Suchergebnisse

In haar proefschrift Wijkende Grenzen: sociale zekerheid in de zelfkant van Lilongwe Stad, Malawi analyseert Barbara Rohregger sociale zekerheid in de urbane randgebieden van Lilongwe Stad, de hoofdstad van Malawi. In een poging om het hoofd te bieden aan de dagelijkse onzekerheden ontwikkelen de mensen daar steeds nieuwe sociale zekerheidsstrategieën, waarbij zij voortdurend onderhandelen over de functie, betekenis en inhoud ervan. Desondanks neemt de armoede toe. Informele sociale zekerheid is vooral in ontwikkelingslanden een alternatief voor overheidsgestuurde systemen. De meeste overheden daar kunnen de stijgende armoede niet aan door gebrek aan administratieve en politieke draagkracht. Barbara Rohregger onderzoekt de sociale zekerheidsgebruiken van urbane migranten. Deze gebruiken vormen een lappendeken van formele, informele en traditionele actoren, mechanismen en strategieën. De mensen mixen gouvernementele en niet-gouvernementele instituties met ingewortelde gewoontes. Zij ontwikkelen daarnaast steeds nieuwe sociale zekerheidsstrategieën waarbij zij voortdurend onderhandelen over de functie, betekenis en inhoud ervan. Rohregger toont aan dat migratie hierbij een wezenlijke rol speelt. De stad is slechts één van de vele plekken waarin mensen zich bewegen. Tegelijk laat zij zien dat de mensen het steeds moeilijker vinden om het hoofd boven water te houden. Structurele aanpassingen hebben gezorgd voor sociale en economische achteruitgang en de vele slachtoffers van HIV/AIDS veroorzaken een demografische ineenstorting. Hierdoor vallen er gaten in het sociale netwerk en vermindert de beschikbaarheid van bronnen om te kunnen zorgen. Toenemende onzekerheden veranderen ook migratiegedrag en het gezicht van de stad. Meer mensen verhuizen naar de stad voor sociale zekerheid en zorg. Zij vestigen zich voornamelijk in de grensgebieden. Deze randgebieden bepalen steeds vaker de urbane normale toestand voor diegenen die gemarginaliseerd zijn in de stad. ; Over the last decades, the international social policy debate has been increasingly focusing on informal social security as a ready made alternative to state driven mechanisms. This is especially the case in developing countries, where the declining administrative and political capacity of most governments to cope with rising poverty rates calls for a different kind of approach. Analysing social security in the urban fringe of Lilongwe City, the capital of Malawi, this study critically questions current policy approaches and underlying analytical assumptions, which the author argues, are still closely linked to a modernist notion of the concept. The analysis of urban social security, including familial, communal and associative networks as well as state services, reveals that the social security practices of urban migrants are a patchwork of formal, informal and traditional actors, mechanisms and strategies. People not only mix state and non-state institutes and institutions, anchored in different social, economic, political, cultural and legal domains. Engaging with the societal praxis, the author shows that people, in their effort to cope with the daily insecurities, also create new social security strategies, continuously re-negotiating their function, meaning and content. The analysis of social security as an intrinsic aspect of societal practice and organisation also opens up a different perspective on migration, urbanisation and the formalisation of living and working condition. Rather than necessary preconditions for a welfare state to develop, the author shows that migration is intrinsic to the functioning of a wider rural-urban trans-local social security economy, within which people move, and within which the city is just one place amongst many others. At the same time, the study shows that peoples' capacity of working it out is increasingly narrowing down. The social and economic decline due to structural adjustments, combined with the demographic collapse caused by HIV/AIDS, perforate social network relations, diminishing the availability of productive and reproductive resources to care. Rising insecurities are also changing migration behaviour and the face of the city. While more people move to town for social security and care, mainly settling in the rural-urban borderlands of the city, the fringes of town increasingly provide the urban normality as well for those who have been marginalised from within the city and modernity by the political and economic liberalisation process, like the civil servants.

This dissertation examines the experience of political violence arising from the protest movement of the late 1960s in most Western countries. Also related to the current social changes, especially embodied by feminism, the explicit involvement of women is a second phenomenon that comes into play. This dissertation analyses this twofold subject at a social discourse level through its media exposure from 1970 to 1994. Drawing on a corpus made of French newspapers of diverse tendencies, this study aims at determining current standards and the way transgressions are grasped from a double - criminal and sexual - perspective. Through the comparison of different points of view and opinions (from journalists, militants, policemen, political and intellectual personalities), it provides a one-dimensional story in which attention is mostly focused on women presence, which is seen as a feature of revolutionary violence. Violence therefore expresses itself - with some nuances - as a media-staged subject through three decades, from the first bomb attacks to the latest trials, varying between overexposure and silence. This study therefore contributes, from a gender perspective, to the history of the violent revolutionary phenomenon, as seen in France during the last third of the 20th century. The 1970s are first hit by radicalization, as new organizations and groups with similar practices and ideological frames of reference emerge. Afterwards newspapers focus on one organization only, i.e. Action directe, both during its period of illegal activity (1979-1987) and the judiciary serial following a wave of arrests (1987-1994). ; Cette thèse interroge l'expérience de la violence politique née dans le sillage de la contestation de la fin des années 1960, observée dans la plupart des pays occidentaux. À ce premier phénomène s'en ajoute un second, lui aussi relié aux transformations sociales en cours, incarnées notamment par le féminisme : l'implication explicite de femmes. Cette thèse analyse ce double objet sur le plan du discours ...

This dissertation examines the experience of political violence arising from the protest movement of the late 1960s in most Western countries. Also related to the current social changes, especially embodied by feminism, the explicit involvement of women is a second phenomenon that comes into play. This dissertation analyses this twofold subject at a social discourse level through its media exposure from 1970 to 1994. Drawing on a corpus made of French newspapers of diverse tendencies, this study aims at determining current standards and the way transgressions are grasped from a double - criminal and sexual - perspective. Through the comparison of different points of view and opinions (from journalists, militants, policemen, political and intellectual personalities), it provides a one-dimensional story in which attention is mostly focused on women presence, which is seen as a feature of revolutionary violence. Violence therefore expresses itself - with some nuances - as a media-staged subject through three decades, from the first bomb attacks to the latest trials, varying between overexposure and silence. This study therefore contributes, from a gender perspective, to the history of the violent revolutionary phenomenon, as seen in France during the last third of the 20th century. The 1970s are first hit by radicalization, as new organizations and groups with similar practices and ideological frames of reference emerge. Afterwards newspapers focus on one organization only, i.e. Action directe, both during its period of illegal activity (1979-1987) and the judiciary serial following a wave of arrests (1987-1994). ; Cette thèse interroge l'expérience de la violence politique née dans le sillage de la contestation de la fin des années 1960, observée dans la plupart des pays occidentaux. À ce premier phénomène s'en ajoute un second, lui aussi relié aux transformations sociales en cours, incarnées notamment par le féminisme : l'implication explicite de femmes. Cette thèse analyse ce double objet sur le plan du discours ...

This dissertation examines the experience of political violence arising from the protest movement of the late 1960s in most Western countries. Also related to the current social changes, especially embodied by feminism, the explicit involvement of women is a second phenomenon that comes into play. This dissertation analyses this twofold subject at a social discourse level through its media exposure from 1970 to 1994. Drawing on a corpus made of French newspapers of diverse tendencies, this study aims at determining current standards and the way transgressions are grasped from a double - criminal and sexual - perspective. Through the comparison of different points of view and opinions (from journalists, militants, policemen, political and intellectual personalities), it provides a one-dimensional story in which attention is mostly focused on women presence, which is seen as a feature of revolutionary violence. Violence therefore expresses itself - with some nuances - as a media-staged subject through three decades, from the first bomb attacks to the latest trials, varying between overexposure and silence. This study therefore contributes, from a gender perspective, to the history of the violent revolutionary phenomenon, as seen in France during the last third of the 20th century. The 1970s are first hit by radicalization, as new organizations and groups with similar practices and ideological frames of reference emerge. Afterwards newspapers focus on one organization only, i.e. Action directe, both during its period of illegal activity (1979-1987) and the judiciary serial following a wave of arrests (1987-1994). ; Cette thèse interroge l'expérience de la violence politique née dans le sillage de la contestation de la fin des années 1960, observée dans la plupart des pays occidentaux. À ce premier phénomène s'en ajoute un second, lui aussi relié aux transformations sociales en cours, incarnées notamment par le féminisme : l'implication explicite de femmes. Cette thèse analyse ce double objet sur le plan du discours ...

Social inclusion and participation have become policy mantras in the UK and Europe. As these concepts are being translated into policies and practice, it is a critical time to examine - and challenge - their interpretation, implementation and impacts. This book asks how far and in what way social inclusion policies are meeting the needs and rights of children and young people

"While the topic of sustainability in textile manufacture has been the subject of considerable research, much of this is limited to a focus on materials and practices and their ecological impact. Padovani and Whittaker offer a unique exploration of the textile industry in Europe from the perspective of social sustainability, shifting the focus from the materiality of textile production to the industry's relationships with the communities from which the products originate. Featuring six in-depth case studies from design entrepreneurs, artisans and textile businesses around Europe, from Harris Tweed in Scotland to luxury woollen mills in Italy, Sustainability and the Social Fabric explores how new centres of textile manufacturing have emerged from the economic decline in 2008, responding creatively and producing socially inclusive approaches to textile production. Case studies each represent a different approach to social sustainability and are supported by interviews with industry leaders and comparisons to the global textile industry. Demonstrating how some companies are rebuilding the local social fabric to encourage consumer participation through education, enterprise, health and wellbeing, the book suggests innovative business models that are economically successful and also, in turn, support wider societal issues. Essential reading for students of textiles, fashion, design and related subjects, this book will demonstrate how a business ecosystem that focuses on inclusive growth and social innovation can lead to sustained mutual benefit for textile industries and their local communities"--Bloomsbury Fashion Central

International audience ; The author discusses the regional policies implemented in Chi/e since the 1960'5, emphasizing the practices of the fast govemments, where an important process of transition has occurred in regional matters (Aylwin, 1990-1994; Frei, 1994- ). The analysis is centered on political and economical dimensions, allowing the author to propose a new definition on the fonctionning of the region in Chile, in the frame of globalizalion processes, introducing a critica/ question on the traditional territorial equilibrium which is practiced today ; Les transformations territoriales du Chili sont à la mesure des succès macro-économiques qu'a connus le pays sous la Dictature - et de leur contre-poids social. Elles résultent de la conjonction, pendant la vingtaine d'année écoulée depuis la prise de pouvoir des militaires, d'une gestion régionale rénovée et de l'application locale de principes économiques néo-libéraux. Une grande partie des changements observés résulte en effet de l'application de nouvelles règles économiques laissant chaque partie du pays libre de mettre en valeur ses « avantages comparatifs » sur les marchés mondiaux. Cette orientation s'est accompagnée d'une volonté de mise en retrait et de désengagement de l'Etat (déconcentrations administratives et privatisation de certains attributs de l'Etat). De plus, la nature autoritaire du régime l'a conduit à ne jamais perdre de vue les soucis de la maîtrise du territoire et les visées géostratégiques. Il s'avère donc que pendant cette période, le problème régional a constamment été à l'ordre du jour alors qu'a priori le choix d'une économie néo-libérale était en contradiction avec l'idée de l'intervention de l'Etat dans l'organisation du territoire. Telle est la donne qui permet de comprendre le fonctionnement régional dont a hérité le Chili de la transition.

International audience ; The author discusses the regional policies implemented in Chi/e since the 1960'5, emphasizing the practices of the fast govemments, where an important process of transition has occurred in regional matters (Aylwin, 1990-1994; Frei, 1994- ). The analysis is centered on political and economical dimensions, allowing the author to propose a new definition on the fonctionning of the region in Chile, in the frame of globalizalion processes, introducing a critica/ question on the traditional territorial equilibrium which is practiced today ; Les transformations territoriales du Chili sont à la mesure des succès macro-économiques qu'a connus le pays sous la Dictature - et de leur contre-poids social. Elles résultent de la conjonction, pendant la vingtaine d'année écoulée depuis la prise de pouvoir des militaires, d'une gestion régionale rénovée et de l'application locale de principes économiques néo-libéraux. Une grande partie des changements observés résulte en effet de l'application de nouvelles règles économiques laissant chaque partie du pays libre de mettre en valeur ses « avantages comparatifs » sur les marchés mondiaux. Cette orientation s'est accompagnée d'une volonté de mise en retrait et de désengagement de l'Etat (déconcentrations administratives et privatisation de certains attributs de l'Etat). De plus, la nature autoritaire du régime l'a conduit à ne jamais perdre de vue les soucis de la maîtrise du territoire et les visées géostratégiques. Il s'avère donc que pendant cette période, le problème régional a constamment été à l'ordre du jour alors qu'a priori le choix d'une économie néo-libérale était en contradiction avec l'idée de l'intervention de l'Etat dans l'organisation du territoire. Telle est la donne qui permet de comprendre le fonctionnement régional dont a hérité le Chili de la transition.

International audience ; The author discusses the regional policies implemented in Chi/e since the 1960'5, emphasizing the practices of the fast govemments, where an important process of transition has occurred in regional matters (Aylwin, 1990-1994; Frei, 1994- ). The analysis is centered on political and economical dimensions, allowing the author to propose a new definition on the fonctionning of the region in Chile, in the frame of globalizalion processes, introducing a critica/ question on the traditional territorial equilibrium which is practiced today ; Les transformations territoriales du Chili sont à la mesure des succès macro-économiques qu'a connus le pays sous la Dictature - et de leur contre-poids social. Elles résultent de la conjonction, pendant la vingtaine d'année écoulée depuis la prise de pouvoir des militaires, d'une gestion régionale rénovée et de l'application locale de principes économiques néo-libéraux. Une grande partie des changements observés résulte en effet de l'application de nouvelles règles économiques laissant chaque partie du pays libre de mettre en valeur ses « avantages comparatifs » sur les marchés mondiaux. Cette orientation s'est accompagnée d'une volonté de mise en retrait et de désengagement de l'Etat (déconcentrations administratives et privatisation de certains attributs de l'Etat). De plus, la nature autoritaire du régime l'a conduit à ne jamais perdre de vue les soucis de la maîtrise du territoire et les visées géostratégiques. Il s'avère donc que pendant cette période, le problème régional a constamment été à l'ordre du jour alors qu'a priori le choix d'une économie néo-libérale était en contradiction avec l'idée de l'intervention de l'Etat dans l'organisation du territoire. Telle est la donne qui permet de comprendre le fonctionnement régional dont a hérité le Chili de la transition.

Drawing on capital theory and institutional theory, we hypothesize the contingent role of a country's formal institutions (financial, educational, and political) on the relationship between individual capital (financial, human and social capital) and social entrepreneurship entry. Using the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor data, we find that all three forms of individual capital are important for social entrepreneurship entry. Moreover, we find that this relationship is contingent on the formal institutional context such that (i) philanthropy-oriented financial systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of financial capital; (ii) educational systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of human capital; and (iii) political systems have a positive moderating effect on investment of both human and financial capital. We make substantial contributions to the literature on social entrepreneurship by ascertaining the nature of contingent effects of formal institutions on the relationship between individual capital and the emergence of social enterprises.

AbstractStudies of social media's impact on policing have emerged in several disciplines, including criminology, sociology, and communications. Despite their insight, there is no unified body of knowledge regarding this relationship. In an attempt to synthesize extant work, bring coherence to the field, and orient future scholarship, this article summarizes research on social media's implications for practices and perceptions of order maintenance. It does so by identifying how social media's technical affordances empower and constrain police services. By offering new opportunities for surveillance, risk communication, and impression management, emergent technologies augment the police's control of their public visibility and that of the social world. However, they also provide unprecedented capacities to monitor the police and expose, circulate, and mobilize around perceived injustice, whether brutality, racial profiling, or other forms of indiscretion. Considering these issues promises to enhance knowledge on contemporary directions in social control, organizational communication, inequality, and collective action. Suggestions for future research are also explored.

To examine how communication scholars have incorporated the concept of social capital originating from other disciplines, we first analyzed citation patterns among social capital–related journal articles, book chapters, and books extracted from Communication Abstracts. Moreover, we investigated whether and how communication scholars have cited three pioneering scholars in this area, that is, Robert Putnam, Pierre Bourdieu, and James Coleman, to identify aspects of social capital that have either been emphasized or overlooked. Based on the analyses of 171 journal articles, books, and book chapters, we found that the translation of the concept of social capital into communication research has been driven and dominated by a small group of political communication scholars. The results of our content analysis demonstrate that the prominent players in social capital research in the communication field distinctly favored the work of Putnam over those of Bourdieu and Coleman. The implications of these findings for communication research are discussed.