Suchergebnisse

We study whether incumbents facing uncontested elections channel public spending towards co‐partisan officials more than is the case of incumbents that are worried about their chances of re‐election. To do so, we draw on data detailing capital transfers allocated by Spanish regions to local governments during the period 1995‐2007. Using a regression discontinuity design, we document strong and robust effects. We find that, on average, a mayor belonging to the same party as that of the regional president obtains nearly twice the amount in grants as is received by a mayor belonging to an opposition party. This effect is much greater for regional incumbents that won the previous election by a large margin, but it disappears in the case of highly competitive elections. The effects estimated by difference‐in‐differences are not so great but they point in the same direction. Overall, the results are consistent with predictions that regional incumbents focus on obtaining the most votes possible when elections are strongly contested, while they seek to increase the number of aligned mayors when their position at the ballot box is not vulnerable.

A concluding chapter emphasizes the wide range of opinions generated by the 2000 presidential election, especially the intervention of the US Supreme Court, & examines the impact of these divisions on both the future nature of legal reasoning, & the relation between law & politics. Calls for reform that have emerged from the Bush-Gore contest are reviewed, including changes in the actual operation of election campaigns to afford equal & fair representation. Bush v. Gore put the spotlight on mundane aspects of elections that previously went unnoticed, such as different types of voting machines with varying patterns of failure rates. The call for reform via constitutional litigation is focused primarily on the Electoral College system & the division of power between large & small states. Historical reasons for the Electoral College system are examined, along with the possible consequences of abolishing it. The belief that the Bush-Gore election was a statistical tie is discussed, & suggestions are made for ways to improve the election process without making radical changes to the electoral system. J. Lindroth

Pasal 60 ayat (4) Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 tentang Pemerintah Aceh dinyatakan bahwa masa kerja Panitia Pengawas Pemilihan (Panwaslih) berakhir 3 (tiga) bulan setelah pelantikan kepala daerah tepilih, sementara dalam regulasi yuridis lainnya khususnya Undang-Undang Nomor 15 Tahun 2011 tentang Penyelenggara Pemilihan Umum dan Pemilihan menegaskan berakhir paling lambat 2 (dua) bulan setelah seluruh tahapan penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum selesai. Ketua Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (Bawaslu) Republik Indonesia mengeluarkan Surat Edaran Nomor: 0240/K.Bawaslu/TU.0001/III/2017 tentang Penegasan Masa Tugas Lembaga Pengawas Pemilihan Umum Ad Hoc dalam Rangka Pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil, Bupati dan Wakil Bupati dan/atau Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Tahun 2017. Surat Edaran tersebut disimpulkan bahwa masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh berakhir pada bulan Mei bagi daerah yang terdapat penyelesaian sengketa di Mahkamah Konstitusi dan bulan Juni bagi daerah yang vakum sengketa. Hal ini mengakibatkan ketidakpastian hukum bagi penyelenggara Pemilihan Kepala Daerah dan menimbulkan kegaduhan dalam internal Panwaslih di Aceh. Penelitian ini mengkaji bagaimanakah kedudukan dan kekuatan hukum Surat Edaran Bawaslu, mengkaji kepastian hukum masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh atas keputusan Bawaslu Republik Indonesia yang telah mengeluarkan Surat Edaran yang dijadikan rujukan Pemerintah Aceh untuk merevisi Peraturan Gubernur sebelumnya mengenai masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian normatif atau penelitian hukum kepustakaan.The article 60 paragraph (4) of the Act Number 11, 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh stated that the working period of the Election Committee ends 3 (three) months after the inauguration of the elected regional head, while in other juridical regulations especially the Act Number 15, 2011 concerning the General Election Organizer and the Election stipulates to expire no later than 2 (two) months after all stages of the election are completed. Chairman of the Election Supervisory has issued the Circular Letter Number: 0240/K.Bawaslu/TU.0001/III/2017 on the Affirmation of Ad Hoc Election Observer Period of Governor and Deputy Regent, Deputy Regent and Deputy Regent, and or Mayor and Deputy Mayor 2017. Based on the Circular Letter, it states that the working period of the Committee in Aceh ends in May for the area where there is a dispute resolution at the Constitutional Court and in June for the vacuum of the dispute. This has resulted in legal uncertainty for the election organizers and caused frenzy within the internal the Election Advisory in Aceh. This research aims to explore the position and legal power of the Election Supervisory Board Circular Letter, to review the legal certainty of the working period of the Election Committee in Aceh on the decision of General Election Supervisory Board of the Republic Indonesia which has issued a Circular Letter as the reference of the Government of Aceh to revise the previous Governor Regulation concerning the working period of the committee in Aceh. This is doctrinal legal research or library research.

Letter from Mr. Frank Cuthbert of the Central Engineering Company, Inc., to Gen. Alvaro Obregón, congratulating him on his election victory and sending him a newspaper article: "Mexico Bloodless Election", VIRGINIAN PILOT AND THE NORFOLK LANDMARK, Norfolk, VA, USA, September 15th, 1920. The article summarizes the opinions of the North American press regarding the election of Gen. Alvaro Obregón. / Carta del Sr. Frank Cuthbert de la Central Engineering Company Inc. al Gral. Alvaro Obregón, felicitándolo por su triunfo electoral y enviando artículo periodístico: "Mexico Bloodless Election", VIRGINIAN PILOT AND THE NORFOLK LANDMARK, Norfolk, Va., E.U.A. Sept. 15, 1920. El artículo resume opiniones de la prensa norteamericana sobre la elección del Gral. Alvaro Obregón.

Analyses the rise and fall of Labour in Scotland and asks: is Labour's decline irreversible? After being the leading party in Scotland for 50 years, Labour was shocked to lose an election and office to the SNP in the 2007 Scottish Parliamentary elections, and thunderstruck when the SNP won a majority government in the same elections in 2011. This book analyses the last 30 years of Scottish Labour, from the arrival of Thatcherism in 1979 right up to the results of the 2010 Westminster elections and 2011 Scottish Parliamentary elections. Key Features. Draws on extensive research including archival sources Includes interviews with some of the key participants in Scottish Labour

Regional head candidates hoping to appear as an elected regional heads in local elections (Election) with regional heads so each candidate will do various forms of business activities in the market including their political ideas by Bashir-mate Alex the regional head election (Election) Pekalongan in 2010 The purpose of this study to determine the political marketing used in the election of Bashir Pekalongan. The method used qualitative descriptive type using interview techniques and literature. These results indicate that the figure Bashir has had since the beginning of social capital as a doctor and a social being so generous in the use of political marketing Bashir form no trouble.

AbstractWhat are the characteristics of pre-democratic elections? This article seeks to answer this question by analysing the Brazilian First Republic. Through an original assessment of formal complaints filed by defeated candidates in federal elections, we show that (1) political conflicts were intense and electoral fraud was a consequence of parties' inability to monopolise the administrative machine in charge of conducting elections; (2) elections were organised by state-level parties, but voting practices were confined to local environments; and (3) voters were mobilised collectively, not individually. These three factors should be taken into account in future research on elections before democracy.

Es handelt sich um eine von der Redaktion der Belarus-Analysen selbst erstellte deutsche Übersetzung der Schlussfolgerungen der Wahlbeobachter des Belarussischen Helsinki-Komitees und des Menschenrechtszentrums "Viasna" zu den belarussischen Parlamentswahlen vom 11. September 2016

During the election year, political candidates apply different strategies to win the election. Some candidates resort to spreading hoaxes and vote-buying. This phenomenon has become a trouble for the country as there will be severe repercussions. Halal politics is a new concept that needs to be studied. It aims to reduce or even eradicate hoax spreading and vote-buying. It also hopes to provide a further reference in political activities for both politicians and people generally. This study used qualitative literature study and thematic interpretation to collect data that are related to halal politics. The sources of the data are study results, Quran, and scholar Quran interpretation. The study concludes that halal politics implementation depends on heavily on people's active participation in preventing and stopping hoaxes and vote-buying. Furthermore, with the increase in society's political literacy, political candidates will change their strategy for the better.

This article looks ahead to the 2010 congressional redistricting cycle, and makes the case that the concern over the pernicious effects of partisan redistricting has been significantly over-exaggerated. Those attempting to use partisan control of the apparatus of state government to influence future elections operate under a number of significant constraints, from legal and political factors that inhibit the redistricting process and frequently result in compromise or litigation, to geographical and structural factors that dictate the extent to which electoral boundaries can be effectively manipulated to produce deviations from partisan symmetry. Evidence from the 1990 and 2000 redistricting cycles indicates that the benefits of partisan gerrymandering, where present, are extremely susceptible to subsequent electoral swings. This casts considerable doubt on the utility of partisan gerrymandering as a mechanism for instituting long-term electoral bias in congressional elections. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines whether electoral reform in Japan replacing a single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system with a parallel mixed system has led to two-party competition in single-member districts (SMDs) in House of Representative elections from 1996 to 2005. While nationwide figures suggest declining numbers of effective candidates and losers, distinguishing SMDs by levels of urbanization reveals that this trend is largely limited to urban areas. Instead of converging toward a two-party system as many proponents of electoral reforms had anticipated, elections under the SMD portion of the new system have witnessed the emergence and continuation of two distinct patterns of competition: urban constituencies featuring contests between two major parties, and rural constituencies dominated by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The persistence of the latter pattern diminishes the prospect of power alternation. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]