Suchergebnisse

In the aftermath of the First World War, constitutions of European states were widely democratized and parliamentarized, and similar turns were expected in international relations as a consequence of the creation of the League of Nations. This comparative analysis of Swedish and Finnish parliamentary debates on the League membership focusing on conceptualizations of the national versus international demonstrates how democratization and internationalization merged discursively. This happened to a greater extent than in the British parliament or the First Assembly of the League. Such entanglements followed from the interconnectedness of constitutional and foreign policy questions during preceding disputes on constitutional reform when Britain and Germany had provided competing models, the determination of the ministries to reconfirm national constitutional compromises by joining an international organization of democratic nations, an exceptional possibility for parliamentarians to debate foreign policy and willingness among the leftist oppositions to extend the democratization and parliamentarization of the constitutions to the field of foreign policy. After a turn from German to British political models and under a Bolshevik threat, British internationalist arguments found a positive reception among the Swedish Liberal–Social Democratic coalition and the Finnish bourgeois coalition as well as half of the redefined Finnish Social Democratic Party. Rightist and far-leftist opponents of the League were left to the margins as the membership was used to redefine the polities as internationally oriented democracies. ; peerReviewed

Asia Rafiq,1 Sharjeel Saleem,1 Mohsin Bashir,1 Arfan Ali21Lyallpur Business School (Division of Management), Government College University, Faisalabad, Pakistan; 2Department of Public Administration, Government College University, Faisalabad, PakistanBackground: The purpose of this study is to present a broad-brush picture based on empirical evidence on the role of hindrance stressors, motivation, and cultural novelty in expatriate adjustment. Drawing on trait activation theory, this study examines the moderating role of extraversion in enhancing cultural adjustment to achieve positive work engagement and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) by expatriates.Methods: We gathered data using a sample of 458 eastern expatriates with current international assignments in different countries around the world. They completed questionnaires sent to them using online platforms for expatriates.Results: The results reveal that hindrance stressors and intrapersonal motivation significantly predict adjustment. Adjustment plays a partially mediating role in achieving OCB and expatriate work engagement. However, this work engagement is stronger when adjustment is used as a mediating factor. Surprisingly, our results provided paradox role of extraversion in predicting adjustment which was somewhat in contradiction to our hypothesized direction of moderating effect.Conclusion: Our research puts forward strategies for international business organizations when assigning business expatriates, especially in novel cultures. Our research provides valuable information about expatriates' context for international organizations planning for the accomplishment of their assignments in distant cultures.Keywords: expatriates, work engagement, cultural novelty, extraversion, adjustment, trait activation theory

International audience ; From an economic perspective, damage and loss valuation aims first at justifying climate change mitigation efforts. But the difficulties related to the heterogeneity of the damage and the time horizon of the impacts make the results very contingent of the computation hypotheses.The debate thus focused on the social cost of carbon, driven by the idea of basing climate change policies on emission pricing. But damage assessment could also be used as a basis for compensating victims. Although the idea of climate justice is struggling to establish the basis for this compensation, international negotiations have begun to lay the groundwork for it through the Warsaw Mechanism, which remains however far from this goal. ; Dans une perspective économique, l'évaluation des pertes et dommages vise d'abord à justifier les efforts d'atténuation du changement climatique. Mais les difficultés liées à l'hétérogénéité des dommages et l'horizon temporel des impacts rendent les résultats très contingents des hypothèses de calcul. Le débat s'est ainsi focalisé sur le coût social du carbone, porté par l'idée de baser les politiques de lutte contre le changement climatique sur une tarification des émissions. Mais l'évaluation des dommages pourrait aussi servir de base à une compensation des victimes. Même si l'idée d'une justice climatique peine à établir les bases de cette compensation, les négociations internationales ont commencé à en poser des jalons à travers leMécanisme de Varsovie qui reste cependant loin de cet objectif.

The goal of the Research Data Alliance is to accelerate international data-driven innovation and discovery by facilitating research data sharing and exchange. This is achieved through the development, adoption, and deployment of infrastructure, policy, practice, standards, and other outputs, as expressed in the RDA Mission: "The Research Data Alliance (RDA) builds the social and technical bridges that enable open sharing of data". This Deliverable outlines the precise procedures and dialogue between RDA Europe 4.0 & RDA global with related impact indicators. In particular, the document provides insights on RDA EUROPE contribution to support the RDA governing bodies, the RDA website collaborative environment and other RDA key assets and activities, namely: the RDA Recommendations & Outputs and the process for their creation, monitoring and adoption; RDA ICT Technical Specifications; RDA Plenary Meetings and Events and RDA Global communications. From a high-level perspective, the overall contribution of Europe to the global Research Data Alliance and the contribution of RDA to Europe can be summarised as follows: EU contribution to RDA In-kind secretariat support; RDA Web platform & graphic design; Third-party institutional and individual support; ICT technical specifications; 4,000+ members. RDA Contribution to EU Policy of openness & inclusiveness; Data challenge resolution and international data agreements; Open, neutral, international forum for EU data professionals; Informal, effective funders forum for funder & stakeholder exchange; Enhanced career opportunities for Early Career data scientists, researchers and steward.

In Research as Development, Salla Sariola and Bob Simpson show how international collaboration operates in a setting that is typically portrayed as "resource-poor" and "scientifically lagging." Based on their long-term fieldwork in Sri Lanka, Sariola and Simpson bring into clear ethnographic focus the ways international scientific collaborations feature prominently in the pursuit of global health in which research operates "as" development and not merely "for" it. The authors follow the design, inception, and practice of two clinical trials: one a global health charity funded trial and the other a pharmaceutical industry-sponsored trial. Research as Development situates these two trials within their historical, political and cultural contexts and thus counters the idea that local actors are merely passive recipients of new technical and scientific rationalities. While social studies of clinical trials are beginning to be an established niche in academic writing, Research as Development helps fill important gaps in the literature through its examination of clinical research situated in cultures in low-income settings. Research as Development is noteworthy for the way it highlights the critical and creative role that local researchers play in establishing international collaborations and making them work into locally viable forms. The volume shows how these clinical and research interactions bring about changes in culture, technologies and expertise in Sri Lanka, contexts that have not previously been written about in any detail. ; Peer reviewed

This article examines the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and its judgments associated with women's rights in the areas of reproduction, religious, and refugee expression. As an international court, the ECtHR seeks to resolve disputes related to violations of human rights between an individual and a member state. Although the introduction of the court has been perceived as progressive for global human rights, the ECtHR's recent judicial recommendationsindicate an absence of recognition or limited advocacy for women's rights. In addition to analyzing how women's reproduction, refugee, and religious expression rights have received inadequate support from the ECtHR, this article will also suggest five possible influences underlying the court's decisions: namely, the ECtHR's definition of rights as exclusive of women-specific liberties; hesitancy to override national sovereignty; the minority of female judges serving on the ECtHR's Strasbourg bench; the court's consideration of external conservative bodies such as the Catholic church; and finally, that the international court, which relies on member states' cooperation, is susceptible to politicization and the rising far right. This article concludes with policy recommendations for the ECtHR, describing how the court might be able to move forward with increasing women's representation inside the courtroom and formulating gender-sensitive case law. By pursuing a more progressive and inclusive mission, the court will likely benefit from increased international legitimacy while re-establishing itself as a distinguished defender of women's basic liberties in Europe.

The aim of this work is to find patterns for products included in the customs tariffs of the USA and the EU (composed of over 5000 products disaggregated at the 6 digit-level) which share similarities, defined by a set of international trade variables, namely the index of revealed comparative advantages (RCA), the Grubel-Lloyd index, and other indicators of international trade. There is a strand in the literature advancing a theory that links the degree of intra-industry trade with the level of protectionism. In order to test this theory we use cluster analysis as a method of data analysis and the Grubel-Lloyd index as a classification variable between groups. For each of the analyzed regions we obtain four different groups. Thereafter each of these four clusters are further characterized with the help of the other international trade indicators and the tariffs. Finally, we establish a comparison between the two regions by examining possible differences and similarities. The results show a significant difference in the tariffs applied between the USA and the EU, with the USA presenting a lower level of protectionism. Additionally, the results for the USA show a positive relationship between the degree of intra-industry trade and a lower level of protectionism, while for the EU the results are not conclusive. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

International audience ; Welcomed by international public opinion, ETA's disarmament and then its dissolution took place in 2016 and 2018 respectively, after a process lasting several years. However, the latter had raised many criticisms about the future and sustainability of the "peace process". To analyse this sustainability, we conducted a qualitative survey with 69 activists formerly involved in illegal Basque organisations. While one third of them are satisfied with the process, especially among the older generations, two thirds are critical or even condemn it. We will present both the forms of sublimation underlying these positive assessments and analyse the accusations made against the peace process. Finally we will examine the future of the conflict in the Basque country. ; Salués par l'opinion publique internationale, le désarmement d'ETA puis sa dissolution, ont eu lieu, respectivement en 2016 et en 2018, après un processus de plusieurs années. Ce dernier a pourtant soulevé de nombreuses critiques interrogeant l'avenir et la pérennité du « processus de paix ». Pour analyser cette dernière, nous avons mené une enquête qualitative auprès de 69 militants anciennement impliqués dans des organisations illégales basques. Si un tiers d'entre eux se satisfait du processus, surtout parmi les plus anciennes générations, les deux tiers en sont critiques voire le condamnent. Nous exposerons à la fois les formes de sublimation sous-tendant ces appréciations positives et les accusations formulées à l'égard du processus de paix pour enfin nous interroger sur l'avenir du conflit au Pays basque.

ABSTRACT: Globalization, which refers to the changes in time and space is perhaps one of the most significant events in this century. It has brought with it, unique changes in communication, trade, mobility, international security, and migration. Some have argued that its impact has further weakened the place and role of the state in international politics, given many actors who have emerged in this process. This paper seeks to examine how the changes in time and space are affecting diplomatic relations among states. While it is true that several actors are today playing some roles previously reserved for the state, the field of diplomacy seems to have been protected from non-state actors as government representatives still dominate diplomatic channels. By looking at events such as the Gulf Cooperation Council's role in the Yemen Political crisis and Economic Community of West African States' (ECOWAS) role in Gambia's political turmoil, a new form of regionalized diplomacy is seen. The case of the Syrian crisis also has realized a shift from bilateral to multilateral diplomacy. The writer argues that the changes in space have had little effect on diplomacy but rather the changes in time, largely associated with the rapid flow of information have transformed how diplomacy is practiced today. The paper adopts a qualitative research approach and relies on data from secondary sources like textbooks, among others. KEYWORDS: diplomacy, globalization, international relations, integration, communication

Tramadol is a synthetic opioid that is widely used as an analgesic for alleviating pain of moderate to medium intensity. With potency estimated to be about one-tenth that of morphine, tramadol is considered as relatively safe with regard to poisonings or dependency. Yet there are increasing reports of widespread non-medical consumption of tramadol in North and West Africa. The Egyptian government has requested the UN Commission of Narcotic Drugs to put tramadol under international control. This will have profound implications for the treatment of acute and chronic pain across developing countries where tramadol is often the only available analgesic, because controlled substances are impossible to obtain for health care practitioners. The tramadol sold outside of medical establishments is often adulterated and substandard, part of the massive trade in falsified medicines that is possibly far more devastating than the hedonic use of psychoactive substances. Yet the international machinery in place to control medical products is feeble and the penalties for medicrime are modest next to drug trafficking offences. The article suggests that international controls need to re-assess their priorities to focus on human and patient well-being. A further shift is needed away from repressive measures against consumers, to tighter regulation in the production and distribution of medications and pharmaceutical substances. This must involve a wide range of stakeholders, including health care practitioners, the pharmaceutical industry, pharmacists, patients associations, and the public at large.

MINUSTAH represents a benchmark in the link between global securitization and humanitarian practices in Latin America and the Caribbean. Regional military responsibilities in Haiti turned useful to improve and expand capabilities employed in international humanitarian crisis. Engagement in natural disaster has been the dominating terrain in which military humanitarian action takes place in Latin America and the Caribbean. Military presence in Haiti has also contributed for experimentation in the fight against organized crime and gangs, a growing concern on the radar of international humanitarian organizations and actors. Armed humanitarianism in the region has benefitted from ties with the US, particularly the South Command, and with the UN System, particularly the DPKO. Domestic and international involvement in humanitarian assistance has become major topic in regional intra-military initiatives, stimulated by exchange of new expertise and the expansion of teamwork programs. Simultaneously, armed humanitarianism has amplified the spectrum of civil-military relations by broadening interaction with local population and organizations in different parts of Latin America and the Caribbean. Yet, armed humanitarian is controversial in the region in face of its implication for human rights protection and the strength of democratic institutions. This text intends to trace a middle ground around military and humanitarian studies conceptualization by interlacing the concepts of postmodern military and armed humanitarianism. It parts from the assumption that both concepts, while focusing on different objects, may knit well to explain post-MINUSTAH Latin American military developments.

AbstractJapan during the interwar period was more globalized in many ways than it is now. Japan prospered under the liberal international order. The Japanese people at the time believed that the country needed more land overseas to feed the increasing population, but the growing mainland economy gave jobs to the most Japanese population. The benefits the colonies conferred were not great, but some Japanese, particularly military and civil personnel in the colonies, were major beneficiaries. Japan was among the first to recover from the Great Depression, and by the middle of the 1930s was in a full employment situation. Japan did not need to export its population to other countries or to acquire territories through military action. The military expansion into China and the shift to a controlled economy in Japan and Manchukuo benefitted those who supplied goods to the military and obeyed the authorities. Such benefits, though, came at the expense of Japanese taxpayers and consumers, who were oppressed and were unable to criticize the military. The benefits gained from the military clampdown and a controlled economy were quite visible, but the benefits of the liberal international order often cannot be clearly seen. Japan still had a chance to recognize the true benefits of the liberal international order and the false benefits of colonization, military expansion, and a controlled economy, but could not. Wilsonian-Taisho moment was lost at the end of the 1930s.

AbstractScholars often depict the 1973 World Festival of Youth and Students—or, more colloquially, the Red Woodstock—as a momentary "departure" or "break" from everyday life, when the German Democratic Republic (GDR) briefly opened its borders to the youth of the world. Similarly, they suggest that, when the festival's nine days of festivities came to an end, the "pathos of revolution" disappeared just as quickly as it had come about, resulting in a return to the restraints of everyday life behind the "Iron Curtain." By contrast, this article reconsiders the festival's significance by adopting an analytical framework from postsocialist theorists. In doing so, it reconceptualizes the Red Woodstock as a moment of globalized influences and youth engagement that not only reflected shifting societal norms, but also the East German state's commitment to international socialist solidarity. Soviet theorist Mikhail Bakhtin's work on the "upside-down" nature of the carnival, as well as on society's "grotesque body," is useful in this regard, as it sets in sharp relief the extent to which one of the East German state's greatest challenges resulted from its own embrace of international socialism. This was the case as young people from the GDR and beyond transformed the East German capital through a subtle appropriation, transformation, and even subversion of the state-generated discourse on international solidarity, in ways that had a lasting effect during the late socialist period.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to focus on the state of entrepreneurship research in the Latin American context, with special emphasis on international entrepreneurship research developed in this region. Therefore, the aim and contribution are to identify the main themes in the literature about entrepreneurship and show the evolution of entrepreneurship research in Latin America to stimulate the research and provide future research lines.


Design/methodology/approach
The methodology is based in a systematic literature review, using 128 articles published between 2002 and 2018, in scientific journals in the region according to SCImago Journal & Country Rank.


Findings
The results show the evolution through the journals, authors, topics and methodologies used by the researchers. It is emphasized that there is a very low level of research in international entrepreneurship in Latin America. This result is coherent with higher levels of entrepreneurship in Latin American countries but very few oriented to international markets. This is one of the challenges considering the importance of this field.


Originality/value
Entrepreneurship is a field of study that has grown throughout history. Even so, in the Latin American context, research published in high impact journals is limited. This paper is the first systematic literature review and thematic analysis of research on the field of entrepreneurship in the Latin American context. In this way, it serves as encouragement for future research, providing possibilities and challenges within the field of study.

Art. 295 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (unclos) embodies the rule of prior exhaustion of local remedies by making a renvoi to cases where the application of the rule is required by international law. In the practice of the International Tribunal for the Law of Sea (itlos) and Annex vii Tribunals, States continuously raise preliminary objections based on Art. 295. However, such tribunals have never found the local remedies rule applicable. In this paper, it is argued that the approach taken by unclos Tribunals towards the applicability of the local remedies rule is not persuasive since, absent proper reasoning, it fails to align with – or expressly depart from – what appears to be the present state of international law on the topic. Furthermore, the above practice undermines the effectiveness of Art. 295 and calls into question the actual relevance of the local remedies rule within unclos disputes. In the present article the approach followed by unclos Tribunals with respect to the applicability of the local remedies rule is assessed against a reconsideration of the issue of mixed claims and the specific regime set forth in the Law of the Sea Convention. In the concluding section the approach taken in unclos Tribunals' case law is considered in light of recent criticisms pointing out the current improper expansion of the jurisdiction under unclos Part xv.