Suchergebnisse

[ES]Se trata de una introducción y contextualización de las actas "Últimas corrientes teóricas en los estudios de traducción y sus aplicaciones". La traducción, además (o en lugar) de una actividad lingüística y de una mediación cultural, pasa a verse como un fenómeno que refleja, socava o refuerza las tensiones de poder que mantienen las culturas involucradas, o un escenario más donde ciertas instituciones, grupos sociales y puntos de vista libran una serie de batallas en el fondo políticas. ; [EN]This is an introduction and contextualization ofthe minutes " Recenttheoretical trends in translation studies and its applications . " The translation also (or instead) of a linguistic activity and cultural mediation, becomes seen as a phenomenon that reflects, undermines or reinforces the tensions of power that kept the cultures involved, or a scenario where certain institutions, groups social and views a series of battles fought in the political background

In this paper, we test the hypotheses that recreational and cultural services provided at the local level of government are associated with bene…t spillovers between Swedish municipalities. We also test the hypothesis that municipalities with similar expenditure levels are more clustered than would be expected from merely a coincidence. A representative voter model is derived and the demand for recreational and cultural services is estimated using spatial SUR techniques. The results suggest that these expenditures are associated with bene…t spillovers and that municipalities with similar expenditure levels are clustered to a greater extent than would be expected from just a coincidence. ; Med stöd från Svenska komunförbundet. Published in Regional studies(ISSN 0034-3404)Vol 40 No 6 pp 631-644. Taylor & Francis. DOI:10.1080/00343400600868788 Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication.

An adolescent's bedroom is an important site for the everyday work of creating identities. What the authors have come to call room culture is both a theoretical perspective and a valuable research strategy. Theoretically, it is assumed that individuals actively and creatively sample available cultural symbols, myths, and rituals as they produce their identities. For teens, the mass media are central to this process because they are a convenient source of cultural options. Over the past 5 years, the authors have pursued this line of reasoning with a series of small-scale, primarily qualitative, studies with adolescents. They have found that getting teens to talk about their bedrooms is a productive way to establish rapport, especially around sensitive issues such as sex and alcohol use, and to understand in context who each person is in relation to the larger culture.

Abstract A theoretical framework is provided to understand a cultural group's definition of and relationship with nature and the environment. The framework draws on a social constructionist perspective that includes aspects of phenomenology and symbolic interactionism to define "landscape" as the symbolic environment created by a human act of conferring meaning on nature and the environment. This landscape reflects the selfdefinitions of the people within a particular cultural context. Attention is directed to transformation of the physical environment into landscapes that reflect people's definitions of themselves and on how these landscapes are reconstructed in response to people's changing definitions of themselves. Case studies from sociology and anthropology illustrate the social construction of nature and the environment. A discussion of the applied implications of the theoretical framework in social impact assessment and the global implications in the shifting power struggle over competing landscapes concludes the paper.

As a Jewish political scientist who has lived, taught, and conducted research in Muslim areas of sub-Saharan Africa (particularly Niger and Northern Nigeria), I was more than intrigued with that aspect of the debate between Ali Mazrui and Hailu Habtu-two African Africanists, at least one of whom is of Islamic origin-concerning "Jewish cultural influences on Black Africa" ("The Semitic Impact on Black Africa: Arab and Jewish Cultural Influences"; "The Fallacy of the 'Triple Heritage' Thesis: A Critique," Issue, vol. XIII, 1985). As a reflection on the revolution in Africana studies that has occurred over the past few decades, it is refreshing to note that Westerners (including Jews) may now find themselves to be the objects of intellectual discourse and historical analysis by African scholars-and not, as has traditionally been the case, the other way around.

The Covid-19 pandemic has repeatedly been framed by politicians and the media alike as this generation's "Great War." Metaphors are often used in political reportage as effective discursive tools to influence and persuade readers. War metaphors especially are frequently used in election campaigns, leadership spills, and during times of political unrest to portray politics as a brutal and competitive (masculine) arena. As such, the use of militaristic language and war metaphors to describe the shared challenges during a global pandemic is unsurprising. Framing the pandemic as a war can rally citizens by appealing to their sense of national and civic duty at a moment of crisis. Yet such framing is problematic as it draws on stereotyping cultural myths and values associated with war, reinforcing patriarchal understandings of bravery and service that glorify hegemonic masculinity while excluding women from the public sphere. Using a feminist critical discourse analysis, this article will examine Australian print media coverage of the first six months of the Covid-19 pandemic, focusing on two case studies - the prime minister and "frontline" workers - to further understand the gender bias of mainstream media. We argue that, by drawing on war metaphors in Covid-19 coverage which emphasizes protective masculinity, the media reproduce and re-enforce political and societal gender stereotypes and imbalances.

Abstract Foreign Relations: Figuring Faith and Femininity in the Age of Rubens by Jamie Vanessa LyonDoctor of Philosophy in History of ArtUniversity of California, Berkeley Professor Elizabeth Honig, ChairThe first part of my title, Foreign Relations , is meant to conjure up the many valences of this phrase in the life and works of Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640). On the most obvious level, it points to his part time employment as a multi-linguistic diplomat negotiating peace on behalf of the Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, Isabel Clara Eugenia (1566-1633), the Spanish-born daughter of Philip II. It also evokes Rubens's sustained interaction with and pleasure in Italian art, and specifically, his status in contemporary art writing as a &IsquoVenetian&rsquo Baroque painter in all but nationality. Pushing the notions of foreign relations a bit further, the phrase surfaces the ethically tenuous connections between some typically Rubensian subjects, such as nude or eroticized women, and their narrative origins and cultural contexts in biblical texts and Catholic devotional art. This network of intersecting, at times oppositional, historical and artistic factors frames a study in which I approach the body, especially the female body, as a conceit-making rhetorical device or &Isquofigure&arsquo for Rubens. I argue that typology (historical prefiguration through types) and interpictoriality (reflexive and reciprocal relations between interdependent works of art) are mutually constructive, sometimes parallel, components of Rubens's artistic process and as such, crucial to interpreting his deeply gendered iconography.Several of Rubens's most canonical devotional and/or doctrinal compositions are discussed in the dissertation. But whereas these works have served recent scholars as case studies&mdashtypically examined to a greater or lesser degree in isolation from rather than in conversation with the painter's massive oeuvre&mdashhere they are approached historically and chronologically, as they occur and reoccur over the course of more than thirty years of Rubens's public diplomatic and artistic career. The result is a new understanding of this essentially conservative, self-consciously intellectual and innately tolerant painter as a man whose personal relationships with wise and powerful women were in constant tension with the masculinist mores of the day, but who nonetheless developed an art in which women are supremely meaningful.

With the resurgence of ethnic nationalism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, the need to bring the study of ethnicity and nationalism more closely together has become even plainer. The views expressed here represent several of the main lines of enquiry in the current study of ethnicity and nationalism. Contents: Anthony D. Smith, 'Ethnicity and Nationalism.' James Mayall and Mark Simpson, 'Ethnicity is not Enough: Reflections on Protracted Secessionism in the Third World.' Sammy Smooha and Theodor Hanf, 'The Diverse Modes of Conflict Regulation in Deeply Divided Societies.' Walker Connor, 'The Nation and its Myth.' Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and the Historians.' Sylvia Walby, 'Women and Nation.' John Hutchinson, 'Moral Innovators and the Politics of Regeneration: the Distinctive Role of Cultural Nationalists in Nation Building.' Donald L. Horowitz, 'Irredentas and Secessions: Adjacent Phenomena, Neglected Connections.'

Principals' agency in leadership goals and practice
This interview study examines the leadership goals and practices embodied in principals' professional agency. The framework of the study consists of agency and broad-based pedagogical leadership. The analysis used data- and theory-based content analysis. Based on the data three leadership styles embodying agency were created: survival, construction and development leadership style. The study shows that in all leadership styles, agency does not manifest itself as broad-based pedagogical leadership. This is due to the concentration of the leadership style in the day-to-day management of maintaining school activities. However, the realization of broad-based pedagogical leadership requires management of the symbolic and cultural sphere as well. Examining agency as a part of broad-based pedagogical leadership shows that leadership must be constantly developed.

In the context of the eurocrisis and its current management, the long 'road to Social Europe' appears to has become a dead end. The present volume explores in a comprehensive and interdisciplinary way the processes and driving forces at the root of the current social downward spiral. It examines also the main social consequences of the eurozone crisis. It first provides an assessment of the state of Social Europe beginning with a look back at the framing and development of Social Europe from the founding of the European Community onward. This includes social policy issues linked to the kind of federalism promoted within the Economic and Monetary Union. Second, the texts presented here provide a good basis for understanding the factors that led to rule-based management of the eurozone crisis, offering an analysis of the role of the main European institutions in shaping crisis responses. Third, the book sheds light on various social consequences of the New Economic Governance Framework and of reform policies in the fields of social protection and labour law. Finally, it demonstrates that the crisis and its management have contributed to increased economic, political and cultural heterogeneity and inequality between and within EU member states, which is undermining the legitimacy of the European project as a whole. This has come at an unfortunate time, as the EU is now facing new major challenges to its social cohesion

Preliminary material /Editors European Anti-Catholicism in a Comparative and Transnational Perspective -- AUTHORS IN THIS VOLUME /Editors European Anti-Catholicism in a Comparative and Transnational Perspective -- EUROPEAN ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN COMPARATIVE AND TRANSNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE THE ROLE OF A UNIFYING OTHER: AN INTRODUCTION /Yvonne Maria Werner and Jonas Harvard -- NORTH ATLANTIC ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: A COMPARATIVE OVERVIEW /John Wolffe -- SETTEMBRINI'S WORLD: GERMAN AND ITALIAN ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN THE AGE OF THE CULTURE WARS /Manuel Borutta -- HEALING A WHORISH HEART: THE WHORE OF BABYLON AND PROTESTANT INTERIORITY IN RESTORATION AND EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN /Laura M. Stevens -- HOW TO LOOK? ROMAN CATHOLIC ART IN BRITAIN 1700-2010 /Clare Haynes -- DUTCH CIVIC VIRTUES, PROTESTANT AND ENLIGHTENED: ANTI-CATHOLICISM AND EARLY CULTURAL NATIONALISM IN THE NETHERLANDS AROUND 1800 /Edwina Hagen -- ANTI-PROTESTANTISM AND ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN THE 19TH CENTURY: A COMPARISON /Olaf Blaschke -- 'THE CATHOLIC DANGER': THE CHANGING PATTERNS OF SWEDISH ANTI-CATHOLICISM – 1850-1965 /Yvonne Maria Werner -- AROUSING ANTI-CATHOLIC SENTIMENTS ON A NATIONAL SCALE: THE CASE OF MARTA STEINSVIK AND NORWAY /Kristin Norseth -- LUTHERAN ORTHODOXY AND ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN DENMARK – 1536-2011 /Jes Fabricius Møller and Uffe Østergård -- THE JESUIT STEREOTYPE: AN IMAGE OF THE UNIVERSAL ENEMY IN FINNISH NATIONALISM /Ainur Elmgren -- NORWAY AND THE JESUIT ORDER: A HISTORY OF ANTI-CATHOLICISM /Bernt T. Oftestad -- CATHOLICISM AND THE IDEA OF PUBLIC LEGITIMACY IN SWEDEN /Jonas Harvard -- SCOTTISH ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN A BRITISH AND EUROPEAN CONTEXT: THE 'NORTH POLE MISSION' AND VICTORIAN SCOTLAND /Andrew G. Newby.

The purpose of this paper is to apply the paradiplomacy framework in exploring the role of NGOs in promoting the issue of marginalised peoples. More specifically, it highlights the Confederation of Independent Football Association (ConIFA), an international football governing body comprising minority peoples, stateless nations, and regions which are unrecognised by the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). The author attempts to discuss ConIFA's ability in voicing the issue of self-determination concerning its members, which are mainly sidelined in the mainstream international affairs. This paper discusses two questions: (1) does ConIFA qualify to be regarded as a paradiplomatic actor? If yes, in what ways? and (2) to what extent does ConIFA advocate the issue of self-determination of its members? In so doing, the researcher first studies the nature of ConIFA through its own constitution as well as examining its activities through various sources. Second, the author also utilises core concepts on paradiplomacy to seek in which category does ConIFA's activities fall into. The findings suggest that ConIFA qualifies as a paradiplomatic actor in the sense that it has two forces: horizontal and vertical. Horizontally, it platforms its members to interact with like-minded counterparts through numerous activities. Vertically, ConIFA also possesses a comparative advantage to reach a wider audience by framing the issue through sport. However, the study also indicates that while self-determination is promoted through ConIFA, the organisation does not possess enough political capacity to facilitate a deeper advocacy, thus making its paradiplomatic activities mainly fall into the cultural category.

Der landläufigen Vorstellung nach sind Unternehmen in ihrem Verhalten vor allem eines: zukunftsorientiert. Konfrontiert mit der immerwährenden riskanten Gegenwart und permanent auf der Suche nach Marktchancen blickten Unternehmenseigner und -manager in die Zukunft. Tatsächlich, dem geht Eva-Maria Roelevink am Beispiel der Geschichtspolitik der Friedrich Krupp AG im 20. Jahrhundert nach, ist diese Vorstellung unterkomplex. Nicht nur, dass sich Unternehmensentscheidungen ohne den Einbezug der Vergangenheit nicht erklären lassen. Auch die Vorstellung einer nach außen gerichteten Gegenwarts- und Zukunftsorientierung greift zu kurz. In der Studie wird die Arbeit an der eigenen Geschichte des Unternehmens Krupp in seiner Außenkommunikation ebenso wie in seiner Innenwirkung untersucht und mit der öffentlichen Aushandlung über Krupp in einen Zusammenhang gebracht. Dabei zeigt sich nicht nur ein Wandel der über Geschichte vermittelten Botschaften an die Öffentlichkeit, sondern ein stark vernachlässigter Umstand: Unternehmen brauchen ihre Geschichte. Sie können nicht auf sie verzichten

Soviet policy towards its Kurds fluctuated and remained fragmented, ambivalent, and inconsistent throughout the existence of the USSR. On one hand, the Soviet government provided for the material and cultural development of Kurds in Armenia and Azerbaijan during the 1920s and 1930s. On the other hand, in 1937 it deported a number of Kurds from Azerbaijan and in 1944 an even larger number from Georgia to Kazakhstan and Central Asia as special settlers. The Soviet government only freed Kurdish special settlers from the legal restrictions limiting their movement and other rights in April 1956. Former Kurdish special settlers, however, could not return to the Caucasus. The Kurds remained a diaspora group in the USSR without any national territory and only limited cultural institutions. Only in the late 1980s did this situation change.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIKurd li Yekîtiya Komarên Sosyalîst ên Sovyetan ji 1917 heta 1956Siyaseta Sovyetan beramber kurdên xwe, di hemû tarîxa YKSS de, pir caran guherî û hergav pirserî, xumam û nelihev bû. Li milekî, salên 1920an û 1930yan, dewleta Sovyetê îmkan dabîn kirin ji bo pêşketina çandî û samanî ya kurdên Ermenistan û Azerbeycanê. Li milê din, heman dewletê sala 1937an hejmareke kurdên Azerbeycanê û sala 1944an jî hejmareke pir mezintir a kurdên Gurcistanê wek muhacirên taybet şandine Qazaxistan û Asyaya Navendî. Dewleta Sovyetê şertên taybet ên li ser kurdên muhacir, yên ku bo nimûne nedihêlan ew ji cihekî biçin cihên din, bes di nîsana 1956an de rakirin. Lê belê, muhacirên kurd ên destê pêşiyê nekarîn bizivirine Qefqazyayê. Kurd li YKSS wek cemaeteke diasporayê veman bêyî ti erdekî xwe yê neteweyî û bi tenê bi hindek dezgehên çandî. Bi tenê salên dawî yên 1980an ev rewş guherî. ABSTRACT IN SORANIKurd le Yekyetî Sovîyet 1917 ta 1956Siyasetî Yekîyetî Sovyet le beramber Kurdekanî xoyda berz û nizmî be xoyewe bînîwe û le hemû temenî Yekîyetî Sovîyetda be şêweyekî natewaw, rarrayî û neguncaw mayewe. Le layenêkewe, ḧikumetî Yekîyetî Sovîyet, le nêwan sallekanî 1920 û 1930ekan, helumercî bo geşey binerretî û kultûrîy Kurdekan le Ermeniya û Azerbaycan rexisand. Le layenêkî tirewe, le sallî 1937 jimareyek le Kurdekanî le Azerbaycan derkird û tenanet le sallî 1944 jimareyekî zor ziyatir lewanî, wekû koçerî taybet, le Corciyawe rewaney Qezaxistan û Asyay Nawendî kird. Tenya le aprîlî 1956da, ḧikumetî Yekîyetî Sovîyet berbende yasayîyekanî le ser azadî hatûçû û mafekanî tirî em koçere taybetane hellweşandewe. Bellam, ew kurdaney ke pêştir kirabûn be koçer yan nêştecêy taybet boyan nebû bigerrênewe bo nawçey Qefqaz. Kurdekan wekû grupêkî diyaspora le Yekîyetî Sovîyetda manewe, bê ewey herêmêkî nîştimanîyan hebê û tenya çend enistîtoyekî kultûrîy sinûrdaryan pê dra. Tenya le kotayî heştakanî sedey bîstemda doxeke gorrankarî beserda hat.

The Ley de Cautelares against the national State is the first relevant procedural rule expressly recognising the litigability of economic, social and cultural rights in Argentina. In addition to the legal and cultural significance of such recognition, this rule protects socially vulnerable sectors differently in their right to a decent life and, in particular, guarantees the economic, social and cultural rights of the popular sectors of society (health, food rights, environmental, labour, etc.), as has hitherto not been the case, in compliance with the international principle of economic, social and cultural rights, which states that States must give due priority to social groups living in unfavourable conditions, giving them special and differentiated attention. Faculty of Legal and Social Sciences ; La Ley de Cautelares contra el Estado nacional es la primera norma procesal de relevancia que reconoce expresamente la justiciabilidad de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales en Argentina. Además de la trascendencia jurídica y cultural de tal reconocimiento, esta norma protege en forma diferenciada a sectores socialmente vulnerables en su derecho a una vida digna y, en especial, garantiza los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales de los sectores populares de la sociedad (salud, derechos alimentarios, ambientales, laborales, etc.), como hasta ahora ninguna norma procesal lo había hecho, cumpliendo con el principio internacional en materia de derechos económicos, sociales y culturales que dispone que los Estados deben otorgar la debida prioridad a los grupos sociales que viven en condiciones desfavorables, concediéndoles una atención especial y diferenciada. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales