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Drawing on over seventy interviews, fieldwork in five countries, and a comprehensive survey of government documents, media reports and scholarly literature, Burges examines a series of issue areas - multilateralism, trade, and security - as well as the pattern of bilateral relations in South America, the Global South and with China and the USA to trace how Brazil formulates its transformative foreign policy agenda and works to implement it regionally and globally. Specific focus is given to tracing how and why Brazil has moved onto the global stage, leveraging its regional predominance in South America into a global leadership role and bridge between the North and South in international affairs. The analysis highlights the extent to which foreign policy making in Brazil is changing as a field of public policy and the degree to which sustained political attention is necessary for a dynamic and innovative international engagement approach. Of interest to students, scholars and policy makers, this book casts light not only how an emerging power rises in the international system, but also isolates the blind spots that existing analytical approaches have when it comes to thinking about what power means for the increasingly vocal rising states of the global South. Contents 1. Thinking about Brazil in the world 2. The domestic foreign policy context 3. O jeito brasileiro. the Brazilian way 4. Brazil's multilateralist impulse 5. Trade policy 6. Brazil Inc. 7. Security policy 8. Brazil and Latin America 9. Brazil and the Global South 10. Brazil and the United States 11. Brazil and China 12. Conclusions and future possibilities Index

El acuerdo celebrado entre Cuba y Estados Unidos en el último diciembre de 2014 por el que se acordó la reanudación de las relaciones entre ambos países, después de más de cincuenta años de interrupción demuestra, un cambio histórico y una oportunidad recíproca. El presente artículo hace un recorrido por las relaciones bilaterales en clave histórico-política para luego revisar los hechos que desembocaron en el acuerdo teniendo en cuenta que este implicó una negociación compleja y el esfuerzo de una serie de actores heterogéneos que incluyeron desde el gobierno canadiense, funcionarios de ambos bandos hasta el propio Papa Francisco desde el Vaticano. Luego, el artículo reflexiona sobre las razones del mismo y las metas alcanzadas. Finalmente, presenta los temas pendientes a resolver en la agenda bilateral y se pregunta por el futuro próximo de las relaciones entre ambos países. ; The agreement between Cuba and the United States, the late December 2014, where the resumption of relations between the two countries was agreed, after more than fifty years of interruption shows, a historic change and a reciprocal opportunity. This article analyzes the bilateral relations in political-historical terms and then review the events leading up to the agreement given that this involved a complex negotiation and effort of a number of heterogeneous actors that included from the Canadian government, officials from both sides and even Pope Francisco in the Vatican. Then, the article reflects on the reasons why the deal came and the goals that this has achieved. Finally, it presents outstanding issues to resolve on the bilateral agenda.

Nos proponemos en este trabajo realizar una reflexión sobre el concepto de ciudadanía sanitaria y su proceso de gestación, tanto en el ordenamiento español como en el ordenamiento comunitario. Hasta ahora la universalidad ha sido una de las notas básicas y más características de nuestro sistema público sanitario. La crisis económica, sin embargo, ha llevado a nuestros poderes públicos a adoptar importantes medidas con la intención de hacer sostenible nuestro sistema. Entre ellas, las más graves son las que afectan a la construcción del concepto de ciudadanía sanitaria por la exclusión de determinados colectivos de personas. Por el contrario, en el derecho comunitario se ha producido una notable expansión del concepto de ciudadanía sanitaria con la intención de garantizar la libre prestación de servicios sanitarios y los derechos de los pacientes en la asistencia sanitaria transfronteriza ; The object of our study consists of making a legal reflection on the concept of healthcare citizenship and its development, both in Spanish Law and in European Union Law. Until now, universal healthcare has been the most important element of our public health care system. The economic crisis has led our Government to take important political and administrative decisions in order to make our public healthcare system sustainable. Among them, the most serious are those which affect the construction of the concept of healthcare citizenship with the effect of excluding certain groups of people. In contrast, in European Union Law there has been a notable expansion of the concept of healthcare citizenship with the intention of guaranteeing the free provision of healthcare services and patients' rights in cross-border healthcare

The dictatorships in Latin America have had a special development, because they have manifested themselves in diverse forms. These have done so from the traditional form to the semidemocratic forms of maintaining in the government to personages that absorb and they are perpetuated in the power and that in spite of having the support of its electors, these really stay there for reasons such as the Fear or imminence, the submission or incapacity of the other powers and above all by the systematic elimination of real political contenders, to which is added the ignorance of the dictator meaning, is for that reason that the present one tried to give a definition of dictatorship, will describe Its elements, will make a tour of Latin America with respect to its dictators and finally try some conclusions.  ; Las dictaduras en América Latina han tenido un desarrollo especial, porque las mismas se han manifestado de formas diversas. Estas lo han hecho desde la forma tradicional hasta las formas semidemocráticas de mantener en el gobierno a personajes que absorben y se perpetuán en el poder y que a pesar de contar con el respaldo de sus electores, estos realmente se mantienen allí por razones tales como el temor existente o inminente, la sumisión o incapacidad de los otros poderes y ante todo por la eliminación sistemática de contendores políticos reales, a lo que se suma el desconocimiento del significado dictador, es por ello que el presente intentara dar una definición de dictadura, describirá sus elementos, hará un recorrido por Latinoamérica respecto a sus dictadores y finalmente intentara unas conclusiones.

Now, in Spain it is commemorating the VIIth Centenary of the death of Ramon Llull, with the declaration of the period 2015–2016 as Llull Year by the Diocese of Mallorca, the Government of Catalonia and the Spanish Senate. Ramon Llull struggled to accurately define the concepts and tried to test them with logical arguments for an interfaith dialogue on issues of moral, doctrinal and political order with possible partners. This way he conceived his Art as a "method of methods", i.e. as a logical device capable of rationally explain the fundamental truths of Christianity, with reference to the philosophical arguments of authors such as Plato, Aristotle, al-Ghazali, Anselm of Canterbury, Richard of St. Victor, Petrus Hispanus, Avicenna, Mateo Plateari and Constantine the African. ; Actualmente se conmemora en España el VII Centenario de la muerte de Ramon Llull, con la declaración del periodo 2015–2016 como Año Llull por parte de la Diócesis de Mallorca, del Gobierno de Cataluña y del Senado español. Ramon Llull se esforzó en definir los conceptos con precisión e intentó probarlos con argumentos lógicos para hacer posible un diálogo interreligioso sobre temas de orden moral, doctrinal y político con sus interlocutores. En este sentido concibió su Art como un "método de métodos", es decir, como un aparato lógico capaz de explicitar racionalmente las verdades fundamentales del cristianismo tomando como referencia los argumentos filosóficos de autores como Platón, Aristóteles, Algazel, Anselmo de Canterbury, Ricardo de San Víctor, Petrus Hispanus, Avicena, Mateo Plateari y Constantino el Africano. ; tytuł i abstrakt w języku oryginalnym artykułu

Политические элиты постколониальной независимой Индии сделали ставку на интеграцию различных частей нового государства, чему должна была способствовать и реформа системы образования, в т.ч. высшего, ее модернизация на основе современных западных социальных идей и этических норм. Однако и сегодня, спустя почти 70 лет после обретения независимости, в Индии продолжают существовать различные виды дискриминации, связанные с кастами, классами, гендером, религией, регионом и языком. При этом они находят свое отражение не только в высшем образовании, но и в системе образования в целом. Отсюда необходимость постоянной оценки и корректировки государственной политики и правительственных программ, с тем чтобы декларируемые принципы свободы, равенства и братства были реализованы на практике в одной из самых больших и диверсифицированных систем высшего образования в мире, прошедшей длинный путь от традиции к современности. ; Political elites of the postcolonial independent India have relied on the integration of various parts of the new state. The reform of the education system, including higher education, its modernization based on modern Western social ideas and ethics was supposed to promote this goal. However, today, almost 70 years later, different types of discrimination still exist in India, based on caste, class, gender, religion, region and language. All of them find their reflection not only in higher education but also in the education system as a whole. Hence, there is the need in constant evaluation and adjustment of public policies and government programs to ensure that the declared principles of liberty, equality and fraternity were realized in one of the biggest and diversified higher education systems in the world, which passed a long way from tradition to modernity.

Abstract Background The adverse health and equity impacts of transnational corporations' (TNCs) practices have become central public health concerns as TNCs increasingly dominate global trade and investment and shape national economies. Despite this, methodologies have been lacking with which to study the health equity impacts of individual corporations and thus to inform actions to mitigate or reverse negative and increase positive impacts. Methods This paper reports on a framework designed to conduct corporate health impact assessment (CHIA), developed at a meeting held at the Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Center in May 2015. Results On the basis of the deliberations at the meeting it was recommended that the CHIA should be based on ex post assessment and follow the standard HIA steps of screening, scoping, identification, assessment, decision-making and recommendations. A framework to conduct the CHIA was developed and designed to be applied to a TNC's practices internationally, and within countries to enable comparison of practices and health impacts in different settings. The meeting participants proposed that impacts should be assessed according to the TNC's global and national operating context; its organisational structure, political and business practices (including the type, distribution and marketing of its products); and workforce and working conditions, social factors, the environment, consumption patterns, and economic conditions within countries. Conclusion We anticipate that the results of the CHIA will be used by civil society for capacity building and advocacy purposes, by governments to inform regulatory decision-making, and by TNCs to lessen their negative health impacts on health and fulfil commitments made to corporate social responsibility.

The article analyses the All-Union censuses in 1959, 1970 and 1979 as a primary source for a comprehensive studying the population dynamics and the settlement of Ukrainians in different regions of the Ukrainian SSR during the 60's – 70's of the XXth century. The author has studied a state of preservation of their native language, has defined the factors which under the totalitarian regime negatively influenced the change of demographic processes, especially the ethnic composition of Ukrainian society at the outlined period. The article also describes the national policy of Soviet authorities which guided by the national priority of state and nationwide community of «the Soviet people» and ignored the value of an ethnic nation. The author also finds out that Ukrainians were the dominant nation almost throughout the USSR in the outlined period. The number of Ukrainian grew exclusively by natural population growth, while the number of representatives of the Russian nation increased as a result of internal republican migration. The article brings the idea that Ukraine was one of the centers of accumulation of immigration flows in the Soviet Union, and because of this fact the multicultural Ukrainian SSR society, which constituted basically of the Ukrainians, gradually turned into bi-national, where Ukrainian majority coexisted along with continuously growing Russian minority. Such resettlements were carried out primarily for political reasons and were aimed at the loss by native people their national characteristics – language, culture and the like. The main task of migration, which was run by the Soviet government was the assimilation, denationalization and the russification of the Ukrainian people which was hidden by slogans of rapprochement of nations.

This paper analyses the influence of political regimes on the level and economic composition of military expenditure in Spain over the long run. In contrast with the widely accepted negative relation between democracy and military spending, the paper suggests that democratic governments established in the late 1970s and early 1980s after Franco's dictatorship had a positive influence on the military burden owing to the efforts to reorient the army towards international threats and to involve the armed forces with the newly democratic institutions. In addition, the analysis of military expenditure allows us to conclude that the international orientation of democratic military policies took place along with financial efforts to obtain a capital-intensive army to confront international military threats. ; El artículo analiza la influencia de los regímenes políticos en el nivel y en la composición económica del gasto militar en España en el largo plazo. En contraste con la relación negativa entre democracia y gasto militar comúnmente aceptada por la literatura, el artículo sugiere que los gobiernos democráticos establecidos a finales de los 1970s y principios de los 1980s tuvieron una influencia positiva en la carga militar española debido a los esfuerzos para reorientar el ejército hacia las amenazas exteriores y para involucrar las fuerzas armadas con las nuevas instituciones democráticas. Adicionalmente, el análisis de la composición económica del gasto permite concluir que la orientación internacional de las políticas militares de los gobiernos democráticos fue aparejada con un mayor esfuerzo para conseguir un ejército intensivo en capital, con el objetivo de poder intervenir en el escenario militar internacional.

The article aims to describe how the United States government found itself in control of the Internet, which then led to important institutional and political repercussions. The article argues that the central issue of Internet control was the failed privatization of the technical management of the entire Internet root server system, and ICANN's lack of legitimacy. The United States government's intervention jeopardized the relevant rights and interests, which caused widespread protests from foreign states, demanding greater participation in the Internet governance issues. Within this context, the recent transition of IANA functions to ICANN can be a real progress in the governance of the Internet as we know it, or simply a rational strategy of the United States to avoid the intervention of other states in the administration of the Internet. ; Este artículo tiene como finalidad describir los principales elementos que han posibilitado la supervisión de Internet por parte del gobierno estadounidense, lo que ha provocado importantes repercusiones institucionales y políticas. Se argumenta que el problema central del control de internet consistía tanto en la privatización fallida de la administración técnica, como la falta de legitimidad de la Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN). Estas intervenciones del gobierno estadounidense pusieron en riesgo los derechos e intereses de distintos agentes, los cuales demandaban un mayor grado de participación en la administración de internet. La reciente transición de las facultades de la Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) del gobierno estadounidense a ICANN puede ser un avance real o simplemente constituir una estrategia para evitar el intervencionismo de otros Estados en la administración de Internet.

Abstract Patients with multimorbidity are responsible for more than half of all healthcare utilization, challenging the healthcare budgets of all European nations. Although the European Union is showing signs of a fragile economic recovery, achieving sustainable growth will depend on delivering a combination of fiscal responsibility, structural reforms, and improved efficiency. Addressing the challenges of multimorbidity and providing more effective, affordable, and sustainable care, has climbed the political agenda at a global, European, and national level. Current healthcare systems are poorly adapted to cope with the challenges of patients with multimorbidity. Little is known about the epidemiology and natural history of multimorbidity; the evidence base is weak; clinical guidelines are not always relevant to this population; and financing and delivery systems have not evolved to adequately measure and reward quality and performance. Pockets of innovation are, however, beginning to emerge. In Spain, for example, the ongoing economic crisis has forced regional governments to deliver substantial efficiency savings and, with this in mind, integrated care programmes have been introduced across the country for people with chronic disease and multimorbidity. Early results suggest that formalized integrated care for patients with multimorbidity improves their perceptions of care coordination, reduces hospital and emergency admissions and readmissions, and reduces average costs per capita. Such innovations require meaningful investments at a national level – something that is now supported within the framework of the European Union's Stability and Growth Pact. Journal of Comorbidity 2016;6(1):21–27 An erratum to this article can be found here: http://dx.doi.org/10.15256/joc.2016.6.77

The article reviews the results of Russian representative survey of 2015 (N=1200), with 1200 interviewees aged over 18 responding to the survey. In addition, a group of 400 Muscovites was surveyed in an area with a large Jewish population which naturally represents the most up-to-date views of the Jewish people, both in a positive and a negative way. This Project expands on the earlier research Levada Center did earlier in 1990, 1992 and 1997, keeping the same methods and content, and carrying the original urgency and accuracy. The results produced by the surveys indicates attitudes to Jews are ranging predominantly from respectful to neutral; which is a sign that the popular view of the Jewish population has lost its negative accent. In the Russian public opinion, the Jews are not an isolated ethnic group with a clear ethnic and social marking and which could be an easy target to channel the political and nationalistic hostility and aggression, blaming the group collectively for any particular events or social frustration or failures of the Russian government. The "Jewish Potential" as a negative identity has expired. In contrast to other types of xenophobia, such as racism and anti-migrant sentiments towards the migrants from the former Soviet Union republics of the Central Asia or Russian Caucasus as well as Westerners – Anti –Jewish sentiments are shared by an insignificant minority among the survey respondents. However, there are still very clear traces of the earlier existing traditional (typical for pre1917 revolution and antimodernist views of the Russian society), as well Soviet State anti-Semitism common for the ethno-hierarchical structure of the Soviet bureaucracy.

Статья посвящена проблеме конструирования институциональной биографии в литературной форме очерка. Материалом являются биографические очерки конца советского периода о выдающихся людях Мурманской области. Биография рассматривается в качестве одного из способов представления истории, который укоренен в национальной культурной традиции. Выявляются основные категории знаковых личностей в локальной истории, жизненные траектории участников освоения арктической территории в советское время, идеологические контексты и системы ценностей, под влиянием которых в рамках традиционных моделей презентировались социалистические преобразования и роль личности в этом процессе. Формальными основаниями для включения определенных личностей в «биографический словарь» Мурманской области являются наличие правительственных наград, званий, увековечение памяти в названиях улиц и культурных объектов. Выделены типовые схемы и семантика биографических нарративов ; The article is devoted to the problem of designing an institutional biography in sketch literature. Biography regarded as the way of presentation of history, which is rooted in national cultural traditions. The subjects are biographical sketches of the late Soviet period about outstanding people of the Murmansk region. Formal reasons of their inclusion in the biographical dictionary of the Murmansk region are the presence of government awards, the commemoration in the names of streets and cultural sites. The base types of iconic figures in local history also life trajectories of participants in the development of the Arctic territory in the Soviet era are revealed in the article. Socialist transformation and the role of personality in the process comprehended in the genre of biography under the influence of political-ideological contexts, and a certain system of values. All this is presented within the framework of traditional narrative models. Main typical schemes and semantics of the biographical narratives are selected

Вторая мировая война является важным этапом в жизни мирового сообщества. После её окончания во внутрии внешнеполитической деятельности государств стали активно использоваться возможности национальных спецслужб. Разведывательные и контрразведывательные органы ведущих мировых держав прошли в первые послевоенные годы стадию глубокой реорганизации и оказались втянутыми в борьбу между новыми мировыми лидерами СССР и США. Во внешнеполитической деятельности западных стран отчетливо проявилась тенденция к использованию сил и средств своих спецслужб для оказания влияния на внутриполитическую обстановку в СССР. По мнению автора, масштабы проводимой иностранными спецслужбами работы, её деструктивный характер наиболее показательно проявились в их информационно-пропагандистской работе, а также поддержке очагов вооружённой борьбы внутри Советского Союза, которые оказывали негативное влияние на обстановку в западных регионах страны на протяжении первого послевоенного десятилетия.World War II is an important stage in the life of the world community. After its end the capabilities of national special services came to be widely used by the state governments in the implementation of their domestic and foreign policy. During the early post-war years intelligence and counter-intelligence agencies of the world's leading powers underwent significant reforms and got involved in the struggle between the world's new leaders the USSR and the USA. At that time foreign policy of Western countries could be characterized by an extensive use of secret services' resources for influencing the USSR's domestic political situation. To the author's knowledge, the scale of foreign special services activity and its destructive character could be most evidently seen in propaganda as well as in support of armed fight flashpoints within the Soviet Union which exerted negative influence on the situation in the western regions of the country during the early post-war decade.

В статье затронута одна из самых дискуссионных тем в историографии истории Германии и России, русско-германских и советско-германских отношений первой четверти ХХ века. Сотрудничество большевиков и В. И. Ульянова-Ленина с кайзеровским рейхом оказало глубинное влияние на историю и судьбы Германской и Российской империй, немцев и русских в плане их геополитических перспектив и взаимоотношений в ходе Первой мировой войны и двух революций в Германии и России. Нельзя не отметить, что финансовая и иная помощь Берлина русским революционерам обеспечила политическую победу большевизма в ходе Российской революции в 1917 г. и устойчивость большевистского правительства В.И. Ульянова-Ленина в ходе гражданской войны и иностранной военной интервенции в Советской России, привели к сближению и сотрудничеству большевиков с Веймарской Германией в начале 1920-х гг.The article touched upon one of the most controversial topics in the historiography of the history of Germany and Russia, Russian-German and Soviet-German relations of the first quarter of the twentieth century. Cooperation Bolsheviks and V.I. Ulyanov-Lenin Kaiser Reich had a profound impact on the history and fate of the German and Russian empires, German and Russian in terms of their prospects and geopolitical relations during the First World War and two revolutions in Russia and Germany. It should be noted that the financial and other assistance to the Russian revolutionaries in Berlin provided the political victory of Bolshevism in the Russian revolution in 1917 and the resistance of the Bolshevik government V.I. Ulyanov-Lenin during the civil war and foreign military intervention in Soviet Russia, led to rapprochement and cooperation with the Bolsheviks Weimar Germany in the early 1920s.