Ideología y posmodernidad: ensayos sobre problemas de cambio social
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In: Cuadernos de postgrado 1
In: Oxford scholarship online
In: Psychology
The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) gained control over large swathes of Iraq in the summer of 2014 at a breathtaking rate. At the time many rightly wondered how ISIS was able to claim so much territory in the Sunni-dominated portion of Iraq so quickly. Just as unexpected, however, was the downfall of ISIS; by 2017, their hold on the region had crumbed with ISIS focusing on avoiding complete annihilation. This book explores the social and psychological factors behind how ISIS was able to rise in Iraq, control most of it, and why most of that population eventually turned on it. The analysis is based on a unique array of public opinion data from surveys, focus groups, and interviews. The authors explain why some Iraqis acquiesced to ISIS while others opposed it, why ISIS lost the hearts and minds of Iraqi Sunni Arabs, and ultimately how this contributed to its battlefield defeats.
The 19th century in France saw the advent of the Republic and the assertion of a liberal and secular democracy underpinned by two main cornestones : the vote for all men and the assertion of freedoms enabling individuals to engage in political life within a democracy. At the end of the century, this political regime still excluded populations newly integrated into the colonial Empire and all the women. In spite of her absence of citizenship (not the right to vote, to be elect and represent or to be represented, not the right to defend while being lawyer), women had exercised by work of the mind, especially theatre, their liberty of conscience and their liberty of expression proclaimed by the points 10 and 11 of Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789). From twenty-one cases of women playwrights to be plays staged in Paris enter 1789 and 1914, it had examined the way of she had used theatre like a rostrum and/or a Bar, a space where to speak a talk to sustain the discussion, to rally public opinion and to demand justice. The theatre show their confered a power of symbolic politic to pertain to their politic agency. At the first democratic time, women had that way contributed to lifetime of the public sphere. ; Le XIXᵉ siècle correspond en France au temps de l'avènement républicain et à celui de l'affirmation d'une démocratie libérale et laïque, appuyée sur deux piliers principaux : le suffrage universel masculin et l'affirmation des libertés rendant possible l'exercice démocratique. La République exclut pourtant, à la fin du siècle, les populations nouvellement intégrées à l'Empire colonial et toutes les femmes. Malgré leur absence de citoyenneté civique (pas le droit de voter, de se faire élire et donc de représenter ou de se faire représenter, ni le droit de défendre en étant avocate), des femmes exercent, par le biais d'œuvres de l'esprit, notamment théâtrales, leur liberté de conscience et leur liberté d'expression proclamées par les articles 10 et 11 de la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen de 1789. À partir de vingt-et-un cas d'autrices dramatiques ayant eu à Paris des pièces représentées entre 1789 et 1914, est explorée la façon dont elles utilisent le théâtre comme une tribune et/ou un barreau, un espace de prise de parole propice à alimenter le débat, à mobiliser l'opinion et à demander justice. La représentation théâtrale leur confère un pouvoir de politique symbolique qui participe de leur agentivité politique. Des femmes contribuent ainsi, sous la première ère démocratique, à la formation de l'espace public.
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The 19th century in France saw the advent of the Republic and the assertion of a liberal and secular democracy underpinned by two main cornestones : the vote for all men and the assertion of freedoms enabling individuals to engage in political life within a democracy. At the end of the century, this political regime still excluded populations newly integrated into the colonial Empire and all the women. In spite of her absence of citizenship (not the right to vote, to be elect and represent or to be represented, not the right to defend while being lawyer), women had exercised by work of the mind, especially theatre, their liberty of conscience and their liberty of expression proclaimed by the points 10 and 11 of Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789). From twenty-one cases of women playwrights to be plays staged in Paris enter 1789 and 1914, it had examined the way of she had used theatre like a rostrum and/or a Bar, a space where to speak a talk to sustain the discussion, to rally public opinion and to demand justice. The theatre show their confered a power of symbolic politic to pertain to their politic agency. At the first democratic time, women had that way contributed to lifetime of the public sphere. ; Le XIXᵉ siècle correspond en France au temps de l'avènement républicain et à celui de l'affirmation d'une démocratie libérale et laïque, appuyée sur deux piliers principaux : le suffrage universel masculin et l'affirmation des libertés rendant possible l'exercice démocratique. La République exclut pourtant, à la fin du siècle, les populations nouvellement intégrées à l'Empire colonial et toutes les femmes. Malgré leur absence de citoyenneté civique (pas le droit de voter, de se faire élire et donc de représenter ou de se faire représenter, ni le droit de défendre en étant avocate), des femmes exercent, par le biais d'œuvres de l'esprit, notamment théâtrales, leur liberté de conscience et leur liberté d'expression proclamées par les articles 10 et 11 de la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen de 1789. À partir de vingt-et-un cas d'autrices dramatiques ayant eu à Paris des pièces représentées entre 1789 et 1914, est explorée la façon dont elles utilisent le théâtre comme une tribune et/ou un barreau, un espace de prise de parole propice à alimenter le débat, à mobiliser l'opinion et à demander justice. La représentation théâtrale leur confère un pouvoir de politique symbolique qui participe de leur agentivité politique. Des femmes contribuent ainsi, sous la première ère démocratique, à la formation de l'espace public.
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This paper makes three contributions to the literature on program evaluation. First, we construct a model that is well-suited to conduct equilibrium policy experiments and we illustrate effectiveness of general equilibrium models as tools for the evaluation of social programs. Second, we demonstrate the usefulness of social experiments as tools to evaluate models. In this respect, our paper serves as the equilibrium analogue to LaLonde (1986) and others, where experiments are used as a benchmark against which to assess the performance of non-experimental estimators. Third, we apply our model to the study of the Canadian Self-Sufficiency Project (SSP), an experiment providing generous financial incentives to exit welfare and obtain stable employment. The model incorporates the main features of many unemployment insurance and welfare programs, including eligibility criteria and time-limited benefits, as well as the wage determination process. We first calibrate our model to data on the control group and simulate the experiment within the model. The model matches the welfare-to-work transition of the treatment group, providing support for our model in this context. We then undertake an equilibrium evaluation of the SSP. Our results highlight important feedback effects of the policy change, including displacement of unemployed individuals, lower wages for workers receiving supplement payments and higher wages for those not directly treated by the program. The results also highlight the incentives of individuals to delay exit from welfare in order to qualify for the program. Together, the feedback effects change the cost-benefit conclusions implied by the partial equilibrium experimental evaluation substantially.
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Intro -- À propos de Collection XIX -- Titre -- Dédicace -- MARS 1848 - Réponse de M. Eugène Luc -- EXPOSITION -- PREMIÈRE PARTIE -- CHAPITRE Ier - MISÈRE DES TRAVAILLEURS ET RÉFLEXIONS A CE SUJET -- CHAPITRE II - DE LA PROPRIÉTÉ ET DE SES MÉTAMORPHOSES. CONSÉQUENCES DÉSASTREUSES QUI EN ONT DÉCOULÉ. MONOPOLE DE L'ARGENT -- DEUXIÈME PARTIE -- CHAPITRE III - DE L'ORGANISATION DE LA PROPRIÉTÉ, AFIN D'ARRIVER A L'ASSOCIATION -- POLICE -- ECHIQUIER SOCIAL -- CHAPITRE IV - DE L'ORGANISATION DU TRAVAIL, PAR LA CORPORATION OU ASSOCIATION COLLECTIVE -- CONCLUSIONS RÉVOLUTIONNAIRES DE L'AUTEUR AU SUJET DE LA PROPRIÉTÉ DES INSTRUMENS DE TRAVAIL -- Note au lecteur -- Page de titre de l'édition imprimée -- Copyright
ABSTRACT: In light of the armed conflict and political violence in Colombia, the contribution of nursing professionals is fundamental in caring for individuals, families, and communities, whose experience because of these types of events has been devastating, not only for their physical health, but for their psychic and emotional stability. Due to this, we give way to some brief considerations on the armed conflict and political violence in Colombia. Thereafter, the notion of social suffering is included as a perspective that broadens the horizon of care within this context, then we review the elements that characterize the perspectives and domains of nursing and the possibilities offered by the new epistemological tendencies to reflect on life, as a central focus of care, from the proposals by Afaif Meleis; and, finally we discuss the role of nursing professionals in the restitution of the dignity of those who have experienced the consequences of the armed conflict. ; RESUMEN: A raíz del conflicto armado y la violencia política en Colombia, es fundamental el aporte de los profesionales de enfermería en el cuidado de los individuos familias y comunidades, cuya experiencia por este tipo de eventos ha sido devastadora, no solo para su salud física, sino para su estabilidad psíquica y emocional. Por eso, se da inicio con unas breves consideraciones sobre el conflicto armado y la violencia política en Colombia. Posteriormente, se incluye la noción de sufrimiento social, como perspectiva que amplía el horizonte del cuidado en este contexto, luego se revisan los elementos que caracterizan las perspectivas y dominios de la enfermería y las posibilidades que brindan las nuevas tendencias epistemológicas, para reflexionar sobre la vida, como foco central del cuidado, desde los planteamientos de Afaif Meleis; y, finalmente se habla del papel de los profesionales de enfermería en la restitución de la dignidad de aquellos que han experimentado las consecuencias del conflicto armado.
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In: Philosophie der Antike 4
In: Beiträge zur Philosophie
In: N.F.
In: Demohrafija ta socialʹna ekonomika: Demography and social economy = Demografija i socialʹnaja ėkonomika, Heft 2, S. 152-165
ISSN: 2309-2351
In: Demohrafija ta socialʹna ekonomika: Demography and social economy = Demografija i socialʹnaja ėkonomika, Heft 2, S. 82-92
ISSN: 2309-2351
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 87, Heft 3, S. 749-763
ISSN: 1537-5331
Abstract
This paper scrutinizes the effect of social media use on institutional trust in the European Union (EU) among European citizens. Fixed-effects regression models on data from the Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2019, the year of the most recent European Parliament (EP) elections, demonstrate that higher social media use is associated with lower trust in the EU. More importantly, social media usage habits exert particularly detrimental effects in regions with wider and faster internet connections. In such high-information environments, those who more frequently use online social networks, tend to trust those networks, and receive information on EU affairs from these networks have less faith in the EU compared to those in regions with lower-quality internet access. In contrast, in regions with lower broadband access, receiving EU information from social media fosters political trust.
In: Estudios sociológicos, Band 38, Heft 113, S. 615-619
ISSN: 2448-6442
El libro Movimientos sociales en el siglo XXI: Perspectivas y herramientas analíticas, del sociólogo belga Geoffrey Pleyers, busca contribuir a la comprensión de los movimientos sociales de nuestros tiempos, es decir, aquellos que se han registrado principalmente a partir de 2011. Los capítulos se agrupan en cuatro secciones: I) Movimientos sociales, II) Otras globalizaciones, III) Frentes de lucha en América Latina, IV) Sociólogos de la emancipación. Las aportaciones principales a la sociología de los movimientos sociales son la noción de cultura alter-activista, la comprensión de los movimientos sociales más allá de la política institucional y de la protesta, la mirada a movimientos no progresistas, así como la opción metodológica por el estudio multi-situado y multi-escalas, en la lógica de la sociología global.
In: International Conference on Contemporary Issues in Indian Legal System 2020, Geeta Law Institute
SSRN
In: AutoUni-Schriftenreihe Band 146
In: Springer eBook Collection