Suchergebnisse

In line with Joko Widodo's vision to position Indonesia as the 'Global Maritime Fulcrum' by 2045, the Indonesian government through the Ministry of Education and Culture has initiated the proposal of nominating the Spice Route (Jalur Rempah) as World Heritage in 2017 to UNESCO. This article aims to show the dynamic process of redefining national identity through the Spice Route narrative, which is full of contestation between the state, society, and the market. Previous studies have shown that the process of reproduction of nationalism through the reconstruction of national history and national identity is now no longer always initiated by the elite. Democratization and globalization also provide space for civil society to reinterpret their ideal image of Indonesia. Methods used in this qualitative research included auto-ethnography through participant observation, in-depth interviews, literature studies, comparison, and visual communication design analysis of form-content-context, both descriptively and reflectively. In conclusion, instead of being a political-ideological narrative, the Spice Route narrative is reinterpreted in a new domain: the creative industry. It has become a source of inspiration for branding commercial products, feature films and documentaries, community activities, festivals, educational curricula, and at the same time included in the content of Indonesian cultural diplomacy through gastronomy, all of which require a contribution of design. This article examines the extent to which the Spice Route narrative, seemingly intended as a nation brand, is able to reconstruct and redefine the national identity of Indonesia. ; Sejalan dengan visi Joko Widodo untuk memposisikan Indonesia sebagai poros maritim dunia pada tahun 2045, pemerintah Indonesia melalui Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan telah menggagas pengusulan Jalur Rempah sebagai Warisan Dunia sejak 2017 ke UNESCO. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan dinamika dari proses redefinisi identitas melalui narasi Jalur Rempah yang ...

The amendments and petitions in favour of the statehood of León defended by Leonese republican members of parliament in collaboration with the provincial government and several local councils during the legislature of the 1st Spanish Republic were preceded by the political activity carried out by the Federal Republican Committee of León after the success of the 1868 revolution. This committee, advocating a federal pact opposed to the one which was finally signed by its representatives, together with the leadership of its member Mariano Álvarez Acevedo during the insurrection of 1869, was the forerunner of a movement which ultimately led to the cultural activity of the Sociedad Económica deAmigos del País de León during the Restoration of Alfonso XII as king of Spain and the cultural regionalism born at the end of the 19th century, heir to the project of Leonese federal republicanismtowards achieving autonomy within the 1st Spanish Republic. ; Las enmiendas y reclamaciones a favor de la estatalidad de León defendidas por los diputados republicanos leoneses en colaboración con la Comisión Permanente Provincial y diferentes ayuntamientos de la provincia durante la legislatura de la Primera República estuvieron precedidas por la actividad política llevada a cabo por el Comité Republicano Federal de León tras el éxito de la revolución de 1868. Este comité, partidario de un pacto federal opuesto al que finalmente firmaron sus representantes, sumado al liderazgo de su miembro Mariano Álvarez Acevedo durante la insurrección de 1869, fue el precursor del movimiento que desembocó en última instancia en la actividad cultural de la Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País de León durante la Restauración alfonsina y el regionalismo cultural nacido a finales del siglo XIX, heredero del trabajo del republicanismo federal leonés a favor dela autonomía dentro de la Primera República.

The notion of regional integration began to be promoted by the Latin American governments towards the middle of the 20th century, in the framework of the developmental program created around ECLAC. However, this integration, which at its origin evidenced a mostly political-territorial character, mutated towards an integration oriented in economic terms since the 1990s. Bearing this in mind, and depending on the importance that developmentalism gave to material connection infrastructures, the objective of this article is to examine the process of concretion of a set of road infrastructures planned between the 1960s and 1970s. In particular, the case of the Santa Fe-Paraná road system is analyzed, which was initially conceived as a support for the development and integration of the Argentine Mesopotamia with the national territory and, later, for the consolidation of the Central Bioceanic Corridor (Coquimbo-Porto Alegre). ; La noción de integración regional comenzó a ser promovida por los gobiernos latinoamericanos hacia mediados del siglo XX, en el marco del programa desarrollista gestado alrededor de la CEPAL. No obstante, esta integración, que en su origen evidenciaba un carácter mayormente político-territorial, mutó hacia una integración orientada en términos económicos a partir de los años 90. Teniendo esto en cuenta, y en función de la importancia que el desarrollismo otorgó a las infraestructuras de conexión material, el objetivo de este artículo consiste en examinar el proceso de concreción de un conjunto de obras viales planificadas entre las décadas de 1960 y 1970. Particularmente, se analiza el caso del sistema vial Santa Fe-Paraná, el cual fue inicialmente concebido como soporte para el desarrollo y la integración de la Mesopotamia argentina con el territorio nacional y, posteriormente, para la consolidación del Corredor Bioceánico Central (Coquimbo-Porto Alegre). ; A noção de integração regional começou a ser promovida pelos governos latino-americanos em meados do século XX, no marco do programa de ...

This research focuses on language use as a means of linguistic, cultural, and communal negotiations with political economic forces of assimilation and systematic racial discrimination. I specifically analyze how the use of Nahuatl and Spanish within a Nahua community in Mexico, San Isidro Atlapexco Hidalgo, signifies ideological and power relationships. I pay particular attention to the dynamics of interaction and communicative practices within assemblies—a key form of local governance. Here, I show that the collective force displayed in such spaces might be the engine to transgress, oppose, and challenge the highly racialized language ideology of the state that advocates Spanish as the language of modernization. This research explores the linguistic strategies, semiotic resources, and discourse practices associated with specific roles in the communal government system and how these resources are distributed along the lines of gender, age, and class statuses as well as ethnic and racial identities. To do so, I identify different linguistic registers/styles, each of which is linked to social evaluations of individuals and their practices (i.e., linguistic ideologies). I explore how these actors' linguistic ideologies and practices contribute to hindering the wider use of the Nahuatl language. I provide a detailed analysis of the linguistic dynamics through which raciolinguistic ideologies (Rosa & Flores 2017) are expressed and negotiated in everyday practices of local life. In this way, this research uses the tool of linguistic ethnography to explore the intersections of race, indigeneity, class, gender, age, and linguistic phenomena. It is one of the goals to show that language ideologies and practices are key sites for the organization and reproduction of race and racism. As my approach is ethnographic and linguistic, through the ethnographic materials I obtained through participant observation, interviews and fieldnotes, I identify the historical and contemporary broader context of this Nahua society, ...

Objectives: : This paper presents an overview of the procurement and deployment of COVID-19 vaccinations in Germany, Austria and Switzerland (DACH) from the success of the first vaccine trials until the end of August 2021. Data regarding vaccination procurement and deployment is presented, followed by an analysis of the challenges these countries face in improving their vaccination rates. Methods: : A review and analysis of available data from the DACH countries was conducted. Data was collected from official government sources whenever possible and supplemented by information from international databases and local reports. The data was analyzed to identify common patterns as well as divergences across the DACH region, especially as they relate to vaccine hesitancy and health policy. Results: : Following initial global supply problems, the DACH countries were largely successful at administering vaccinations to their populations. However, by the end of August 2021 their vaccination progress had plateaued. This was primarily due to vaccine hesitancy in the region, which is correlated with a multitude of complex factors. These factors need to be better understood before this issue can be effectively addressed. Unlike other countries, the DACH countries have not (yet) used financial incentives or mandates to increase vaccination rates. Conclusions: : The DACH countries displayed effective governance in their deployment of COVID-19 vaccines, but vaccine hesitancy is slowing progress. Due to various social and political factors, Germany, Austria and Switzerland have not been able to employ effective policy levers to overcome this barrier and a more nuanced strategy will have to be developed. PUBLIC INTEREST SUMMARY: : Germany, Austria and Switzerland (DACH) were largely successful at procuring COVID-19 vaccine doses and administering them to their populations. After the first doses were acquired, their vaccination rates continued to steadily rise, but progress began to slow down substantially by August 2021 due in ...

The independence of Justice is a fundamental principle in any democratic society and the cornerstone of the Rule of Law. As a constitutional principle and a corollary of the principle of the separation of powers, it has a double dimension it is two pronged. It is both statutory and functional. Although judges and prosecutors are members of the same body, the originality of the French judiciary institution stems from a statutory difference between judges and those of State prosecutors. Judges enjoy statutory and functional independence, while prosecutors are linked to the executive power, and are in charge of implementing the criminal policy conducted and determined by the Government. The only guarantees of independence they enjoy are freedom of speech in court and the absence of individual instructions. Nevertheless, the prepon-derant place of political power in the organization and functioning of Justice leads to suspicions of politicization and partiality, undermining its independence. Nowadays, between "judicial authority" and "judicial power", French magistrates are still seeking in quest of independence and clarity like their Italian counterparts who have been enjoying statutory and functional independence is not lacking since January 1st, 1948. Justice, delivered in the name of the people, must be fair, unprejudiced and independent. To conclude is the independence of Justice, a myth or reality ? ; L'indépendance de la Justice est un principe fondamental dans toute société démocratique et le socle de tout État de droit. Principe d'envergure constitutionnel et corollaire du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs, il possède une double dimension. D'une part, l'indépendance de l'institution judiciaire est statutaire et d'autre part fonctionnelle. En dépit de son unité, l'originalité de la magistrature française émane d'une différence statutaire entre les magistrats du siège et ceux du Parquet. Les juges jouissent de leur indépendance organique et fonctionnelle tandis que, étant chargés de mettre en œuvre la ...

This Document de Travail seeks to analyse the unique and multi-scalar organisation of the Service Militaire Adapté (Adapted Military Service) and the deployment of its different regiments in the French overseas territories, with a focus on the cases of French Polynesia and Reunion Island.The Service Militaire Adpaté (SMA) is a youth employment policy managed by the French ministry of Overseas Territories and the Army. It targets 18–25-year-old people living in the French overseas territories who are excluded from the labour market and have no qualifications. This Document de travail offers an analysis of two aspects of this understudied sociological object: the hybridity of its organisation and its links to government, European institutions, and local anchorage. It examines the global social strategies through which the SMA legitimises French military presence in the overseas territories via both population support in cases of natural disaster and the healthcare and literacy and numeracy support it provides to its beneficiaries. This Document de Travail also aims to situate the SMA in the broader socio-political and demographic context of concentrated migrations in the French overseas territories. Finally, it explores the link between overseas populations' representation and the emergence of militarised educational institutions and asks to what extent the French overseas territories can be considered "laboratories" for experimenting with unconventional and hybrid policies like the SMA. ; Ce document de travail se propose d'analyser l'organisation originale et multi-niveaux du Service Militaire Adapté et le fonctionnement des régiments déployés dans les différents territoires d'Outre-mer, en particulier en Polynésie française et à La Réunion. Le Service Militaire Adapté (SMA) est un dispositif d'insertion professionnelle piloté par le Ministère des Outre-mer et encadré par des militaires, s'adresse à des jeunes ultramarins de 18 à 25 ans éloignés de l'emploi et peu ou non-qualifiés.Ce document de travail propose ...

The food self-sufficiency policy has always featured as an unquestionable policy objective for Egypt. This is understandable when one considers both the high population growth and the social and political vulnerability associated with a dependence on food imports and world market food prices such as wheat. Intensive agriculture has led to a growing subsidy burden for the Egyptian government. In addition, the agricultural fields in Egypt are commonly distributed with relatively small sizes parcels that usually reduce the reliability of the agricultural sector, particularly in the delta region, to meet the national food policy. On top of that, climate change, through changing weather patterns and increased temperatures, is affecting agricultural yields and thus farmers' livelihoods. A water profitability analysis was conducted for three governorates in the Nile Delta in Egypt to establish a baseline and assess the net return per unit of water of the main crops in each of these governorates; this can act as a reference of the water profitability of different crops before they are affected by climate change and other internal and external factors. The analysis was based on extensive in-person surveys in each governorate in addition to workshop discussions with farmers. The study has highlighted the impact of a lack of extension services, which limits farmers' ability to increase their land and water productivity. Farmers with more access to subsidized production inputs managed to achieve higher levels of water profitability even on smaller lands. Finally, we drew from our findings key policy actions to improve water profitability and land productivity for farmers in the Nile Delta to achieve higher levels of food security. This will help build resilient food production systems that are reliable in the face of climate change and other drivers. In addition, an integrated nexus strategy and plan for the inter- and intra-country is recommended to address the challenges related to food and climate security.

The United Nations has, through several resolutions, acknowledged and recognized the important role national human rights institutions can and do play in the promotion and protection of human rights. Notable among those resolutions is Resolution48/134 of 20 December 1993, which lays down a number of principles relating to the status of such institutions. This recognition has been reaffirmed by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights through Resolution 2003/76 of25 April 2003. The last two decades have seen unprecedented political and constitutional changes in Africa as several African states have enacted new constitutions in an attempt to transform themselves into democratic societies. In the context of human rights protection, one of the main outstanding features of these new constitutions is that most of them contain bills of rights and the other is that they establish national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights. Both the Ugandan constitution and the South African constitution fall into that category. It is against that background that this article seeks to evaluate, in a comparative way, the role that the national human rights institutions in the two countries can and do play in the promotion and protection of human rights. This role will be assessed in the context of the powers, functions, achievements and effectiveness of these institutions; thechallenges they face and how they deal with them. In Uganda, the relevant institutions include the Uganda Human RightsCommission and the Inspectorate of Government, while in South Africa they include some of the so-called Chapter 9 institutions, namely, the Public Protector; the Human Rights Commission; the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rightsof Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities; and the Commission for Gender Equality. There are other institutions in both countries that play less direct and significant roles in human rights protection. This article undertakes a comparative survey ...

Does bank capitalization improve the performance and stability of commercial banks operating in the MENA region? This thesis aims to provide new evidences regarding the effects of capitalization on banks' behavior in the face of a difficult and unstable institutional environment. We start from the idea that poor institutional quality increases asymmetry of information problems which can affect the behavior of banks in terms of credit allocation and risk taking. The first chapter provides a multidimensional view of 17 countries in the MENA region, covering the economic, banking, and institutional context by using a macroeconomic and consolidated banking data. It highlights the economic and political instability of the region and the presence of high levels of corruption, poor government efficiency, and low regulatory quality, particularly when compared with advanced economies. The second chapter provides an overview of the theoretical and empirical literature related to the effects of capital regulation and the quality of governance on banks' behavior. It finds that despite 30 years of implementing capital regulations there is no consensus on the effectiveness of these regulations and their effects on banks' behavior. Moreover, few studies have considered the effect of institutional quality on bank behavior. For this reason, Chapter 3 proposes two separate empirical studies using Hausman and Taylor (1981) estimation. First, we study the effect of bank capitalization and institutional quality on the credit growth of 204 commercial banks operating in MENA countries during the period 2000-2017. Then, we study the effect of these factors on the stability of these banks measured by the Z-score panel data indicator in panel of Lepetit and Strobel (2013). Our result supports the hypothesis of the negative effect of capitalization on credit growth and shows that bank behavior depends not only on bank ownership (foreign-national banks; private-public banks) but also on the level of institutional quality of the countries ...

We analyze rice input and productivity data for the monsoon seasons of 2020 and 2021 from the Myanmar Agriculture Performance Survey (MAPS). The survey covers plots of 2,672 rice producers, spread over 259 townships in all states/regions of the country. We find that: 1. Rice productivity at the national level during the monsoon of 2021 decreased on average by 2.1 percent compared to the monsoon of 2020. Considering estimated area reductions, national paddy production decreased by 3.4 percent compared to the monsoon of 2020. 2. Some areas performed substantially worse. Rice yields were low and declined significantly in Kayah and Chin, two conflict-affected states that have shown the highest levels of food insecurity in recent assessments. 3. Prices for most inputs used in rice cultivation increased significantly between these two seasons. Prices of urea, the most important chemical fertilizer used by rice farmers, increased by 56 percent on average and mechanization costs increased by 19 percent. 4. Paddy prices at the farm increased by 8 percent, significantly less than input prices, squeezing rice farmers' profits during the monsoon of 2021. Despite the substantial hurdles in production and marketing due to the political crisis and international market developments, the results of the Myanmar Agricultural Performance Survey show the overall resilience of rice production during the monsoon of 2021. While the rice sector has been a source of stability in the country, the situation for future crop seasons is however concerning given further increases in input prices (especially fertilizer), the overall reduced profitability of rice farming, the reduced coping strategies remaining for rice farmers, and currency policy changes by the military government. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; MyanmarSSP; MAPSA; CRP2; 4 Transforming Agricultural and Rural Economies; Feed the Future Initiative ; DSGD; PIM ; CGIAR Research Program on Policies, Institutions, and Markets (PIM)

In China's period of economic transition, enterprises often find it difficult to obtain the support of formal institutions and the capital market, so informal institutions such as value and social networks are particularly important resources. Regional happiness can influence corporate green innovation by shaping the external environment. This study takes a sample of Chinese A-listed companies and empirically tests the impact of regional happiness on corporate green innovation by constructing happiness data at a city level. The empirical results show that in cities with high levels of happiness, the green innovation level of listed companies is higher. This is manifested by a higher number of green patents and green invention patent applications. To test for reliability, a series of robustness tests were carried out. First, we performed 2SLS regression using the instrumental variable method in consideration of the possibility of a reverse generation of endogenous problems. Second, we remeasured corporate green innovation using a green patent authorization considering the rationality and applicability of the measurement method of core variables, and then remeasured the regional happiness based on a text analysis of social media content. Both tests showed that the conclusions are robust. Mechanism analysis revealed that regional happiness has an impact on corporate green innovation through financing constraints, namely, that it can either alleviate enterprises' financing constraints, or substitute for regional financial development to promote corporate green innovation. Further analysis showed that, for enterprises lacking political connections, regional happiness plays a significant role in promoting green innovation. This indicates that, in the absence of financing convenience, the resource effect brought by regional happiness acts as a substitute for an implicit government guarantee. This study provides new insights into the determinants of corporate green innovation and the value of informal institutions in environmental sustainability.

To advance China's language and culture and improve China's foreign image, since 2004, China has constructed over 700 Confucius Classrooms and Institutes. Despite the vast number of Confucius Institutes, very little has been known about operating or what they accomplish inside institutions. Using a variety of media sources, including the government policy, newspaper reports from the internet, Confucius institutes themselves, individual blogs are written by Chinese language teachers, and the observations of university academics, it begins by discussing the concepts of cultural and public diplomacy, cultural associations as a conceptual framework for assessing Confucius Institutes. One of the most effective ways to change people's views of other countries and cultures is direct public diplomacy. In the community of national cultural institutions, the Confucius Institutes are a standout member because of their connection to China's development. China's foreign policy goals are now boosting the availability of Chinese language training across the world. Since 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has opened up a new avenue for Chinese language instruction abroad. They recognize that showing their cultural background is a way to illustrate who they are while also portraying a positive image, which enables them to accomplish their political aims. This article examines the relevance of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and its influence on Pakistani culture and language using the Pakistan Confucius Institutes as a case study. The study emphasizes the need for more vital bilateral collaboration between two nations to construct a community of cultural enterprises and linguistic centers that both countries can share. In Pakistan, the CPEC is causing a linguistic shift. Both nations' cultures may be openly shared. As a result, CPEC's efficacy as a language changer cannot be denied.

Here, we retrospectively describe the Azerbaijani economy since its independence from the Soviet Union in terms of the main macroeconomic indicators that evolved throughout the developmental phases and economic cycles of the country. The study identifies five distinct stages of the Azerbaijani economy, namely a recession (1991–1994), recovery (1995–2003), peak (2004–2006), oil boom (2007–2014), and post-boom (2015–2020). Our analysis mainly utilized the numerical analysis and period-based grouping of the main macroeconomic indicators. Therefore, the recovery period was notable due to rapid reforms, and the economic peak reflected the consequences of the government's oil-driven economic growth. However, stagnation and the post-boom period hit the Azerbaijani economy with full force, and revealed the harsh reality of oil dependency. In other words, the sustainability of the Azerbaijani economy seems to be below average as the growth of the main macroeconomic indicators are both highly and positively correlated with the oil industry and its many-sided effects. Extractive industries are non-renewable and rapidly exhausted. The commodity prices are highly volatile, and many political regimes of the oil-rich countries improperly manage windfall revenue. The future policy concerns of the Azerbaijani government officials should focus on rechanneling the available economic and institutional resources to address the lagging performance of the non-oil tradable sectors in the future. Otherwise, a wider and deeper recession will be unavoidable. ; Данная статья ретроспективно показывает экономические циклы и описывает экономику Азербайджана с помощью основных макроэкономических показателей, которые менялись на всех этапах развития с момента обретения независимости, уже в постсоветский период. В исследовании выделяются пять различных этапов развития азербайджанской экономики, а именно: рецессия (1991–1994 годы), восстановление (1995–2003 годы), пик (2004–2006 годы), нефтяной бум (2007–2015 годы) и застой (2016–2020 годы). В ...

The article is devoted to the methodology of modelling the evolution of an aggressive totalitarian regime. The methodology is grounded on the macroeconomic functions and their geometric reflection. Several models are built and analyzed in the article, such as the socio-political, military-economic and socio-economic evolution of totalitarian society; evolution of labour potential; goods' net exports and production capacity of the country with a variable level of nationalization of the economy; changing economic potential during the war between a large totalitarian country and a small democracy country. The nowadays totalitarian regime (similar to the previous one) is based on the nationalization of the economy and the manipulation of information. The nationalization isn't total now, but the means of manipulation have improved significantly. The authors suggested that the reduction of repression in a totalitarian country is not a sign of its liberalization. The economic growth leads to the impoverishment of the population, and economic crises – to its disqualification in quasi-market circumstances. Together they strengthen the regime's social base. High prices for low-tech goods increase the level of nationalization of the economy and, consequently, reduce the country's productive potential. Specialization in low-tech exports puts it in a "trap of nationalization", where the positive trade balance becomes impossible to even with lower levels of government regulation. Deteriorating global conditions for trade in low-tech goods create a situation of uncertainty when the level of nationalization can both fall and rise. The excess of maximum allowable losses over the minimum possible losses of a large totalitarian country becomes the "trigger" for open aggression. The fundamental asymmetry like the losses for the military-and-economic potential of a large totalitarian country and a small democratic country is the peculiarity of the clash between them. ; Стаття присвячена методології моделювання еволюції агресивного ...