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Discusses emergence of political parties and levels of partisan support among citizens in the newly democratic environment since collapse of the Soviet Union; focus on the 1999 elections.

Much research shows that voters behave in understandable ways on election day and that election outcomes themselves are quite predictable. Even to the extent we can predict what voters do at the very end of the campaign, we know relatively little about how electoral preferences evolve over time. The U. S. presidential race in 2000 offers a fairly unique opportunity. The volume of available poll data for this particular election allows us to examine the dynamics of voter preferences in great detail for much of the election cycle. Analysis of the poll results in 2000 reveals that underlying electoral preferences changed quite meaningfully during the course of the campaign. The analysis also provides evidence that a significant portion of these changes in preferences actually persisted over time to affect the outcome on election day. Based on these results, it appears that the 2000 presidential election campaign mattered quite a lot.

Research on party choice in elections shows that, in several Western democracies, voters tend to vote for the party they perceive to be closest to a certain policy or ideological space. This is often interpreted to indicate that voters are well represented by the party they voted for. An alternative explanation is that voters assimilate their perceptions of party positions in such a way that these become consistent with their attitudes. A method is proposed here to estimate the extent to which assimilation occurs in voters' perceptions, & to assess whether that affects evaluations of electoral processes. Application to data from various Dutch National Election Studies provides support for social judgment theory & balance theory. Nevertheless, although assimilation occurs, it has only a very modest impact on evaluations of how the electoral process works. A positive relationship between ambiguity of party positions & degrees of assimilation is found. Results are discussed from the perspective of social psychology & political science. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 44 References. Adapted from the source document.

Does it matter that working-class citizens are numerically underrepresented in political offices throughout the world? For decades, the conventional wisdom in comparative politics has been that it does not, that lawmakers from different classes think and behave roughly the same in office. In this article, we argue that this conclusion is misguided. Past research relied on inappropriate measures of officeholders' class backgrounds, attitudes, and choices. Using data on 18 Latin American legislatures, we show that lawmakers from different classes bring different economic attitudes to the legislative process. Using data on one least likely case, we also show that pre-voting decisions like sponsoring legislation often differ dramatically along social class lines, even when political parties control higher-visibility decisions like roll-call votes. The unequal numerical or descriptive representation of social classes in the world's legislatures has important consequences for the substantive representation of different class interests. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACTManuscript Type: EmpiricalResearch Question/Issue: Family control involves issues of agency costs and nepotism. This study investigated the impacts of family control on stock market reactions to corporate venturing announcements by public firms. Moreover, in this paper we examined whether the monitoring effect of institutional investors influenced the relationship between family control and stock market reactions.Research Findings/Insights: In terms of research findings/results, with different measures of family control, the evidence indicated that family control is significantly and negatively associated with the abnormal returns of corporate venturing announcements. Furthermore, we found that the divergence of cash flow and voting rights had a strong negative impact on abnormal returns. Finally, the empirical results suggested that institutional ownership had a significant positive moderating effect on the relationship of family control and stock market reactions.Theoretical/Academic Implications: Prior research focused on the influence of private family firms on venturing activities. This study contributes to the literature by highlighting the unique characteristics of family control in public firms. This research suggests that nepotism embedded in public family firms is likely to create agency costs resulting from deviations in cash flow and voting rights. This study further shows that institutional ownership plays an important role in reducing agency costs associated with public family firms.Practitioner/Policy Implications: Our findings suggest that family control is an important consideration for investors in evaluating the wealth impacts of corporate venturing. Therefore, a well‐established governance system could be a crucial signal of the quality of corporate venturing for family businesses, particularly the outside governance mechanism.

In 2007, popular daytime talk show host Oprah Winfrey endorsed Barack Obama, a candidate for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination. This study uses data from an experiment to examine the impact of news about her endorsement. Exposure to such news did not influence the extent to which participants held favorable opinions toward Obama or the extent to which they saw him as likable. On the other hand, reading about the endorsement did lead participants to see Obama as more likely to win the nomination and to say that they would be more likely to vote for him. These findings suggest that research on celebrity endorsements should consider not only effects on candidate support but also subtler effects, such as those on viability assessments.

THIS ARTICLE TREATS THE MINOR PARTY AS AN INDEPENDENT VARIABLE IN THE REALIGNMENT PROCESS AND ESTABLISHES AN ASSOCIATION BETWEEN THE STRENGTH OF THE MINOR PARTY AND THE SHARPNESS OF THE REALIGNMENT. THE RESEARCH CORRELATES THE PERCENTAGE OF THE DEMOCRATIC VOTE IN COUNTIES THROUGHOUT THE NATION OVER THREE HISTORICAL PERIODS, 1884 TO 1900, 1916 TO 1932, AND 1960 TO 1976. IN THE FIRST TWO ERAS THE DATA SUPPORTED THE CONCLUSION THAT THE MINOR PARTIES (THE POPULIST PARTY IN THE ELECTION OF 1892 AND THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY IN THE ELECTION OF 1924) WERE STRONGLY ASSOCIATED WITH THE SHARPNESS OF THE REALIGNMENT PROCESS. NO REALIGNMENT WAS UNCOVERED FOR THE THIRD PERIOD, ALTHOUGH THERE WAS EVIDENCE OF ELECTORAL DISAGGREGATION. THE RELEVANCE OF THE MINOR PARTY, THE AMERICAN INDEPENDENT PARTY, COULD NOT BE DETERMINED.

Forecasting presidential elections results with polls prior to the election has become an important activity and test of voting theory. Such efforts are hampered by the few number of observations, however. In 1996, state-level polls for most of the states have become available. A model to account for state-level presidential election results is built using these polls and other commonly used variables. The model performs quite well, suggesting that these polls, which are mostly commercial, can profitably be employed in future modeling and perhaps forecasting efforts. However, the questions used in these polls, like trial heats and positive-negative name recognition, are not well understood and thus should be examined more closely with an eye on theory building and conceptualization.

Past studies have shown that racially polarized voting results in African American and Latino congressional candidates rarely winning election outside of majority-minority districts. Analyz ing U.S. House of Representatives elections from 1972 through 1994 confirms these findings and shows that race, rather than socioeconomic factors highly correlated with race, accounts for racial polarization in congressional elections. Nonracial district characteristics bear virtually no relationship to the race of a district's representative. Even if socioeconomic differences among African Americans, Latinos, and Whites decline substantially, race will continue to play an important role in American elections. If the Supreme Court's decisions in Shaw v. Reno and its progeny reduce the number of majority-minority districts, then the number of minority repre sentatives probably will decline as well.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Studying the Newcomers -- 3. A Matter of Numbers: Immigrant Demographics and the Electoral Process -- 4. Are the Newcomers Exceptional? The Applicability of Traditional Models to Immigrant Political Participation -- 5. From Newcomers to Settlers: Immigrant Adaptation and Political Participation -- 6. Were They Pushed? Political Threat, Institutional Mobilization, and Immigrant Voting -- 7. Beyond the Ballot Box: Nonvoting Political Behavior Across Immigrant Generations -- 8. The Future of Immigrant Political Participation: Directions in Policy and Research -- Appendix -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot

be reduced to the conventional left–right and libertarian–authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left–right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian–authoritarian dimension.

This article discusses the South Asian community organizing to fight for the same rights in Canada as other subjects in the British Empire. Specifically they seek to challenge the Canadian laws that prevent them from voting in federal and provincial elections and the exclusion laws that prevent South Asians from immigrating to Canada. The challenge includes plans for delegates to appeal to officials in Ottawa and in London. ; Research project undertaken by the University of the Fraser Valley South Asian Studies Institute, formerly the Centre for Indo-Canadian Studies in 2015