados foram coletados com roteiro de entrevista semiestruturada e interpretados por meio da técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa foi aprovada pelo Comitê de Ética e Pesquisa da Universidade Federal do Piauí - UFPI, mediante o CAAE nº 0228.0.045.000-08. Resultados: a violência de gênero é um problema complexo que envolve desigualdades socioculturais existentes entre homens e mulheres construídos ao longo da história, sendo necessárias políticas públicas voltadas para a prevenção e repressão a este tipo de violência. Conclusão: os resultados evidenciaram que a violência de gênero envolve um aspecto multidimensional, no qual a Enfermagem ocupa lugar de destaque na rede de apoio à mulher vítima de violência. Verificou-se também a necessidade de uma mudança cultural da sociedade, com o compromisso de todos na proteção e promoção dos direitos da mulher. Descritores: percepção; violência de gênero; enfermagem. RESUMEN Objetivo: describir y analizar la percepción de la violencia de género de las gestoras de servicios de apoyo a las mujeres en Piauí. Método: estudio cualitativo descriptivo, realizado en los organismos gubernamentales para apoyar a la mujer en la ciudad de Teresina-PI con nueve gestoras de estos órganos. Los datos fueron recolectados a través de una entrevista semi-estructurada e interpretada por la técnica de análisis de contenido. El estudio fue aprobado por el Comité de Ética y la Universidad Federal de Piauí, por CAAE nº 0228.0.045.000-08. Resultados: la violencia de género es un problema complejo que involucra a las desigualdades sociales y culturales entre hombres y mujeres que construyeron a lo largo de la historia, y las políticas públicas necesarias para la prevención y represión de este tipo de violencia. Conclusión: los resultados mostraron que la violencia de género implica un aspecto multidimensional, en el que la enfermería se lleva a cabo en la red de apoyo para mujeres víctimas de violencia. También hubo una necesidad de un cambio cultural en la sociedad, con el compromiso de todos en la protección y promoción de los derechos de las mujeres. Descriptores: percepción; violencia de género; enfermería. ; Objetivo: descrever e analisar a percepção acerca da violência de gênero das gestoras dos serviços de apoio às mulheres no Piauí. Método: estudo descritivo de abordagem qualitativa realizado nos órgãos públicos de apoio à mulher da cidade de Teresina-PI com nove gestoras desses órgãos. Os dados foram coletados através de um roteiro de entrevista semi-estruturada e interpretados por meio da técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa foi aprovada pelo Comitê de Ética e Pesquisa da Universidade Federal do Piauí, mediante o CAAE nº 0228.0.045.000-08. Resultados: a violência de gênero é um problema complexo que envolve desigualdades socioculturais existentes entre homens e mulheres construídos ao longo da história, sendo necessárias políticas públicas voltadas para a prevenção e repressão a este tipo de violência. Conclusão: os resultados evidenciaram que a violência de gênero envolve um aspecto multidimensional, no qual a Enfermagem ocupa lugar de destaque na rede de apoio à mulher vítima de violência. Verificou-se também a necessidade de uma mudança cultural da sociedade, com o compromisso de todos na proteção e promoção dos direitos da mulher. Descritores: percepção; violência de gênero; enfermagem.

The aim of this research is to provide a number of trends and areas of tension that have emerged or evolved in Cuba after the « special period in peacetime », which can be defined as the most considerably developed social and economic crisis that has struck this country, as a result of the socialist camp collapse in the early 90's. In order to achieve this, we focus on the experience of musicians seen as ordinary in the city of Havana. It is thanks to the observation of artists in action in their everyday life that we will be able to understand and to capture the depth of this crisis and these large redefinitions it causes. The purpose is to define the consequences of the means that have been mobilized by the Cuba's socialist system in order to get out of this social and economic impasse while safeguarding the social benefits of this revolution, based on its popular legitimacy. If in the end the reforms (the massification of tourism, the gradual increase of liberalizing and economical behaviors, and the dual circulation of currencies.) allowed an economic recovery, they lead to a questioning and entering into contradiction with speeches, prerogatives and ways of life valued by those in power. We will see how areas of tension, emanating from changes (between an idealized past and an uncertain future, between the picture of the genuinely Cuban and non-Cuban, and finally between the people of the revolution and the individual who has his own project) treated by these musicians, especially sensitive to the « decompartmentalization » of the Cuban experience. We will see that these musicians, in the way they define theirselves as artists, in their concept of path in life and profession, effect sweeping changes, constantly negotiating questions of identity to ascribe meaning to what they do in this confused, social and economic reality. In their life and professional practices, the means allocated to fight and to try to make a living with music show in our opinion the Cuban society in its entirety marked by a great ambivalence, the need to find new means of subsistence and to bring these decomposing or emerging elements together. ; Ce travail de thèse vise à présenter un certain nombre de tendances et de points de tensions nés ou mis à jour à Cuba à la suite de la période spéciale en temps de paix que l'on peut définir comme une crise économique et sociale d'une ampleur considérable ayant frappé ce pays à la suite de la chute du camp socialiste au début des années 90. Pour ce faire, nous nous centrons sur l'expérience de musiciens qualifiés « d'ordinaires » évoluant dans la capitale, La Havane. C'est ainsi à la lumière du quotidien de ces artistes qu'il nous sera possible de comprendre et de saisir la profondeur de cette crise et des fortes redéfinitions qu'elle met en jeu. Il s'agit de voir les conséquences des moyens mobilisés par le régime socialiste cubain de façon à sortir de cette impasse économique et sociale tout en préservant les acquis sociaux de cette révolution, base de sa légitimité populaire. Seulement, si à terme les réformes engagées (massification du tourisme, progressive mise en avant de comportements économiques libéralisant, double circulation monétaire.) ont permis un redressement économique certain, elles ne vont pas sans questionner, voire entrer en contradiction avec les discours, prérogatives et modes de vie valorisés par le pouvoir. Nous verrons ainsi de quelles manières un certain nombre de tensions, issues de ces changements (entre un passé idéalisé et un futur incertain, entre l'image de l'authentiquement cubain et celle du non-cubain, et enfin entre le nous révolutionnaire et les projections individuelles) sont traités par ces musiciens, particulièrement sensibles au décloisonnement de l'expérience cubaine. Dans leur manière de s'auto-définir en tant qu'artiste, dans le regard qu'ils portent sur leur trajectoire et leur métier, nous verrons que ces individus procèdent à un bricolage, à une négociation identitaire incessante visant à conférer à leurs actes un sens que la réalité sociale et économique a rendu trouble.La vie et les pratiques professionnelles de ces derniers, les moyens qu'ils mobilisent pour lutter et tenter de vivre de leur musique illustrent à notre avis la société cubaine dans son ensemble, marquée par une grande ambivalence, par le besoin « d'inventer » de nouveaux moyens de subsistance et la nécessité d'assembler des éléments en décomposition ou émergents.

Väitöstutkimus analysoi julkisia poliittisia performansseja poliittisena viestintänä. Poliittiset performanssit voidaan ymmärtää julkisissa tiloissa toimeen pantuina 'näytöksinä', joiden tavoitteena on luoda arkisiin rutiineihin yllättäviä katkoksia ja synnyttää uutta toimintatilaa jonkin yhteiskunnallisen ongelman esiin nostamiseksi. Performanssit synnyttävät katkoksia monin tavoin, mutta erityisen leimallista niille on näkyvän, vallalla olevan visuaalisen järjestyksen murtaminen tuomalla siihen erilaisia 'häiritseviä' (disruptive) elementtejä: resistoivia kehoja, valtaa parodioivia kuvia, karnevalistista protestointia, katuteatteria jne. Poliittisten performanssien viestintä perustuu puheen sijaan tai ohella toimijoiden oman kehon ja sen kantamien erilaisten visuaalisten merkkien julkiseen esittämiseen, joskus hyvin äärimmäisellä tavalla, kuten esimerkiksi nälkälakoissa ja polttoitsemurhissa. Väitöskirjassa tällaista viestintätyyliä kutsutaan visuaaliseksi ja esteettiseksi politikoinniksi. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan useita esimerkkejä performatiivisesta poliittisesta viestinnästä ja kehitetään teoreettisia ideoita sen ominaispiirteiden tulkitsemiseksi. ; In this doctoral thesis I study a phenomenon which I have titled as public political performance. By public political performance I refer to a public event (a 'show', display, demonstration) the purpose of which is to expose in public and challenge those social-political norms, practices, and relations of power which usually remain invisible in the sway of routine political life. I am interested especially in how performance works as a form of non-linguistic, or wider than linguistic, political communication. I theorize and analyze, through several illustrative examples, performances from three perspectives: as corporeal (bodily), visual, and aesthetic communication. In construction of theory I use and partly rework ideas from thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Jacques Ranciere. The study shows that public political performance is a sensitive, even volatile phenomenon because it often manifestly exposes the fundamentally violent power structure of society – as when, for example, street demonstrations induce strong counter reactions from the police and political authorities – and puts this order under critical public scrutiny. Political authorities do not take such challenges lightly, which is why public performances sometimes instigate serious political controversies. The key theoretical ideas of the study relate to performance as something done and en/acted. On the one hand, performance discloses the nature of politics as a 'doing.' This means in simple terms that, in order to subsist, the political world needs to be done, performed, and 'iterated,' every time anew. The term performative describes this social-constructivist side of politics. That the constitution of the social and political power is based not on any 'natural' ground but on continuous re/iteration of certain ways and routines is often revealed only when it is visibly and noticeably disrupted. This is what political performance typically does. On the other hand, performance signifies a particular kind of public show which resembles but does not equal theatrical shows. Performance is theatrical in being an 'art-like' communicative act, yet it is more surprising and unpredictable compared to regular theatre and, because of this, usually more difficult to approach and interpret. Political performance as a contingent and sometimes oddly appearing public event with a surprise effect brings forth the importance of disruption for politics. It alerts us to situations where the normalized political performatives are being visibly questioned by bringing into public space – 'in your face' – diverse disrupting elements like resisting bodies, parodying images, and carnevalism. The relationship between these two, performatives and performances, creates an edgy and 'chiasmatic' political space from which much of political life gains its driving force. This basic idea and relationship constitute the key starting point for this study's theoretical reflections. Political performance is an important subject for political studies for several reasons. The purely knowledge-based reason is that that in directing attention to the corporeal and visual aspects of politics and political communication, performance brings into view phenomena and conceptual possibilities which are too often ignored by political researchers and theorists. The relevance of performance for the field can also be justified from another perspective, through reference to its political and democratic significance. The discussions and analyses carried out in the study show that there are political circumstances where citizens see public performance as the only available means of participation in political communication, with other channels of communication forbidden or marginalized. There are also situations where citizens create, through setting up a performance, space for public communication and action where it has not existed before. Political performance as a way of contesting existing political realities can therefore have special value for political freedom. Political and democratic theory needs to understand, I shall argue, also that category of political action which performs political freedom rather than asks for it.

Mit dem Projekt 'Integrieren, Mut machen, Stärken stärken' (PRIMUS) erprobte das Jobcenter Saarbrücken in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 ein neues Beratungs- und Unterstützungsangebot für erwerbsfähige Leistungsberechtigte (eLb) im Alter von 25 bis 48 Jahren, die länger im SGB-II-Leistungsbezug waren und Vermittlungshemmnisse aufwiesen, doch nicht für das Fallmanagement in Betracht kamen. Die sechs Arbeitsvermittler/innen des Projektteams betreuten jeweils ca. 40 Bedarfsgemeinschaften. Die Teilnahme am Projekt war freiwillig: Die eLb konnten sich entscheiden, ob sie bei der bislang zuständigen Geschäftsstelle weiter betreut werden oder am Projekt teilnehmen wollten. Das Projekt wurde durch das Soziologische Forschungsinstitut Göttingen (SOFI) und Zoom - Gesellschaft für prospektive Entwicklungen e.V. qualitativ evaluiert. Dazu wurde bei 42 Projektteilnehmerinnen und Projektteilnehmer die Fallbearbeitung über etwa ein Jahr mittels Befragungen, nicht-teilnehmenden Beobachtungen und Falldokumentation begleitet und bei weiteren elf Teilnehmenden punktuell beobachtet. Zudem wurden zehn Nichtteilnehmende interviewt. Der Forschungsbericht fasst die Evaluationsergebnisse zusammen. Das Projektteam fand auf Handlungsprobleme der Vermittlungsberatung eigene Antworten, die für den Rechtskreis des SGB II und für die Arbeitsverwaltung unüblich sind. Das Projekt ging von der Annahme aus, dass die Teilnehmer/innen mit intensiver individueller Unterstützung trotz ihrer Vermittlungshemmnisse eine nachhaltige, ungeförderte Beschäftigung erreichen konnten, die ihrer Erwerbsorientierung entsprach. Resignation infolge längerer Arbeitslosigkeit wollte das Projektteam durch eine systemisch orientierte Beratung überwinden, welche den Kund/inn/en Erfolgserlebnisse ermöglichen und ihre nicht genutzten Ressourcen erschließen sollte. Im Wissen um die bestehenden Hemmnisse und belastende Lebenslagen suchten die Fachkräfte gemeinsame Ansatzpunkte für Vermittlung. Die freiwillige Entscheidung für diese Form der Betreuung und die hohe Eigenmotivation der Teilnehmenden erleichterte es ihnen, einen persönlichen Unterstützungsauftrag zu erhalten und Ziele und Lösungswege gemeinsam zu erarbeiten. Das Dienstleistungsprofil des Projekts beruhte auf zusätzlicher Betreuungszeit und fachlicher Gestaltungsfreiheit. Einzelfallarbeit wurde mit Gruppenangeboten kombiniert, Beratungsleistungen wurden entsprechend dem individuellen Bedarf durch praktische Assistenz (z.B. Begleitungen, Kontakte mit Arbeitgebern und Behörden) ergänzt. Bei Familien berücksichtigte die Integrationsstrategie alle erwerbsfähigen Personen der Bedarfsgemeinschaft. Die Fachkräfte betreuten die Teilnehmenden auch über die Arbeitsaufnahme hinaus. Aus Sicht aller Beteiligten verlief das Modell erfolgreich: Ein Viertel aller Betreuten, und fast die Hälfte aller Personen in der qualitativen Evaluationsstichprobe mündeten in Arbeit ein. Die qualitative Evaluation zeigte, wie benachteiligte Arbeitslose mit einer intensiven, vermittlungsorientierten und ganzheitlichen Unterstützung im Jobcenter wirkungsvoll unterstützt werden können. Zielvereinbarungen erreichten ohne Sanktionsmittel eine hohe Verbindlichkeit, und die Zufriedenheit der Kund/inn/enund Mitarbeiter/inn/en mit der Dienstleistung war sehr hoch. ; The pilot programme PRIMUS (Integrate, encourage, strengthen strengths) implemented by the Jobcenter Saarbrücken tested a new counselling and support approach for jobseekers eligible for basic security assistance benefits, aged 25 to 48, who had been long-term recipients and were considered hard to place in the labour market due to a number obstacles while not qualifying for case management. Each of the project's six placement officers was to handle a caseload of 40 household communities. Participation was voluntary, leaving job-seekers the choice to be served at their regular job centre branch as before or to transfer to the programme. A qualitative evaluation of the project was jointly conducted by the Göttingen Institute for Sociological Research (SOFI) and Zoom - Society for prospective Developments e.V. The study involved the close monitoring of casework with 42 project participants, including case documentation, interviews and non-participant observation. Singular observations or interviews were realized with 11 more participants. In addition, 10 non-participants were also interviewed. This report outlines the evaluation results. The way the project team addressed key problems of professional action in placement counselling are both original and uncommon within the legal framework of jobseekers' basic assistance and of the public employment services. The project worked on the assumption that intensive individual support would enable participants to enter into a durable, unsubsidized employment that would meet their job expectations. Against the resignation fostered by longer unemployment the team used a systemic counselling approach, providing occasions for clients to experience success and to draw on hitherto untapped resources. While accounting for limitations and constraining circumstances, the project officers sought points of vantage for joint placement strategies. Case workers could rely on the voluntary entry into the programme and on intrinsically motivated participants to obtain their clients' personal mandate and to pursue shared objectives by way of collaborative strategies. Additional time for client support and professional discretion provided the basis for a specific service profile that combined individual case work with group activities and complemented counselling by forms of practical assistance, (e.g. escorting clients to employers or to government agencies). In the case of families, the placement strategy included all employable household members. Further assistance was offered to clients after they had taken up work. All concerned parties considered the project a success. A quarter of all participants and close to half of the qualitative evaluation sample took up a job. The qualitative evaluation showed how comprehensive, resource-intensive placement-oriented services provided by job centre staff offers effective support to disadvantaged unemployed. While income sanctions were not enforced, clients proved highly committed to joint objectives, and service satisfaction of clients and job satisfaction of staff were equally high.

In this dissertation I aim to advance political narrative theory by exploring the use of political narrative on Facebook and the possibility for Facebook to be used among Palestinian youth for political change. To examine the concepts of political narrative and political change, I developed a model for political change based on the changing political narratives which in part prompted the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The model, Political Narrative Perspectives (PNPs), identifies individual and reported collective beliefs regarding the relationship and responsibilities associated with government and citizenry, and may be used to track political change as a byproduct of changing beliefs. To explore this model within the Palestinian context, I conducted a multiple-case case study in which I followed the Facebook activity of 14 Palestinian youth (7 male, 7 female; aged 18-27) for one year (January 1--December 31, 2011), coding 10 percent of their Facebook posts (N=1,371 of 13,710 posts) using content analysis. I combine this research with interviews to contextualize the content analysis. The youth participants of this study were selected for their similarity on several measures to the Egyptian youth leaders who spearheaded political change efforts on Facebook: 1) university-educated, 2) of the Millennial generation, 3) internationally traveled, 4) politically concerned, and 5) fluent in English. The Facebook posts were coded and analyzed according to type, content and language as well as by the four PNPs which I outline in this dissertation: External State Political Narrative (ESPN), Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN), External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN) and Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN). PNPs were analyzed initially through what I have termed "direct" PNP use: participants post political opinion comments about Palestine on their Facebook wall which reflected a PNP. Following this, I conducted a secondary analysis in which I analyzed posts according to what I have termed (1) "indirect" and (2) "passive" political narrative perspectives; that is, (1) participants posted Palestine-related news stories on their Facebook wall which reflected a PNP, or (2) participants posted content on their Facebook wall unrelated to Palestine which reflected a PNP.The results of this study indicate that PNPs in total comprised 15.3 percent of all participants' Facebook posts. The remainder (84.7 percent) of Facebook post content reflected topics such as hobbies, music, technology, literature/quotes, religion, relationships, and personal stories and anecdotes, suggesting that these youth in many ways use Facebook like other youth their age. While 15.3 percent may seem a relatively low number of PNPs for politically-concerned participants, 86 percent of participants noted that they felt restricted on Facebook, most notably by the Israeli and Palestinian authorities (which monitor and at times punish for certain Facebook content), but also by family and friends and by religious and social mores. Without these restrictions, 64 percent of participants stated they would critique Israel, 57 percent of participants stated they would critique the Palestinian government, and 49 percent stated they would critique Palestinian society. The prospects for using Facebook for political change in Palestine, as in Egypt, seem relatively dim given the perceived and actual restrictions that Palestinians encounter when using Facebook. The prospects for change seem dimmer still when we consider that Egyptian citizens faced one governing oppressor--the Mubarak regime--while Palestinians face political and social oppression from both the Palestinian government (whether by the Palestinian Authority (PA) or Hamas) and a U.S.-backed Israeli authority. The PNPs do offer some hope, however, as well as help to shed light on the political change process. Unlike in Egypt, where an initial change in Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN), a secondary change in External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN) and a tertiary change in Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN) ultimately resulted in a change in External State Political Narrative (ESPN), in Palestine, it appears the opposite direction would be most effective to bring political change. In other words, in Palestine, it appears the External State Political Narrative (ESPN) would do well to change first, resulting in a subsequent change in Internal State Political Narrative (ISPN), External Citizen Political Narrative (ECPN), and Internal Citizen Political Narrative (ICPN). It appears the moral image which Palestinians appear to use to win the war for comparative moral high ground with Israel may indeed be hindering them from achieving political change. While these results offer potential insights into possibilities, the Political Narrative Perspective (PNP) model will need further testing and development through future research.

El municipio es considerado como un espacio donde sus habitantes comparten no sólo el territorio sino también los problemas y los recursos existentes. La institución municipal -como gobierno local- es el ámbito en el cual se toman decisiones sobre el territorio, que implican a sus habitantes. En cuanto a los actores, estos pueden ser funcionarios, empleados y la comunidad (individual y organizada en ongs), todos aportan sus conocimientos y valores, pero tienen diferentes intereses y diferentes tiempos. Vinculada a las decisiones, encontramos que la forma en que se gestiona la información territorial, es determinante si se pretende apuntar hacia acciones con impacto positivo, y sustentables en lo ambiental y en el tiempo. Este trabajo toma tres municipios: San Salvador de Jujuy, capital de la provincia localizada en los Valles Templados; San Pedro de Jujuy, principal municipio de la región de las Yungas y Tilcara en la Quebrada de Humahuaca. El aporte de la Inteligencia Territorial, a través del observatorio OIDTe, permite analizar los modos de gestión de la información, especialmente mediante el uso de las tecnologías de la información y comunicación (pagina web municipal, equipamiento informático en las oficinas, estrategias de comunicación y vinculación con la población) y mediante la organización de las estructuras administrativas (organigrama) por las cuales circula la información municipal. Además, con la participación enriquecedora de equipos multidisciplinarios en las diferentes etapas. Se busca, a partir de un diagnóstico, generar estrategias para la introducción de innovaciones con los propios actores municipales, a partir de las situaciones y modos culturales propios de cada lugar, incorporando los marcos conceptuales de la Inteligencia Territorial. En este sentido el OIDTe al promover el entendimiento entre los actores, institucionales y la sociedad, facilita la coordinación de diferentes intereses propiciando la toma de decisiones por acuerdos. Asimismo, el método Portulano, puede orientar la introducción de innovaciones en la coordinación de la información cartográfica, para que las diferentes oficinas puedan complementar sus aportes y la comunicación hacia fuera de la institución. En la fase de diagnóstico, se aplicaron entrevistas a informantes claves, se realizó un workshop con técnicos de planta permanente y funcionarios de áreas que manejan información territorial, y de planificación. También por la importancia de la capacidad instalada de recursos humanos, se analizó el nivel de instrucción y la capacitación con que cuenta el personal de planta permanente de cada área ; The municipality is consideredas a space where its inhabitants share not only territory but also the problems and existing resources. The municipal institution -such as local government- is the area in which decisions are taken on the territory, involving its inhabitants. As for the actors, these may be officials, employees and the Community (individual and organized in NGOs), all contributing their knowledge and values, but have different interests and different times. Linked to the decisions, we find that the way in which the territorial information, are managed is crucial if it is to target actions with positive and sustainable impact on environmental issues and time. This work takes three municipalities: San Salvador de Jujuy, capital of the province located in the temperate valleys; San Pedro de Jujuy, main town of the Tilcara in the Quebrada de Humahuaca and the Yungas region. The contribution of the Territorial Intelligence is at Observatory OIDTE, analyzing themodes of information management, especially through the use of information technologies and communication (page municipal website, computer equipment in offices, linking with the population and communication strategies) and through the Organization of administrative structures (organization chart) which circulates the municipal information. In addition, involving multidisciplinary teams enriching at different stages.Is search based on a diagnosis, generating strategies for the introduction of innovations with the actors themselves municipal situations and cultural modes of each place, through the incorporation of the Territorial Intelligence, conceptual frameworks. In this sense Observatory OIDTe to promote understanding between the actors, institutional and society, facilitates the coordination of different interests promoting decision-making by agreements. The Portulano method, it can guide the introduction of innovations in the coordination of cartographic information, that different offices can complement their contributions and communication out of the institution. In the diagnostic phase, interviews were conducted with key informants, conducted a workshop with permanent plant technicians and area officials who manage land information and planning. Also by the importance of the installed capacity of human resources, the level of education and training available to the permanent staff of each area was analyzed

Includes bibliographical references (p. 276-283). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 138 ; Vol. 2: Appendices. ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Social Sciences and Education, Department of Social and Political Sciences, June 2006. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η παρούσα διδακτορική διατριβή ερευνά το κοινωνικό φαινόμενο των μικτών γάμων μεταξύ ξένων υπηκόων και ιθαγενών της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας. Η έρευνα επικεντρώνεται στη διαδικασία της επιλογής συντρόφου. Παρουσιάζει τρεις ξεχωριστές φάσεις έρευνας και τα ευρήματά τους: στατιστική (στατιστικές πληθυσμού), ποσοτική και ποιοτική. H ανάλυση των στατιστικών στοιχείων του πληθυσμού που δημοσιεύονται από την Στατιστική Υπηρεσία Κύπρου (για γάμους, μικτούς γάμους και μετανάστευση στην Κύπρο) ποσολογεί την αυξανόμενη τάση των Κυπρίων να παντρεύονται ξένους και ξένες υπηκόους κατά την περίοδο 1989-2004. Το πρώτο σύνολο των ευρημάτων αποκαλύπτει: μια τυπολογία των μικτών γάμων στην Κύπρο η οποία καταγράφει (1) διαφορές φύλου στις προτιμήσεις Κυπρίων ανδρών και γυναικών όσον αφορά τη διαδικασία επιλογής αλλοδαπών συντρόφων και (2) ένα τοπικό μοντέλο (ανά περιοχή) όσον αφορά τις επιλογές των Κυπρίων για ξένους συζύγους. Αυτά τα πρώτα ευρήματα αποτέλεσαν το σημείο εκκίνησης για μια εμπειρική διερεύνηση με χρήση μιας προσέγγισης με συνδυασμό διαφόρων μεθόδων: ποσοτικής (έρευνα με χρήσης ερωτηματολογίου σχετικά με τις αντιλήψεις των Κυπρίων, τις γνώμες και τις στάσεις τους απέναντι στους μικτούς γάμους) και ποσοτικής (συνεντεύξεις με ξένους υπηκόους-συζύγους μικτών γάμων- σχετικά με τα κίνητρα που τους ώθησαν στις επιλογές των συντρόφων τους). Σκοπός της διατριβής ήταν να διαπιστώσει κύριους λόγους που οδήγησαν ανθρώπους να συνάψουν μικτούς γάμους στην Κύπρο. Η εργασία αυτή έγινε με διερεύνηση της διαδικασίας επιλογής συντρόφου σε κάθε επίπεδο του μοντέλου άτομο- ομάδα - κοινωνία, δηλαδή: ατομικά κίνητρα (προτιμήσεις) /Individual motivations (preferences); τρίτες ομάδες (εξαναγκασμοί)/Third-party agents (constraints), και μηχανισμός αγοράς γάμου/Marriage market mechanism (opportunities ή η δυνατότητα για εύρεση συντρόφου). Τα ευρήματα της έρευνας περιγράφουν τρία κύρια θέματα όσον αφορά τους μικτούς γάμους στην Κύπρο: (1) μια ιεραρχία προτίμησης για ξένους συζύγους που συμπίπτει με την αντιλαμβανόμενη ιεραρχία ξένων εθνικοτήτων στην Κύπρο όπως καταγράφονται στο επίπεδο της κοινής γνώμης, (2) Αντιτιθέμενες επιλογές γάμου μεταξύ Κυπρίων ανδρών και γυναικών για ξένες και ξένους συζύγους αντίστοιχα και αντιτιθέμενες στάσεις Κυπρίων ανδρών και γυναικών απέναντι στο μικτό γάμο, (3) Δύο τρόπους εννοιολόγησης μικτών γάμων και οι αντίστοιχοι τρόποι επιλογής συντρόφου στην Κύπρο. ; This thesis explores the social phenomenon of mixed marriage between foreign nationals and natives in the Republic of Cyprus focusing on the mate selection process. It presents three distinct research phases and their statistical data (population statistics), quantitative and qualitative findings. The analysis of the population statistics data from official Demographic Reports (on marriage, mixed marriage and immigration in Cyprus) quantifies the increasing tendency of native Cypriots to marry foreigners during the period 1989-2004. The statistical data findings reveal a typology of mixed marriage in Cyprus which accounts for (1) gender specific differences in Cypriot men's and women's preferences in foreign mate selection process and (2) a regional pattern in Cypriots' marital choices for foreign spouses. These primary findings constituted the starting point for an empirical investigation that employed a combined-methods approach: quantitative (a questionnaire survey about Cypriots' perceptions, opinions and attitudes towards mixed marriage in Cyprus) and qualitative (in-depth, semi-structured interviews with spouses from mixed marriages about motives that determined their marital choices). The goal of the study was to identify main reasons that led people to enter mixed marital relationships in Cyprus. This task was undertaken by conducting exploratory research and monitoring the partner choice formation at each of the levels of the individual-group-society model, namely: individual motivations (preferences), third party agents (constraints) and marriage market mechanism (or the opportunity for matching). The research findings describe three major topics when accounting for mixed marriage in Cyprus: (1) a hierarchy of desirability for foreign spouses that coincides with a perceived hierarchy of foreign nationalities in Cyprus as identified at the level of local public opinion; (2) Opposed marital choices of native men and women for foreign spouses and contrasting attitudes of Cypriot men and women towards mixed marriage; (3) Two ways of conceptualizing mixed marriage and their equivalent patterns of mate selection in Cyprus.

My dissertation constitutes a contribution to the study of religion and political economy. It consists of four essays. My first essay argues that religious norms matter for the economic nature and modernization of political regimes. Religion is defined as a commitment device between the leader and his selectorate. More collectivist religions require a higher level of public goods provision by the government. In the collectivism-individualism continuum, Islam is treated as the most collectivist and Protestantism as the most individualist religion, while Judaism is denoted as the median religion. Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism are located in intermediate points between Judaism and Islam or Protestantism respectively. In the analysis of dominant religions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, this ordered sequence of demands for public goods is defined by the structure of the Eastern Orthodox, Jewish and Muslim collectives: the monastery, the kibbutz, and the tariqa. Popular demand for public goods is shaped by religious norms. Leaders consider those in order to decide the intensity and nature of modernization. Regime transition occurs when the leader is not able to meet popular demand for public goods. Contrary to conventional wisdom, modernization does not reduce the influence of religious norms on public goods distribution and can facilitate transition both to democracy and dictatorship. In my second essay, I analyze the effects of religious identity on attitudes toward political centralization. I define religious identity as personal identification with distinct religious traditions and collective ideas regarding the provision of local public goods. In individualist religions such as Protestantism and Roman Catholicism, local public goods are defined as contracts between individuals and local government (contractual public goods). In societies where such religions dominate, we should expect to see negative effects of religious identity on evaluation of central government, because local governments providing such local public goods are more accountable to citizens and in this sense more consistent with individualist ideals. In collectivist religions such as Islam and Eastern Orthodoxy, on the other hand, local public goods are defined as welfare guarantees directed to citizens by the local government (hierarchical public goods). In societies where such religions dominate, we should expect to see positive effects of religious identity on evaluation of central government, since local administrations that are strongly accountable to the central government are best able to make good on such guarantees. Judaism combines elements from both collectivist and individualist religions. In Israeli Jewish society, where public goods are treated both as contractual and hierarchical, we should expect to see both negative and positive effects of religious identity on evaluations of central government. I test these predictions using survey data from Russia and Israel newly gathered for this project. Consistent with the theory's predictions, I find that in Russian Orthodoxy, Sunni Islam and Arab Christianity (Greek Orthodoxy and Eastern Catholicism), religious identity is positively associated with evaluations of central government. Similarly, in Judaism I find that religious identity as personal identification matters negatively and as collective ideas positively for evaluations of central government. My third essay examines experimentally the effects of collectivism on public goods contributions by regional bureaucrats in Tomsk and Novosibirsk, Russia. I expand the standard public goods experiment with three treatments, which I define as degrees of Orthodox collectivist enforcement: 1. Solidarity, 2. Obedience, and 3. Universal discipline. I argue for an Eastern Orthodox rationality in the Russian bureaucracy that prioritizes collective welfare over individual profit. Russian Orthodox collectivism is implemented through Bayesian and universal disciplinary monitoring such that hierarchical revelation of individual contributions and enforcement of collective punishment occur. Contrary to conventional wisdom about free-riding in administrative institutions, higher ranks in Russian Orthodox bureaucracies are associated with higher levels of contributions and enforcement. En lieu of conclusions, in my fourth essay, I discuss the political and economic incentives that led to the emergence, peak and contraction of Kulturkampf in the Catholic lands of Prussia between 1871 and 1878. I argue that Bismarck's Kulturkampf reveals the fallacies of secularism as a series of enforced state policies: 1. De facto dominance of religious majority over religious minorities that are in much higher need to preserve their public and social status, 2. Transformation of clergymen into bureaucratic experts. The distinction between collectivism and individualism can be validated through the degree of restrictions imposed on religious institutions and their presence in the public sphere. Secularism is not devoid of religion, as it consistently advocates bureaucratic expertise and thus transition to more individualist forms of government.

二零一零年一月,全球最大的互联网搜索引擎谷歌在其官网上宣布了他们由于不满中国政府长期以来的网络审查制度而有意退出中国市场的决定。西方主流媒体及评论家对于中国的网络审查制度惯常以负面评价为主。中国民众对此又持怎样的态度呢?这个研究将焦点放在了中国的海归派身上。由于长年游走在中国大陆及海外之间,他们常常可以体验及比较不同地区的网络世界,故此对网络审查比一般的中国大陆民众有更深的体会及更详尽的洞悉。本研究旨在探索这群曾在或仍在中国境外居住的中国人是如何理解中国的互联网审查制度的。 ; 在此研究的受访对象中,有些人将网络审查视为一个来自政府的负面干涉,并认为它代表了一个不诚实的政府。而另一些人则认为由于中国社会及中国文化的特殊性,网络审查制度有其存在的道理。虽然受访对象的看法多样,但他们在谈论这个话题的时候都表现出了一种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节 ---他们会竭力为一个另自己蒙羞的政府辩护。通过深入分析了这种充满矛盾感的民族主义情节:它是如何产生的,又意味着什么,它与网络审查制度又有何相关,笔者力图强调,本研究受访对象的国家认同感在这个辩护过程中得到了加强。此分析有助于更好的了解中国的网络审查制度,以及它的合理性是如何被塑造出来的。 ; In January, 2010, the biggest internet search engine, Google, announced its potential exodus from the Chinese market due to China's practice of censorship. Many foreign commentators have criticized China's practice of censorship. But what are the views of Chinese citizens? This research focuses on a special group of Chinese netizens called "returnees" [overseas Chinese who are living in between China and elsewhere], who have experienced both the domestic and overseas cyber-worlds. Through studying their perspectives on censorship, this research seeks to understand how those who have lived outside China understand internet censorship within China. ; Some informants view internet censorship as a negative intrusion and a representation of an untruthful government while others consider it as a necessity in managing China's cyberspace due to the special cultural context of Chinese society. Though their perceptions vary, my informants expressed a paradoxical nationalism, defending a government they felt ashamed of; this was expressed repeatedly during interviews. In this thesis, by bringing censorship and nationalism together, I analyze in depth my informants' paradoxical and conflicting attitude toward these two concepts, in order to better understand Chinese censorship and how it may be justified. I argue that by defending censorship, my informants' Chinese identities have been reinforced. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Chang, Xinyue. ; Thesis ...

The contradictions within the policies of requalification of the City of Barcelona have become more evident in relation to some of the most recent urban transformations, as in the case of the project for the renewal of the Diagonal-Mar area; urban space where the Forum of Cultures 2004 has been held. The Forum turned into a failure, according to the paradigm of the criticisms, on the cultural and, above all, political (or marketing) level; in its urban dimension, it has been the expression of the city that mires to the global insertion: it is a urban planning which is prevalently oriented to the external demand. The regeneration of the Diagonal-Mar has shown a scant consideration of social objectives, with the creation of spaces, where the concept of value of exchange predominates over the value of use. The actor (public and above all private investors), that participated to the redaction of the project of urban renewal of the area, produced a great propagandistic effort, presenting it as an open cultural initiative which can assume also the social criticisms.A lot of social and civil organization did not participate, and their proposals have not been accepted, and so, today, urban and social processes, rebound on the success or failure of the urban planning in an important area of the city. From that, what Borja (2005) defines the "urban malaise of Barcelona" starts, over the years of social and economic growth, the inhabitants of Barcelona fell a certain malaise, which is highlighted by the today's crisis. The big urban projects do not generate any enthusiasm, citizens feel themselves progressively less owners of the own city, the architecture of the "great singular objects" does not represent the element of identity of the society. By scanning those urban imaginaries from a theoretical-conceptual viewpoint, which is formal and empiric, the question emerges, if the punctual urban planning operation of a sector could create evaluations, mechanisms of actuation and directions which allow to make right decisions, by avoiding the spatial and social desertification of a public space. This is an example of what could happen when the global capital is not adequately regulated at the social level. ; Le contraddizioni nell'ambito delle politiche di riqualificazione della città di Barcellona, sono diventate più evidenti in relazione ad alcune delle trasformazioni urbane recenti, come nel caso del progetto per il rinnovo della zona della Diagonal Mar; spazio urbano in cui il Forum delle Culture 2004 ha avuto luogo. Il Forum si è dimostrato un fallimento, secondo una visione critica, sul piano culturale e, soprattutto, politico (o di marketing); nella sua dimensione urbana, è stata l'espressione della città che punta all'inserimento globale: si tratta di una pianificazione urbana prevalentemente orientata alla domanda esterna. La rigenerazione della Diagonal-Mar ha mostrato una scarsa considerazione degli obiettivi sociali, con la creazione di spazi, dove il concetto di valore di scambio predomina sul valore d'uso. L'attore (pubblico e, soprattutto, tutti gli investitori privati), che ha partecipato alla redazione del progetto di riqualificazione urbana, ha prodotto un grande sforzo propagandistico, presentandola come un'iniziativa culturale aperta che può prestarsi a molte critiche dal punto di vista sociale.Molte organizzazioni sociali e civili non hanno partecipato, e le loro proposte non sono state accettate, e, oggi, i processi, urbani e sociali si ritorcono sul successo o il fallimento della pianificazione urbana in una zona importante della città. E' da questo momento che, come definisce Borja (2005), inizia il "malessere urbano di Barcellona", nel corso di anni di crescita sociale ed economica nei quali gli abitanti di Barcellona percepiscono un certo disagio, che viene messo in evidenza dalla crisi attuale. I grandi progetti urbani non generano alcun entusiasmo, i cittadini si sentono sempre meno proprietari della propria città, l'architettura dei grandi "oggetti singolari" non rappresenta l'elemento di identità della società. Analizzando tali immaginari urbani da un punto di vista teorico-concettuale, che è formale ed empirico, emerge la questione, se l'operazione puntuale di pianificazione urbana di un settore può creare valutazioni, meccanismi di attuazione e le indicazioni che permettono di prendere le decisioni migliori, evitando la desertificazione spaziale e sociale di uno spazio pubblico. Questo è un esempio di ciò che può accadere quando il capitale globale non è adeguatamente regolamentato a livello sociale.

Процесс трансформации, в который Россия вошла в конце XX в., актуализировал вопросы: «кто мы: нация или цивилизация?», «как соединить и осмыслить досоветскую, советскую и постсоветскую части нашей истории?», «что мы хотим?», «что мы можем?», «на что в нашем прошлом можно и стоит опереться?», «принадлежим ли мы Европе или у нас "особый путь"?», «как соединить и осмыслить досоветскую, советскую и постсоветскую части нашей истории?», «какая модернизация нам нужна и насколько неразрывно она связана с вестернизацией?». Для того чтобы ответить на эти вопросы, нам потребуется система понятий, включающая понятия «локальной цивилизации», «субцивилизации», «приказной институциональный принцип» и ряд других. Тогда можно будет понять цикличность российской истории, возможна ли для России альтернатива демократии западного типа («третий путь») и почему в истории России равнопопулярны утверждения, что «Россия это европейская страна» и «Россия это не Европа». ; In this paper I develop the notions of 'local (sub)civilization' and its 'political' and 'cultural nuclei' in order to describe and explain the main features of Russian history in the XVIII-XXth centuries and project the possible scenarios in the nearest future. The 'cultural core' is defined as a sum of basic meanings, such as the meaning of individual's life, ideals, highest values, etc. The 'political core' is essentially a set of basic principles which determine the character of relations in a society. I distinguish two types of principles here: the so called 'contractual' (natural for the Western states) and 'mandatory' (natural mostly among the large non-Western societies). In the latter case I distinguish the structure which consists of two subsystems: 'basic' and 'attendant'. 'The ruler' (either individual or collective), 'the masses', and the state ideology are the main elements of the first; the elements of the second are: 'the ruler', his court, officials, civil and army officers, engineers, and other strata of educated urban population with their high culture related to education. The attributes of the masses are 1) delegating the rights of decision-making (and responsibility) to the 'ruler' and 2) initiating revolts (from time to time), when people get unsatisfied with how 'the ruler' fulfills his job. The particular thing about these revolts is that they never transform the social structure, even if they are successful. In the Russian history we have had, at least, three such 'attempts': in the XVIIth century, 1917 and 1991. These revolts interleave with cycles of reforms and anti-reforms, which are forced through the 'attendant' subsystem. The main reason for such cycles is the perpetuating contradiction between the essentially non-European institutional system and European high culture of elites: the Russians keep catching up Europe by fostering education and freedom, but the latter sooner or later collide with 'mandatory' political system, which usually leads to counter-reaction in the form of anti-reform. This freedom-loving minority was at times associated with the young military officers in the end of XVIIIth the beginning of XIXth centuries, university audience of the XIXth century, scientists and engineers of the military-industrial complex of the second half of the XXth century and, finally, the 'Bolotnaya Ploschad' in the end of 2011, which was mostly represented by the socially and culturally advanced urban population of contemporary Russia. The concepts of 'political' and 'cultural nuclei' allow to define 'modernization' as a transition from 'mandatory' to 'contractual' type of societal organization, while 'modernization without westernization' can be regarded as a smooth transition, which preserves the main features of civilization 'cultural core' (which is, in fact, the case of Japan and Eastern Tigers). Russia's attempts to launch this kind of transition (the Decembrist Revolt in 1825, the February revolution of 1917 and, to a certain extent, the August of 1991) have choked, since the creative minority has been principally weak as opposed to the enormous inertia of the 'mandatory' political system. On the other hand, the revolutions brought by the masses have always brought radical change, but paradoxically replicated this 'mandatory' system again and again. The analysis in the article shows that appealing to the protest attitudes of the masses without changing their attitudes towards democracy and paternalism is a strategy doomed to fail. The necessity of modernization is recognized by almost everyone in Russia today, but it is has to be recognized that it would be impossible with preserving the 'mandatory' system. The major difficulty is that the creative minority are too few and share too different ideologies to bring this knowledge to

Celem autorów artykułu jest analiza najnowszej odsłony stosunków ukraińsko-rosyjskich. Za jego główną tezę można przyjąć stwierdzenie, iż wspomniane relacje nabierają strategicznego znaczenia z punktu widzenia ewolucji systemu stosunków międzynarodowych w regionie Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. W przypadku włączenia Ukrainy do Unii Euroazjatyckiej, co zaproponował swego czasu prezydent Rosji Władimir Putin, Rosja stałaby się jedynym liderem na obszarze byłego Związku Radzieckiego, gdzie zresztą zdaniem ekspertów koncentrują się kluczowe dla jej rozwoju i interesu narodowego w sferze gospodarki i bezpieczeństwa. Rosyjscy politycy starają się z wszystkich sił stworzyć efektywny neoimperialny model soft-power (kulturowo-ideologiczny) na potrzeby zagospodarowania przestrzeni poradzieckiej. Autorzy koncentrują swoje wysiłki na analizie i komentarzach artykułów prasowych i specjalistycznych ukazujących się na Ukrainie w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat. Najważniejsi ukraińscy politycy i analitycy niemal jednogłośnie dochodzili do konkluzji, iż kluczowym celem Ukrainy w sferze polityki zagranicznej powinna być implementacja projektów alternatywnych w stosunku do neoimperialnych planów Rosji. Szczególnego znaczenia nabiera w tym kontekście problem budowy ukraińskiej tożsamości we współczesnej Europie i świecie. Wnikliwa analiza wyników badań ukraińskiej opinii publicznej w odniesieniu do najbardziej pożądanych priorytetów w sferze polityki zagranicznej Ukrainy pozwoliła na zdiagnozowanie istotnych rozbieżności w jej percepcji na poziomie środowiska eksperckiego (sprzyjającego zachodniemu wektorowi rozwoju ukraińskiej polityki zagranicznej) i ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, którzy wahają się pomiędzy wschodnim a europejskim wektorem rozwoju ukraińskiej polityki zagranicznej. Badacze wskazują, że z uwzględnieniem obecnych uwarunkowań dla Ukrainy najbardziej pożądany model rozwoju ukraińskiej państwowości to model "wagi średniej" (mocarstwa średniego szczebla), w ramach realizacji którego Ukraina mogłaby odgrywać znaczącą rolę w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej, opierając się na produktywnej współpracy ze swymi sąsiadami, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Polski, która stała się częścią nowoczesnej zjednoczonej Europy. Z punktu widzenia realizacji podobnego modelu konieczne jest realizowanie wewnętrznej proeuropejskiej polityki. Warunkiem koniecznym z punktu widzenia budowy partnerskich i przewidywalnych relacji pomiędzy Ukrainą a Rosją jest rozwój i pogłębienie procesów demokratycznych, przede wszystkim na Ukrainie, ale także w Rosji. Tym niemniej w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat mamy na Ukrainie do czynienia z "powstrzymywaniem" demokracji i jej percepcji daleko odmiennej od wartości i rozwiązań charakterystycznych dla ustabilizowanych państw demokratycznych. ; Current Ukrainian-Russian relations are examined in the represented article. Authors particular state that the relationships between the two countries are becoming strategic importance in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe. Turning Ukraine into the Eurasian Union as it offered by President Putin, Russia will become the sole leader of the former Soviet Union, where, experts believe, concentrated its vital interests in economics, defense and security. Russian politicians are trying to create an efficient neo-imperial model of cultural and ideological elements of "soft-power" for the post-Soviet space. Authors focus on peer reviews and comments that have appeared on the pages of Ukrainian magazines and daily press over the last few years. Serious politicians and analysts have almost unanimously come to the conclusion that the most important goal of Ukraine's foreign policy is the implementation of alternative projects and steps opposite such neo-imperialistic plans of Russia. It becomes topical for Ukraine the problem of finding its own identity in Europe and in the world. During the analyses of the results of public opinion polls regarding support of a foreign policy vector it was noticed the significant difference in priorities for external experts (they mainly support West direction) and ordinary citizens, who hesitate between a focus on Russia or the European vector of Ukraine's international policy. The researchers emphasize that under current conditions the base for Ukraine could become an "average weight" (middle-power) state model, which could play a prominent role in Central and Eastern Europe, based on productive cooperation through partnerships with neighboring countries, especially Poland, which have become part of modern united Europe. It is necessary to conduct internal European policy of Ukraine. The ability (or not ability) of the whole our society to provide thoughtful and organizational grounded underlying social, economic and foreign policy reforms in the medium terms a key question. The necessary condition for really partner and predictable relations between Ukraine and Russia is the development and deepening of democratic processes primarily in Ukraine itself, and later in the Russian Federation, is concluded in the article. However, according to the events in recent years, its ruling class moves to "curb" democracy in domestic policy, or understand it in a way that significantly differs from the values and legal guidelines for established democracies and for most of those countries that somehow overcome difficult path to democracy beyond Europe and America.

We have good reason to be proud of waste management in Sweden. Landfill is no longer a primary method for the disposal of waste. Instead, an increasing proportion of waste is treated to recover energy and materials and enable reuse. Rules and routines have been established which set out how hazardous waste is to be dealt with and we have producers who take responsibility. However, good needs to become better within many areas - a lot remains to be done to limit the quantity of waste that is generated and to prevent the spreading of hazardous substances. Establishing systems for sustainable waste management and the effective natural resource management represents a major challenge given rising levels of consumption and cross-border global trade.This waste plan identifies a series of initiatives which must be implemented on the road to a more resource-efficient society. To a greater extent than previous waste plans, this plan places more emphasis on the need to reduce the quantity and hazardous nature of waste through preventing its generation in the first place. This is an area that is supported by the EU's waste hierarchy, which gives preventive work the highest priority. Experience shows that the most effective way of reducing resource consumption and environmental impact is to prevent the waste from being generated in the first place. Although recycling restores resources, it can only compensate for a minor proportion of the resources that are consumed and the environmental impact that arises in connection with the manufacture of new products. The plan sets out a number of priority areas where measures are needed. The environmental impact of the waste flows and the potential for improvement guided the selection of areas. Descriptions of objectives and the measures that can be implemented by various actors are presented within the following areas:❚ Waste management within the construction and engineering sector❚ Household waste❚ Resource efficiency in the food-chain❚ Waste treatment❚ Illegal export of wasteThe measures are aimed at both public authorities and operators. Around forty actors are affected; see the appendix entitled 'Measures per actor'. The Swedish Environmental Protection Agency and Sweden's municipalities have important roles to play in the development of waste management and are affected by most measures. The aim is to rectify many of the problems that are currently associated with waste. This includes food wastage, insufficient sorting of building materials, the leakage of hazardous substances from endof-life vehicles and the illegal export of waste. The plan is intended to supplement the Environmental Code and other waste legislation and to contribute to the attainment of relevant objectives within the environmental objective system. The plan's objectives are based on legislation within the EU1 and are intended to bring about better resource efficiency and waste management. The government's interim objective for construction and demolition waste is for reuse, recycling and other material utilisation of non-hazardous construction and demolition waste to increase to 70 percent by weight by 2020. This figure is currently around 50 percent. The government has also established an interim objective for 2018 of increased sorting and biological treatment of food waste.There is considerable scope for environmental benefits within the field of household waste. This field encompasses many of the waste types which have the greatest impact on climate during their life-cycle. Examples are food, electrical and textile waste. The proposals in the plan include a strong initiative to increase recycling and reuse through information concerning possible environmental benefits, a review of applicable legislation and the promotion of partnerships with actors which collect and sell used products. In the plan, we present possible measures for increasing the collection of food waste and for reducing the amount of food waste. Examples of measures within other priority areas are: better supervision of end-of-life vehicles, preparation of an inventory and risk classification of landfill sites (Waste treatment) and inspections (Illegal export of waste).For many areas, promising initiatives and good examples with the purpose of inspiring others are presented. A wide-ranging dialogue with actors within waste management, research institutions and experts within various authorities forms the basis for the proposed measures in the plan. The approach to preparing the waste plan is described in Appendix Approach.

This paper explores local experiences of private-sector led community-based nature conservation near Fort Dauphin, southeastern Madagascar through the analysis of a conservation zone managed in partnership between the Rio Tinto mining corporation, local government and local communities. The article assesses how new forms of social inclusion and exclusion are generated through changes in land and resource access. The main findings are as follows: the community-based conservation programs near the Fort Dauphin mine were effective at mobilising local people but inadvertently favored certain members of society over others, as they involved a legitimization of resource access by established landowners. This granting of resource rights to some local users entailed the exclusion of already marginalised groups of landless migrants. Without land to cultivate, these migrants were more directly dependent on forest resources for their survival. Their livelihoods were based on selling forest products such as timber and handicrafts, in addition to working the land of others. This rendered their social status and ability to participate in development programs limited. Non-resident or recently settled resource users' voices had thereby not been adequately included in the conservation plans from the outset. Consequently, local landless migrants continued to break conservation rules, as they had no influence over the resource management process or realistic livelihoods alternatives. These circumstances reduced both the livelihood options of the poorest people near the mining site and the prospect of achieving equitable and sustainable natural resource management. Résumé Nous proposons ici d'analyser des expériences locales intervenant lors du changement d'accès aux ressources naturelles dans le cadre d'un projet d'extraction minière et de conservation de la nature mené en partenariat entre une compagnie minière, le gouvernement local et les communautés riveraines d'un site minier près de Fort Dauphin, dans le Sud-est de Madagascar. Les informations ont été recueillies lors d'une année de recherches ethnographiques financées par le Conseil de Recherche Norvégien, aux alentours de la zone minière et de son site de conservation. Les changements d'accès à la terre et aux ressources naturelles induisent de nouveaux types d'inclusion et d'exclusion sociaux que nous avons étudiés ici. Nous montrons que les programmes communautaires de conservation de la nature et de développement local établis auprès du site minier ont permis de mobiliser les villageois riverains, mais ont par mégarde créé des disparités entre certains membres de la société locale. Nous avons ainsi noté une augmentation de la différentiation sociale des propriétaires terriens traditionnels qui pouvaient revendiquer la légitimation des accès aux ressources naturelles. Cette légitimation se déroulait au cours d'une approche participative de cogestion environnementale, qui supposait un rang social élevé des participants mais aussi leur disponibilité pour pouvoir participer à ces programmes communautaires. Certains groupes extrêmement vulnérables comme les migrants sans terres ont ainsi été involontairement exclus à cause de cet octroi du droit d'accès aux ressources naturelles en faveur de certains groupes d'utilisateurs. En outre, sans terre à cultiver, ces migrants dépendaient encore davantage des ressources forestières pour assurer leur survie quotidienne. Leurs moyens de subsistance se limitaient à la vente de produits forestiers tels que le bois d'œuvre ou encore les roseaux pour l'artisanat. Une autre stratégie de survie importante pour les migrants sans terre était d'assurer la culture des terrains des propriétaires existants, permettant ainsi ces derniers à participer plus activement aux nouveaux programmes de gestion et développement local. En outre, les personnes les plus marginalisées résidaient souvent à l'extérieur des communes qui hébergeaient la zone de conservation et d'extraction minière, dans la mesure où il n'y avait plus de terre disponible dans ces communes. Le programme de conservation communautaire mené par la corporation minière était basé sur la mise en relation du droit aux ressources naturelles et de la résidence dans la commune hébergeant ces ressources. Or les personnes résidant hors de ces communes ou les personnes récemment installées et de statut social bas, étaient ainsi exclues dans la planification et la mise en œuvre de la gestion communautaire des ressources locales. Par conséquent, les migrants sans terre ne respectaient pas les lois de conservation communautaire, car ils n'ont pas pu influencer la procédure d'établissement des règles de gestion conjointes, ni accéder aux programmes d'activités génératrices de revenus alternatifs. Ces circonstances ont ainsi fait ressortir les limites de l'approche de conservation communautaire destinée à atténuer les impacts environnementaux du projet minier et à résoudre les conflits sociaux y afférents.

"Today, America faces security challenges that are exceedingly dynamic and complex, in part because of the ever changing mix and number of actors involved and the pace with which the strategic and operational environments change. To meet these new challenges more effectively, the Obama administration advocated strengthening civilian instruments of national power and enhancing America's whole-of-government (WOG) capabilities. Although the need for comprehensive integration and coordination of civilian and military, governmental and nongovernmental, national and international capabilities to improve efficiency and effectiveness of post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding efforts is widely recognized, Washington has been criticized for its attempts at creating WOG responses to international crises and conflicts for overcommitment of resources, lack of sufficient funding and personnel, competition between agencies, ambiguous mission objectives, and undermining the military's primary purpose of defending the national interest. Presenting the results of an international Symposium held at Kennesaw State University in February 2011, this volume traces the genesis of WOG, critically examines current WOG practices, and draws lessons from the operational contexts of Iraq and Afghanistan. The first part of the book describes the overall global security context within which peacebuilding and stability operations are currently conducted, examines the merits of WOG approaches, and discusses their efficacy for responding to a range of emerging threats. The second part addresses some of the practical challenges of implementing WOG approaches to international conflict management and specifically to U.S. intervention in fragile states. The third and final part examines WOG efforts in the field and draws lessons learned from operational experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq to potential future interventions"--Publisher's website. ; "April 2012." ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 417-438). ; Introduction / Volker C. Franke and Robert H. Dorff -- Security sector reform : 12 central questions for responding to the security challenges of the 21st century / Robert Kennedy -- The puzzle of national security planning for the whole of government / Mary R. Habeck -- Development is destruction, and other things you weren't told at school / Michael Ashkenazi -- Where does whole of government meet whole of society? / Lisa Schirch -- Security system reform in weak or fragile states : a threefold challenge to the whole of government approach / Fouzieh Melanie Alamir -- A whole lot of substance or a whole lot of rhetoric? : a perspective on a whole of government approach to security challenges / Charles J. Dunlap, Jr. -- Whole of government in diplomacy and development : whole or hole? / James Stephenson -- The national security staff : what's missing in whole of government approaches to national security / Jack A. LeCuyer -- Lessons from Iraq and Afghanistan : looking from outside the box / Christopher Holshek -- Civil-military teaming : a solution? / William J. Flavin -- Ethical lessons of maximizing private contractor value in Afghanistan and Iraq / Doug Brooks and Mackenzie Duelge -- Multiethnic conflicts in U.S. military theaters overseas : intercultural imperatives / Gregory Paul P. Meyjes. ; "Today, America faces security challenges that are exceedingly dynamic and complex, in part because of the ever changing mix and number of actors involved and the pace with which the strategic and operational environments change. To meet these new challenges more effectively, the Obama administration advocated strengthening civilian instruments of national power and enhancing America's whole-of-government (WOG) capabilities. Although the need for comprehensive integration and coordination of civilian and military, governmental and nongovernmental, national and international capabilities to improve efficiency and effectiveness of post-conflict stabilization and peacebuilding efforts is widely recognized, Washington has been criticized for its attempts at creating WOG responses to international crises and conflicts for overcommitment of resources, lack of sufficient funding and personnel, competition between agencies, ambiguous mission objectives, and undermining the military's primary purpose of defending the national interest. Presenting the results of an international Symposium held at Kennesaw State University in February 2011, this volume traces the genesis of WOG, critically examines current WOG practices, and draws lessons from the operational contexts of Iraq and Afghanistan. The first part of the book describes the overall global security context within which peacebuilding and stability operations are currently conducted, examines the merits of WOG approaches, and discusses their efficacy for responding to a range of emerging threats. The second part addresses some of the practical challenges of implementing WOG approaches to international conflict management and specifically to U.S. intervention in fragile states. The third and final part examines WOG efforts in the field and draws lessons learned from operational experiences in Afghanistan and Iraq to potential future interventions"--Publisher's website. ; Mode of access: Internet.