Suchergebnisse

This study examines, through a content analysis of the census of news stories posted in a Colombian online political community, how status cues and informational cascades shape participation in online political discussions. Specifically, it looks at how the authors' news stories posting increase rate, the number of news story sources, the velocity at which comments to a news story start to appear, and the comment interactivity affect discussion participation. Results suggest that cues that signal expertise influence participation, while discussion among users also influences the decision of others to participate. However, the effect of these variables is stronger for some topics. Implications for the constitution of public spheres are discussed.

EVERY SERIOUS TRADE UNION ORGANISATION, SOONER OR LATER, HAS TO FACE THE CHALLENGE OF PASSING BEYOND THE LIMITS OF PURE TRADE UNION AFFAIRS - THAT IS, THE REGULATION OF RELATIONS BETWEEN WORKERS AND EMPLOYERS - AND MOVING ON TO POLITICAL ACTION. EVERY SERIOUS TRADE UNION, SOONER OR LATER, FINDS THAT ITS UNION CLAIMS ARE BEING RESISTED NOT BY THE EMPLOYERS ALONE, BUT BY THE COMBINATION OF BOSSES AND STATE; THE STATE INTERVENES IN THE STRUGGLE TO CONTAIN THE UNION BY MEANS OF LAW OR DIRECT POLICE INTERVENTION AND SUPPRESSION, AND BY THE OPPRESSION, BRIBERY OR CORRUPTION OF THE UNION LEADERSHIP. IF THE UNION IS TO ACHIEVE ITS AIMS - OR IN SOME SITUATIONS IF THE UNION IS EVEN TO SURVIVE - IT INEVITABLY HAS TO TURN ITS ATTENTION TO POLITICAL ACTION TO PROTECT OR ADVANCE THE INTERESTS OF ITS MEMBERS AND THE GAINS PREVIOUSLY WON BY UNION ACTION.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 Origins of the Colonial System -- 2 Expansion and Contraction -- 3 Two Turning Points -- 4 The Birth Pangs of Nationalism -- 5 Nationhood Begins, and Almost Ends -- 6 Federalism Suborned -- 7 Completing the Journey West -- 8 Nations Reborn -- 9 The Vagaries of National Political Development -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index

Reprinted, in part, from the Atlantic monthly and the North American review. ; Asiatic unity -- Energism in the Orient -- Intellectual leadership in contemporary India -- Intellectual tendencies in the Chinese reform movement -- The new education in China -- A parliament for China -- Intellectual life in Japan -- Political parties and parliamentary government in Japan. ; Mode of access: Internet.

From 1789 to 1913, U.S. senators were not directly elected by the people-instead the Constitution mandated that they be chosen by state legislators. This radically changed in 1913, when the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution was ratified, giving the public a direct vote. Electing the Senate investigates the electoral connections among constituents, state legislators, political parties, and U.S. senators during the age of indirect elections. Wendy Schiller and Charles Stewart find that even though parties controlled the partisan affiliation of the winning candidate for Senate, they had much less control over the universe of candidates who competed for votes in Senate elections and the parties did not always succeed in resolving internal conflict among their rank and file. Party politics, money, and personal ambition dominated the election process, in a system originally designed to insulate the Senate from public pressure.Electing the Senate uses an original data set of all the roll call votes cast by state legislators for U.S. senators from 1871 to 1913 and all state legislators who served during this time. Newspaper and biographical accounts uncover vivid stories of the political maneuvering, corruption, and partisanship-played out by elite political actors, from elected officials, to party machine bosses, to wealthy business owners-that dominated the indirect Senate elections process. Electing the Senate raises important questions about the effectiveness of Constitutional reforms, such as the Seventeenth Amendment, that promised to produce a more responsive and accountable government

'Ist der 1991 entstandene russische Staat eine verkleinerte Sowjetunion bzw. ein stark reduziertes Rußländisches Reich aus der Zeit vor 1917? Oder aber ist dieses Rußland etwas Neues, mit grundsätzlich anderem Selbstverständnis, veränderten Staatszielen, ein Staat, der eine neue Rolle in der internationalen Politik spielt? Im Lande selbst überwiegen das Denken und Fühlen in den Kategorien der Kontinuität. Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft unterstützt dies Selbstverständnis. Der objektive Befund, daß die Rußländische Föderation machtpolitisch, ökonomisch und militärisch keine Supermacht ist, wird gewissermaßen subjektiv aufgefangen durch die Vorstellung, daß dies Land der Bewahrer und Fortsetzer einer tausendjährigen Geschichte seit der Zeit des Kiewer Staates ist. Der Bruch von 1991 wird überspielt. Dieser Bericht untersucht die Probleme der politischen Identität, d.h. das Selbstverständnis von Staat und Nation. Wie sieht sich Rußland im Kontinuum seiner Geschichte und welche Zukunftsperspektiven ergeben sich daraus? Die Untersuchung stellt insbesondere die Frage, ob und in welcher Weise Kontinuität ein Hindernis für den Durchbruch zur Realität ist.' (Autorenreferat)

In this article, we argue that the "making" and deployment of political violence can be construed as hard work, in which political elites mobilize those from below to sustain their positions through the mobilization and doing of violence against perceived opposition political parties and or individuals. The article examines the ways in which former President Robert Mugabe instrumentalized his political relationship with his clients as a tool of political mobilization and perpetrating political violence in urban spaces where his electoral support base had dwindled. We argue that one of the remarkable ways in which Mugabe was able to remain in power for three decades was through his ability to creatively transform his influence and political position into a source of opportunities for his political clients, in particular the youth. We, therefore, assert that Mugabe extended and maintained his political patrimonial relationship with youths who did the work of political violence for him and his ZANU‐PF party. The mobilization of youth political violence is therefore an "art of governing" from below. This article is based on ethnographic data collected between 2016 and 2017 from youth in Harare. We conducted in‐depth interviews, life‐history interviews, observations, and informal conversations with youth in Harare city, Zimbabwe.

This study aims to analyse the contribution of regional cooperation formulas in generating multinational formations that may be subject to participation
in crisis management operations. From a chronological perspective, the development of formats of interaction in the field of defence were initiated in
the period immediately following the Second World War, having as dominant reasons the creation of an efficient defence system to counter the Soviet threat. The criteria underlying the emergence of such formats undoubtedly concerned historical experience and affinities between European states, reinforced by the advantages of using geographical proximity in the development of joint programmes with immediate military applicability. On those coordinates, the regional dynamics recorded significant developments in the following decades, most of the initiatives being connected to varying degrees to the defence effort carried out in the context of NATO and the Western European Union (WEU).
The end of the Cold War and, subsequently, the reorientation of multinational defence cooperation in support of crisis management efforts brought new
challenges and opportunities for the optimization of regional interaction formulas. Most of them were focused on capitalizing on the results recorded in the operational contexts of the period, through which the structures generated through the regional cooperation were tested in demanding operational environments, offering validations for the continuation of this type of interaction and the consolidation of their permanence. Under those auspices, the launch of the European Security and Defence Policy provided an additional opportunity to exploit the potential of regional cooperation formats. Basically, they proved to be a link between the potential developed under the aegis of the WEU and the process of creating the EU profile in the field of security and defence. Regional cooperation initiatives must also be seen as an essential provider of forces and capabilities to support the objectives adopted by the EU in the context of defence cooperation. This trend has intensified as the European defence project has advanced, offering consolidated prospects for upporting this endeavour.

Hans Kelsen was one of the most important legal thinkers of the 20th century, and he is known for mounting an elaborate defense of liberal party democracy at a time when the latter was hardly the most popular form of regime. This article examines how Kelsen responded to two major political movements he experienced in his intellectual prime: political Catholicism, which he was confronted with in interwar Austria, and Christian Democracy, which became a hegemonic political force in Western Europe after World War II, when Kelsen was already in exile. The article reconstructs Kelsen's complex critique of these two religious movements and ends by reflecting on what we can learn from his arguments about current attempts to revive Christian political thought.

AbstractDespite there being common socio‐demographic pressures across advanced industrialized countries, the public elder care programmes therein tend to vary. While the current literature on social care devotes itself to describing the care arrangements of each country and pigeonholing welfare/gender regime types, it does not sufficiently address this empirical puzzle. This study looks to specify the causal relationship between political institutions and public long‐term care programmes. It argues that countries with personal‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and/or fragmented party systems have difficulties in developing universalistic public elder care programmes, whereas countries with party‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and cohesive party systems are likely to develop generous elder care programmes. For whilst the former types of political institutions prioritize patronage‐based, particularistic benefits, the latter types encourage political actors to appeal to broader constituencies through universalistic welfare programmes. This study tests this claim by examining pooled time‐series and cross‐section data of advanced democracies, from 1980 until 2001. The empirical results suggest that politicians' reliance on personal votes and the fragmentation of ruling coalitions impede the expansion of public spending for elder care.

A review essay on books by (1) Oliver Hidalgo, Unbehagliche Moderne: Tocqueville und die Frage der Religion in der Politik ([Uncomfortably Modern: Tocqueville and the Question of Religion and Policy] Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2006); (2) Agnes Antoine, L'Impense$FAc de la Democratie: Tocqueville, la Citoyennete et ls Religion ([L'Impense of Democracy. Tocqueville, Citizenship and Religion] Paris: Fayard, 2003), & (3) Andreas Kinneging, Geografie van Goedn en Kwaaed Filosofische Essays; Utrecht, Spectrum, 2005).