Suchergebnisse

Members of a police force are trained to act in a reactive manner whenever a state adopts a repressive security policy. However, policy enforcement based on management and prevention means that the police are trained to act proactively in resolving problems. This paper thus addresses training public safety operators in Rio de Janeiro from a military police point of view. The research was predominantly qualitative and exploratory, attempting to understand Rio de Janeiro military police training from the agents´ ; this is a field in which little knowledge has been accumulated and systematised in Brazil. Field work was chosen for approaching the topic; it was combined with consulting documentary sources and the pertinent literature. Twenty-four semi-structured interviews were conducted with military police agents. The interviews were then subjected to content analysis. The study showed that there is still a long way to go, highlighting the need for defining a Rio de Janeiro police officer´s desirable profile. Is an agent trained simply to react or to resolve conflicts? This is feasible through re-structuring police training linked to a defined profile, thus producing a change in the police officer´s image in society ; Bajo una política de seguridad represiva, los miembros de un cuerpo policial están entrenados para actuar de forma reactiva. Sin embargo, en una aplicación de políticas cimentadas en la gestión y la prevención, los policiales son entrenados para actuar con proactividad en la solución de problemas. En tal sentido, este artículo aborda el proceso de formación de los operadores de la seguridad pública en Río de Janeiro, desde la perspectiva del agente de polícia militar. La investigación desarrollada tiene un carácter predominantemente cualitativo y su naturaleza es exploratoria, tratando de entender el proceso de adiestramiento en la Policía Militar de Río de Janeiro desde la perspectiva de sus agentes; un campo en el que hay poco conocimiento acumulado y sistematizado en Brasil. En cuanto a los métodos de la investigación, se optó por el trabajo de campo, combinado con la consulta de fuentes documentales y de la literatura. Fueron realizadas veinticuatro entrevistas semiestructuradas con agentes de la Policía Militar. Las entrevistas fueron tratadas con la técnica de análisis de contenido. Como resultado, el estudio señala que hay un largo camino por recorrer, en el que subyace la necesidad de definir un perfil para el agente de policía en Río de Janeiro. ¿Un agente entrenado simplemente para reaccionar o para resolver conflictos? Esto es factible a través de la reestructuración del proceso de formación policial, que se vincule con un perfil definido y así produzca un cambio de la imagen del agente de policia en la sociedad.

Members of a police force are trained to act in a reactive manner whenever a state adopts a repressive security policy. However, policy enforcement based on management and prevention means that the police are trained to act proactively in resolving problems. This paper thus addresses training public safety operators in Rio de Janeiro from a military police point of view. The research was predominantly qualitative and exploratory, attempting to understand Rio de Janeiro military police training from the agents´ ; this is a field in which little knowledge has been accumulated and systematised in Brazil. Field work was chosen for approaching the topic; it was combined with consulting documentary sources and the pertinent literature. Twenty-four semi-structured interviews were conducted with military police agents. The interviews were then subjected to content analysis. The study showed that there is still a long way to go, highlighting the need for defining a Rio de Janeiro police officer´s desirable profile. Is an agent trained simply to react or to resolve conflicts? This is feasible through re-structuring police training linked to a defined profile, thus producing a change in the police officer´s image in society ; Bajo una política de seguridad represiva, los miembros de un cuerpo policial están entrenados para actuar de forma reactiva. Sin embargo, en una aplicación de políticas cimentadas en la gestión y la prevención, los policiales son entrenados para actuar con proactividad en la solución de problemas. En tal sentido, este artículo aborda el proceso de formación de los operadores de la seguridad pública en Río de Janeiro, desde la perspectiva del agente de polícia militar. La investigación desarrollada tiene un carácter predominantemente cualitativo y su naturaleza es exploratoria, tratando de entender el proceso de adiestramiento en la Policía Militar de Río de Janeiro desde la perspectiva de sus agentes; un campo en el que hay poco conocimiento acumulado y sistematizado en Brasil. En cuanto a los métodos de la investigación, se optó por el trabajo de campo, combinado con la consulta de fuentes documentales y de la literatura. Fueron realizadas veinticuatro entrevistas semiestructuradas con agentes de la Policía Militar. Las entrevistas fueron tratadas con la técnica de análisis de contenido. Como resultado, el estudio señala que hay un largo camino por recorrer, en el que subyace la necesidad de definir un perfil para el agente de policía en Río de Janeiro. ¿Un agente entrenado simplemente para reaccionar o para resolver conflictos? Esto es factible a través de la reestructuración del proceso de formación policial, que se vincule con un perfil definido y así produzca un cambio de la imagen del agente de policia en la sociedad.

В статье представлен анализ итогов двух саммитов «Группы двадцати» и вклада ЕС в полученные результаты. Анализ участия, вклада ЕС и стран-членов ЕС в подготовку и достижения двух прошедших саммитов, позволяет выявить некоторые «сдерживающие факторы» развития внутриевропейской институциональной архитектуры, влияющие на качество и уровень эффективности участия ЕС в реализации функций глобального управления через деятельность «двадцатки». Во-первых, качество, устойчивость и последовательность, которую может обеспечить институт постоянного президентства, значат больше, чем усилия по координации и обеспечению преемственности трех председательств. Эта устойчивость, по мнению автора, имеет значение не только для выработки согласия с партнерами ЕС, но и для формирования консенсуса внутри ЕС как условия эффективной общей внешней политики. По мнению автора, в рамках подготовки Вашингтонского саммита были безусловны лидерство и вклад президентства и Европейской Комиссии, тогда как в ходе подготовки Лондонского саммита, роль и вклад председательства значительно уступали роли институтов ЕС, Европейской комиссии (президент), Совета по экономике и финансам, Совета по общим вопросам и внешней политике, Группы высокого уровня, а также роли лидеров Германии, Франции, Италии (в силу председательства в «восьмерке); вкладу формальных и неформальных саммитов. Это еще один аргумент в пользу постоянного института Президента ЕС. Ратификация Лиссабонского договора, эффективный постоянный президент и министр иностранных дел создадут новый институциональный фундамент для вызовов будущего. ; The paper presents analysis of the outcomes of the two G20 summits and the EU contribution towards the decisions made. Analysis of the EU input and impact on the two summits' results allows to reveal containing factors in the EU institutional architecture constraining the quality and effectiveness of the EU global governance performance through the G20. First, the coherence and impact the institute of permanent Presidency can ensure is much higher than what can be achieved through the coordination efforts of the three rotating presidencies. This continuity and durability is essential not only for forging consensus with the EU partners in the G20, but, most importantly, for building internal consensus in the EU, as a vital factor of effective common foreign policy. The author posits that though in the run up to the Washington summit the Presidency and the European Commission leadership and contribution were very much driving the process, the run up to the London summit presented a different story. The Presidency yielded leadership and the EU institutions and the leaders of the EU-G20 members stepped in. The paper highlights this experience as one more argument in favor of permanent Presidency of the EU. The Lisbon Treaty ratification and the new institutions of Presidency and the Foreign Minister High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy will consolidate the EU institutional foundation for the challenges of the future.

Hakutermit: EU-maat, ulkopolitiikka, Yhdysvallat, Irakin sota, integraatio -- Eurooppa This thesis is about the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union toward the United States. In 2002 and 2003 EU member states were divided over what to do with Iraq: some aligned themselves with the US position, others were against the use of force. I assume that European governments did not consider Iraq and its alleged weapons programmes a direct threat, and their positions had more to do with their views on the transatlantic partnership than Iraq. My approach is based on social constructivism, therefore I consider identity-related issues as more important than for example economic interests. I analyse European responses to the Iraq crisis from January 2003 until the outbreak of the war in March 2003. The primary sources are statements made by the leaders of the largest EU member states: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy and Poland, as well as joint declarations by two or more of these countries. Poland was not a full member of the EU in 2003, but I included it in the case study in order to assess the impact that the EU's 2004 enlargement might have on the transatlantic partnership. The method used is discourse analysis with special attention to fact construction and persuasion strategies. The EU is a unitary actor in trade issues, and therefore an important one. To compare CFSP with the Union's trade policy, I shortly discuss the EU-US banana dispute. Despite its member states' differences, the EU was not wholly paralysed with respect to Iraq. However, its own member states as well as the US mostly circumvented the CFSP apparatus. There was wide agreement among the European leaders that the EU should act as one, but nobody seemed willing to change the already chosen position in order to achieve unity. A central problem was who is allowed to speak for Europe. The traditional Franco-German axis was perceived as arrogant, speaking for the whole EU without consulting others. This was challenged by the UK, Spain, Italy, Poland and others who aligned themselves with the US view. However, individual EU member states cannot influence the major issues of the world. With respect to the Iraq crisis, neither the anti-war nor the pro-war fraction had much influence on the US. Had the EU acted as one, its views would have been far more difficult for the US to ignore. All of the six major EU member states have some kind of a "special relationship" with the US; I suggest delegating all of these to the EU, turning them into one special and equal transatlantic partnership.

Gartner and Segura consider the costs of war - both human and political - by examining the consequences of foreign combat, on domestic politics. The personal costs of war - the military war dead and injured - are the most salient measure of war costs generally and the primary instrument through which war affects domestic politics. The authors posit a general framework for understanding war initiation, war policy and war termination in democratic polities, and the role that citizens and their deaths through conflict play in those policy choices. Employing a variety of empirical methods, they examine multiple wars from the last 100 years, conducting analyses of tens of thousands of individuals across a wide variety of historical and hypothetical conditions, whilst also addressing policy implications. This study will be of interest to students and scholars in American foreign policy, international politics, public opinion, national security, American politics, communication studies, and military history.

1. Russia and the Changing International System: An Introduction -- 2. Stasis and Change: Russia and the Emergence of an Anti-Hegemonic World Order -- 3. Russia's European Policies in a Post-liberal World -- 4. Russia as a Regional Actor: Goals and Motivations -- 5. (Mis)interpreting the Eurasian Economic Union? Images of the EAEU in Russia and the West -- 6. Russia and China in Global Governance -- 7. Geopolitical Economy of Russia's Foreign Policy Duality in the Eurasian Landmass -- 8. Russia's Strategies Towards BRICS: Theory and Practice -- 9. Ukraine Between Russia and the West: Russian Challenge to Euro-Atlantic Security -- 10. Russia's Power Politics Towards Ukraine: Social Status Concerns and the Role of Emotions -- 11. Russia's New Policy Towards Aspiring Political Movements and Unrecognized States -- 12. Russia's "Modern" Foreign Policy Tools in Crimea and Syria -- 13. Assessing Russia's Middle East Policy After the Arab Uprisings: Prospects and Limitations

Agriculture, with its growing contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions and opportunities to mitigate emissions, can help close the gap between existing global mitigation efforts and those that are needed to keep global warming to between 1.5 °C and 2 °C by the end of the century. Global scale and farm scale analyses are used to evaluate both the effectiveness of different policy options to reduce agricultural emissions, and the impact on competitiveness, farm income, food security, and government finances. In order to contribute to global mitigation efforts, countries will need to design agricultural policy measures that can navigate these trade-offs within the context of their national policy priorities and objectives. As most countries have not yet implemented policies to reduce emissions from agriculture, the analyses provided here come at an opportune time to inform this policy development.

Agriculture, with its growing contribution to global greenhouse gas emissions and opportunities to mitigate emissions, can help close the gap between existing global mitigation efforts and those that are needed to keep global warming to between 1.5 °C and 2 °C by the end of the century. Global scale and farm scale analyses are used to evaluate both the effectiveness of different policy options to reduce agricultural emissions, and the impact on competitiveness, farm income, food security, and government finances. In order to contribute to global mitigation efforts, countries will need to design agricultural policy measures that can navigate these trade-offs within the context of their national policy priorities and objectives. As most countries have not yet implemented policies to reduce emissions from agriculture, the analyses provided here come at an opportune time to inform this policy development.

Resilience refers to the ability of individuals, groups and societies to withstand and recover from external shocks. This pioneering book-length comparative study examines resilience as it is experienced across different countries, such as the UK, US, France, Germany and EU. Furthermore it considers cases from policy sectors including national security, counterterrorism, civil protection, disaster risk reduction, critical infrastructure protection and overseas interventions. In doing so, Joseph provides an account of why it is that resilience has become such a popular policy topic, looking at its focus on complexity, the human and the role of resilient individuals and communities. Arguing that resilience has risen to prominence because it fits with a particularly Anglo-Saxon and neoliberal form of governance, Joseph discovers differing results across policy domains and national contexts, fomenting variations and tensions in the international discourse of resilience in policy-making.

Serbia inherited Yugoslavia's tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of "multi-vector" policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a "strategic partnership" with Russia. This paper presents Russia's interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia's internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo's independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.

One of the foreign policy priorities of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia is to support the Eastern Partnership (EaP) programme as a strategic dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy and a key element of stability and economic progress in Eastern Europe. The Baltic States are of the opinion that relations with the EaP states should remain one of the priorities of the Eastern Dimension of the EU's foreign policy. The cooperation of the Baltic States with the Eastern partners results both from the ambitions and willingness to strengthen international prestige and role, as well as the need to ensure security and stability of the region in the context of Russia's aggressive policy. The 10th anniversary of EaP is an opportunity to assess the contribution of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the development of the programme and to discuss the future of cooperation.

The severance of diplomatic relations of Canada toward Iran is a Canadian Foreign policy that was taken in order to unilaterally sever the diplomatic relations with Iran. The decision was made as an opposition act to some of Iran's policies which were considered threatening international security stability that concerned on nuclear development of Iran and to protect the sovereignty of Canada's foreign policy in the Middle-East region. The purpose of this study was to determine the factors that caused Canada to sever the diplomatic relations with Iran, using descriptive analysis method. The result showed that the severance of diplomatic relations of Canada with Iran was caused by Iran's several foreign policies which were in conflict with the foreign policy of Canada such as nuclear development, anti-Israel rhetoric, human rights violations, and support for Bashar Al–Assad regime in the Syrian conflict. Keywords: diplomatic relations, Canada foreign policy, Iran foreign policies

This study aims to analyze the reason Indonesian rice import policy and do what the impact would arise if the government rice import policy. This study used a descriptive approach to thoroughly describe the reasons and impact of rice imports by Indonesia. Sources of data used in this study are from the Central Bureau of Statistics, FAO, and the Regulation of the Minister of Trade of Indonesia. Data collection techniques in this study using a literature study. Results from this study is that although Indonesia is the country's third largest producer of rice, but Indonesia is still not quite able to meet the food needs of its people. In addition to the impact that will arise is that Indonesia will be further away from food security, the impact on farmers in Indonesia, farmers will increasingly cornered by the policy of Indonesia's rice imports. Keywords: rice, imports, policy

When Barack Obama first came to power he was widely regarded as the perfect "anti-Bush". However, in the field of US foreign policy, Obama has essentially continued to pursue Bush's agenda, especially as regards the so-called "war on terror". Although Obama's government has abandoned this concept from the public discourse, it has conducted an aggressive policy: Obama escalated the war in Afghanistan and unleashed an unprecedented drone war which takes place under a veil of official secrecy. On Iran, Obama was not serious in his first term about starting a dialogue with Teheran and there is a great danger of war over Iran's alleged nuclear ambitions. Obama's policy in the Middle East has not deviated from the position of previous US governments. While his foreign policy within a multilateral context seems to signal a departure from Bush's unilateralism, Obama has successfully avoided from being portrayed as weak on national security matters by the Republicans.

The Lisbon reforms were aimed in particular at making the EU a more coherent and capable foreign policy player. Yet, in the face of the upheavals in its southern neighborhood, the EU and its Member States have not succeeded in crafting a common response nor have they jointly addressed the resulting challenges. To the contrary: in responding to the conflict in Libya, EU Member States have publicly taken opposing positions, bypassed High Representative Ashton and plunged the EU into another crisis. To prevent the ongoing erosion of the Union's security and defense policy, decisive policy measures are urgently needed. Here, the cooperation of Germany, France, and the United Kingdom will play a key role. Paris and London will only agree to strengthen the EU framework, however, if policy makers in Berlin are willing to make a substantial contribution to the military dimension of the CSDP