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"The Female Servant and Sensation Fiction: 'Kitchen Literature'" explores how the sensation fiction genre popular in the 1860s fits into the canon of nineteenth-century literature and considers how its depiction of gender and class reflects a context of social change. Contemporary critics derided the genre as 'kitchen literature' because of its popularity among the newly literate servant classes, but this term also suggests the prominence of the genre's servant characters. This study reveals the female servant as a key figure who embodies the most 'sensational' aspects of the genre, particularly through her subversion of the Victorian boundaries of class and gender. Examining texts from authors such as Wilkie Collins, Charlotte and Emily Bronte, and Elizabeth Gaskell, it explores the recurring tropes of the servant as a victim, criminal, actress, and spouse or lover. Ultimately, it suggests that, far from the fad of a single decade, sensation fiction has clear canonical origins and its influence is still felt today in Neo-Victorian literature and popular culture

En el primer volumen de esta serie, Siglo XIX en Antioquia, se presentan 42 documentos, trascritos en su mayoría de manuscritos notariales. En conjunto, los documentos dan cuenta de ordenanzas y decretos, constitución de sociedades comerciales, protocolización de contratos, privilegios, testamentos y de un inventario de bienes, todo con lo cual se da cuenta del objetivo principal de este primer volumen : configurar un entramado en el que se puede identificar el incipiente y creciente desarrollo económico de Antioquia, desde principios de 1800 hasta los albores del siglo XX. Para tal efecto se establecieron vario criterios de selección documental. Primordialmente se hizo hincapié en la presentación de algunos documentos que dieran cuenta del origen de determinados procesos y acontecimientos económicos de esta región durante el mencionado siglo : el primer testamento, el primer cementerio privado, el primer banco, el primer ferrocarril, la primero locería, etc. Y como complemento de lo anterior se recopilaron otros materiales que ilustran diferentes intereses : presentar distintos momentos de un mismo proceso, significar un modelo específico de asociación, exponer modelos de riesgo, innovación y aprovechamiento de oportunidades, revelar aspectos concretos de la elite, entre otros. Todos los documentos, a excepción de cinco, hacen parte del desarrollo económico de Antioquia durante el siglo XIX. A guisa de justificación, en primer lugar se presentan las Ordenanzas Mineras de Gaspar de Rodas, documento que si bien fu expedido en 1587, para los efectos de este trabajo es considerado de magnífica importancia en cuanto ilustra la trascendente actividad y devenir de la economía minera en Antioquia. Seguidamente, se exponen los testamentos de Martín Delgado Jurado (1651) y el de Luis Martín Olarte (1665), integrados a este primer tomo por la importancia que representa la temprana presencia extrajera en la actividad minera, en el caso de Delgado, y el segundo por ser el primero y más antiguo testamento protocolizado en Medellín que se haya encontrado. Posteriormente, se registra la constitución de una sociedad minera en Buriticá (1777), consignada en este trabajo por ser la más antigua compañía por acciones de que se tenga noticia en Antioquia. Y por último, se agregó el testamento de Leocadio María Arango (1903), documento que trata de la vida de un importante hombre de negocios que vivió durante la mayor parte el siglo XIX y principios del XX, configurándose de ésta manera como el texto puente hacia el segundo tomo de esta colección : Antioquia industrial 1900-1920 ; Presentación general -- Ordenanzas de minería expedidas por Gaspar de Rodas, gobernador de Antioquia (Zaragoza, 1587.11.10) -- Testamento de Martín Delgado Jurado (Santafé de Antioquia, 1651.02.09) -- Testamento de Luis Martín de Olarte Jurado (Valle de Aburrá, 1665.10.29) -- Constitución de sociedad para experimento y explotación de una mina de veta en el Cerro de Buriticá (Medellín, 1777.03.15) -- Escritura de constitución de una compañía de transporte entre Felipe Barrientos, José María Santamaría y otros (Medellín, 1812.10.29) -- Escritura de constitución de la compañía de comercio de oro en Anorí entre Gabriel Echeverri y Rafael Restrepo (Medellín, 1834.01.02) -- Testamento de Lucas de Ochoa y Tirado (Envigado, 1834.07.17) -- Escritura de constitución de la sociedad de la mina "Guadalupe" entre José Antonio Barrientos, Pedro Uribe Restrepo y otros (Medellín, 1835.08.11) -- Contrato entre Ignacio Mejía y la Junta de Hacienda para conducción de tabacos de remolino y Nus a Rionegro, Yolombó y Santa Rosa (Medellín, 1840.09.15) -- Aseguro de contrato de arrieros para el trasporte de tabaco (Medellín, 1841.07.31) -- Escritura de constitución del Cementerio de San Pedro (Medellín, 1842.09.22) -- Contrato de compañía para el engorde de ganado entre Paula Uribe y Luis Ochoa (Medellín, 1844.04.26) -- Testamento de José Rodríguez Obeso (Medellín, 1844.09.30) -- Contrato de compañía de ceba y engorde de ganado entre Julián Vásquez C. y Marcelino Velilla (Medellín, 1849.10.15) -- Venta de minas de la sociedad de Nus a Carlos Segismundo de Greiff (1853.01.07) -- Contrato de compromiso de Pedro Antonio Restrepo con Powles, Wilson y Cía. (Medellín, 1853.05.10) -- Escritura de constitución de Restrepos y Cía. (1854.10.09) -- Escritura de constitución de Echeverri, Botero y Cía. (1854.10.10) -- Estatutos de la Sociedad Hacienda de Fundición de Titiribí (Medellín, 1854.12.04) -- Decreto concediendo privilegio exclusivo a Francisco Antonio Álvarez y Pascasio Uribe para establecer una ferrería en el Estado (Medellín, 1864.09.15) -- Escritura de constitución de la Compañía de Transportes de Islitas (Medellín, 1865.08.23) -- Escritura de contrato entre Antonio Mendoza, Braulio Posada y otros para transportar el correo de encomiendas (Medellín, 1865.11.06) -- Escritura de constitución del Banco de Antioquia (Medellín, 1872.11.16) -- Contrato entre el Estado Soberano de Antioquia y Francisco Javier Cisneros para la construcción del ferrocarril entre Puerto Berrío y Medellín (Medellín, 1874.02.14) -- Donación de Gabriel Echeverri a los semiindígenas Félix Tascón y otros (Medellín, 1874.11.13) -- Escritura de constitución del Banco Mercantil de Medellín (1875.01.05) -- Escritura de constitución de Rudecindo Echavarría e Hijo (Medellín, 1878.06.06) -- Escritura de constitución de la Compañía Cerámica Antioqueña (1881.08.13) -- Testamento de Gabriel Echeverri Escobar (Medellín, 1881.11.05) -- Escritura de constitución del Banco de Medellín (Medellín, 1881.12.15) -- Escritura de constitución del Banco Popular de Medellín (Medellín, 1882.09.21) -- Testamento de Mariano Ospina Rodríguez (Medellín, 1885.07.23) -- Constitución de Eduardo Uribe U. y Cía. (Medellín, 1887.02.17) -- Testamento de Julián Vásquez Calle e inventario de bienes de éste, María Antonia Barrientos y la sociedad conyugal entre ambos (Medellín, 1887.11.10) -- Términos de referencia del privilegio para fabricación, introducción y venta de hielo en Panamá concedido a José María Sierra Sierra (Bogotá, 1888.01.21) -- Escritura de constitución de Amador, Serna y Cía. (Medellín, 1893.12.13) -- Escritura de constitución de la Sociedad Antioqueña de Remates (Medellín, 1893.12.27) -- Testamento de Pablo Lalinde Gaviria (Medellín, 1894.02.13) -- Términos de referencia del privilegio para la explotación de salinas marítimas en la Costa Atlántica concedido a José María Sierra Sierra (Bogotá, 1896.07.10) -- Testamento de Teodomiro Llano (Medellín, 1897.08.03) -- Escritura de constitución de la Compañía de El Montañés (Medellín, 1897.08.17) -- Testamento de Leocadio María Arango (Medellín, 1903.03.05) ; 424 p.

Tutkin väitöskirjassani kolmea 1800-luvun loppupuolella Ruotsissa ja Suomessa tehtyä aloitetta aikuiskasvatuksen toteuttamiseksi. Tutkin hankkeiden merkitystä tarkastelemalla aloitteentekijöitä, heidän ideoitaan, uusien instituutioiden perustamis- ja vakiintumisprosesseja sekä instituutioiden luonnetta ja asemaa paikallisyhteisössä 1800-luvun lopulla ja 1900-luvun alussa. Tarkastelu valottaa, miksi kyseessä ollut aikuiskasvatus nousi tärkeäksi ja millaisia muutoksia se sai aikaan kasvatuksen sosiaalisissa käytännöissä. Aikakauden aikuiskasvatuskäytännöt muotoutuivat yksityisten ja paikallisten aloitteiden pohjalta ilman valtiollisen aikuiskoulutuspolitiikan vaikutusta. Kohteena onkin paikallistaso, Göteborgin ja Tampereen kaupungit. Tutkin uusia aikuiskasvatuksen käytäntöjä sosiaalisina innovaatioina ja hankkeita innovaatioprosesseina, jotka ulottuvat ideoista, motiiveista ja esikuvista lopputuloksiin. Tarkastelen uusien käytäntöjen syntyä ja muotoutumista aikakauden yhteiskunnallisessa, poliittisessa ja kulttuurisessa kontekstissa, ja lähestymistapa on vertaileva. Lähdemateriaalina on käytetty arkistokokoelmia, toimintakertomuksia, sanomalehtiä ja muita aikalaisjulkaisuja. Hankkeet olivat luonteeltaan vapaata sivistystyötä, tarkoituksenaan yleissivistävän ei-ammatillisen opetuksen tarjoaminen. Göteborgin vapaa akatemia oli vuonna 1864 esitelty suunnitelma, joka ei koskaan toteutunut tarkoitetussa muodossa. Yhtenä sen tuloksena oli kuitenkin käytäntö, jossa Göteborgin korkeakoulu otti tehtäväkseen järjestää yleisölle avoimia akateemisia luentoja. Vapaan akatemian ideaa ja luentotoimintaa ei ole aikaisemmin tarkasteltu aikuiskasvatuksen näkökulmasta. Göteborgin työväenopisto perustettiin vuonna 1883 huolehtimaan työväenopetuksesta kansantajuisten tieteellisten luentojen avulla ja aloite Tampereen työväenopiston perustamiseksi tehtiin ensimmäisen kerran 1890-luvun alussa. Vaikka työväenopistot ovat tunnettuja aikuiskasvatuksen instituutioita, niiden historiasta on tehty vain vähän tieteellistä tutkimusta. Tämä koskee etenkin Ruotsia. Toiminta aikuisten opetuksen aikaansaamiseksi merkitsi muutoksia ajattelutavoissa. Ymmärrettiin että muutkin kuin lapset ja nuoret tarvitsivat opetusta samoin kuin ymmärrettiin, että sitä tarvitsivat myös ne, jotka olivat jääneet koulutusjärjestelmän ulkopuolelle tai ne, joille järjestelmä tarjosi vain vähän mahdollisuuksia. Sen lisäksi aikuiskasvatusaloitteiden tekijät muotoilivat elinikäisen tai jatkuvan oppimisen ajatuksen idun. Näin ollen vapaan akatemian ja työväenopistojen suunnitelmia ei kehitelty pelkästään paikkaamaan koulujärjestelmän puutteita vaan myös luomaan täysin uudenlaisia käytäntöjä ja tarjoamaan sellaista, mihin olemassa olleet oppilaitokset eivät pystyneet. Hankkeet saivat alkunsa murrosaikana ja liittyivät modernisaation erilai- siin puoliin: kansalaisen roolin muutokseen, naisten ja työläisten oikeuksien nousemiseen ajankohtaisiksi kysymyksiksi, uskonnonvapauden tavoitteluun sekä tiedon merkityksen kasvamiseen yksilöiden ja yhteiskunnan elämässä. Aloitteiden tekijät pyrkivät vastaamaan kasvavien kaupunkiyhteiskuntien tar- peisiin sivistyksen keinoin; tarpeet ja ratkaisut tosin vaihtelivat sen mukaan mihin yhteiskuntaluokkaan kiinnitettiin huomiota. Murroksesta nousevat syyt, erilaisia kussakin hankkeessa, saivat heidät toimimaan mutta lisäksi heillä oli myös omia erityisiä motiivejaan ja odotuksiaan. Nämä motiivit ja päämäärät muokkasivat heidän ideoitaan ja vaikuttivat siihen, mistä malleja haettiin suunnitelmille. Prosessit, joiden myötä uudet aikuiskasvatuksen käytännöt saivat alkunsa ja institutionalisoituivat, heijastavat aikalaisten asenteita uusia ideoita kohtaan. Lopputulokset eivät olleet itsestään selviä, sillä vaihtoehtoisia malleja oli olemassa, suunnitelmat ja uudet käytännöt kohtasivat vaikeuksia ja alkuperäisiä ideoita muokattiin paikallisiin oloihin sopiviksi. Yksityisten kansalaisten aloitteellisuus sivistyslaitosten perustamiseksi omissa kotikaupungeissaan samoin kuin kaupunkien tarjoama rahoitus ja muu tuki kertovat paikallisen toiminnan merkityksestä aikuiskasvatuksen muotoutumisen varhaisvaiheessa. Uudet toiminnan muodot vaikuttivat kasvatuksen sosiaalisiin käytäntöihin lisäämällä mahdollisuuksia sivistyksen hankkimiseen ja laajentamalla sivistystyön vaikutuspiiriä. Ne tarjosivat tilaisuuden aikaisempaa säännöllisempään osallistumiseen, vaikka eivät tuottaneetkaan muodollisia pätevyyksiä, sekä houkuttelivat piiriinsä huomattavia määriä kaupunkilaisia. Ne myös toivat sivistyksen ja opetuksen piiriin ihmisiä, joilla oli vain lyhyt pohjakoulutus, ja tarjosivat täydentävää opetusta niille, joiden ei ollut aikaisemmin mahdollista hankkia uusien instituutioiden tarjoaman tiedon ja taidon kaltaista oppia. Naiset olivat tärkeä kohderyhmä ja muodostivat myös tosiasiassa merkittävän osan yleisöstä. Osallistujat eivät olleet pelkästään aikuisia, sillä työväenopistojen iltakurssit vetivät puoleensa myös työssä käyvää nuorisoa, jonka asema opiskelun kannalta oli samanlainen kuin aikuisten. Työläisille suunnattujen oppilaitosten kyky saavuttaa kohderyhmänsä on joskus kyseenalaistettu, mutta sekä Göteborgin että Tampereen työväenopistot onnistuivat siinä. Suunnitelma Göteborgin vapaasta akatemiasta osoittaa, että varhaisen aikuiskasvatuksen kohderyhmä ei aina ollut työväestö tai rahvas, sillä sen opetus oli suunnattu kaupungin porvaristolle. Tampereen työväenopiston tapaus osoittaa, että sen tarjoamalla opetuksella oli vaikutuksia aktiivisen kansalaisuuden edistämiseen, sillä se osaltaan valmensi opiskelijoitaan kansalaisyhteiskunnassa ja kunnallispolitiikassa ja -hallinnossa toimimiseen. Inhimillisen ja sosiaalisen pääoman käsitteiden pohjalta jaoin opiston mahdollistamat resurssit tieto- ja taitoresursseihin sekä sosiaalisiin resursseihin. Edellisiä karttui luennoista ja käytännöllistä opetusta tarjonneista kursseista; jälkimmäisiä muodostui osittain suunniteltujen opetusjärjestelyjen avulla mutta myös opiskelun sivutuotteena sekä opiston piirissä vietetystä seuraelämästä. ; This study explores three adult education initiatives originating in Sweden and Finland during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Their significance is analysed by scrutinizing the initiators and their ideas, the processes whereby the ideas became established practices, the nature of these practices or institutions and their role in the local community at the end of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth century. These analyses shed light on why the adult education at issue became important and what changes in social patterns of education the new practices brought about. The study focuses on the formative period of adult education prior to the era of governmental adult education policies. This period was characterized by private and local initiatives and thus the setting of the study is the local level, the Swedish city of Gothenburg and the Finnish city of Tampere. The new practices of adult education are regarded as social innovations and explored from the perspective of the innovation process, extending from the ideas, motives and models to the outcomes. The emergence and formation of the activities are examined in the social, political and cultural context of the period and the approach of the study is comparative. The sources consist of various archive materials, reports, newspapers and other publications. These three initiatives represented liberal adult education offering general, non-vocational education. Free Academy in Gothenburg was an adult education plan introduced in 1864. It was never implemented as envisaged but ultimately resulted in a practice whereby Gothenburg University College committed itself to organizing public lectures. The idea of Free Academy and the lecturing activities have not earlier been discussed in terms of adult education. The Gothenburg Workers' Institute was founded in 1883 to cater for workers' education in the form of popular scientific lectures and the initiative for the Tampere Workers' Institute was taken at the beginning of the 1890s. Although the workers' institutes are well-known institutions of adult education, very little scholarly research has been conducted on them, on the Swedish institutes in particular. Promoting the education of adults implied changes in contemporary thinking. It was recognized that children and adolescents were not the only ones needing education just as it was recognized that those outside the education system or those to whom this system had little to offer also needed education. In addition, the initiators raised an embryonic idea of continuing or lifelong education. Thus, the plans for Free Academy and the workers' institutes were not developed solely to compensate for the inadequacies of the education system but also to create entirely new educational practices and offer something the existing institutions could not. The initiatives originated in a period of transition and exemplified different aspects of modernization: the changing role of the citizen, the emerging questions of women's and workers' rights, the pursuit of religious freedom and the increasing importance of knowledge in the lives of individuals and society. The initiators attempted to meet the needs of expanding urban societies by means of education although the needs met and the solutions offered differed according to social class. Reasons arising from such transitions, different in each case, motivated the initiators but they also had more particular interests and expectations. Their motives and goals shaped their ideas and influenced their choices of models for their plans. This study also reveals how the processes whereby the adult education practices emerged and became institutionalized reflect the attitudes towards the initiatives and the esteem in which they were held. The outcomes were not self-evident as there were also other models, the plans and new institutions faced challenges and the original ideas were adapted to suit local conditions. The initiatives taken by private citizens to create institutions in their home towns and the essential role of local funding and other support indicate the significance of the action on local level for the formation of early adult education. The new practices influenced the social patterns of education by increasing educational opportunities and by extending the sphere of influence of education. They offered opportunities for more regular study, albeit not producing any qualifications, and attracted considerable numbers of townspeople. They extended the sphere of education to people who had short earlier schooling and offered further education to people who had previously lacked the opportunities for the kind of education the new institutions now offered. Women were both a target and an actual audience. Participants were not only adults; the workers' institutes with their evening courses also attracted young people in an adult-like position with regard to schooling due to their daily work. The ability of the educational institutions aimed at workers to reach their target group has sometimes been questioned but it is obvious that the Gothenburg and Tampere Workers' Institutes succeeded in this. The plan for Free Academy and the subsequent lecturing activities show that not all early adult education was intended for workers and the common people as in this case the target group was the local bourgeoisie. As regards the effects of adult education, the case of the Tampere Workers' Institute reveals that it contributed to active citizenship by preparing its students to act in civic society and in local government. Drawing on the ideas of human and social capital, the resources the institute could generate for them can be divided into knowledge and skills resources on the one hand, and social resources on the other. The former could be accumulated by attending lectures and practically oriented courses, the latter with the help of planned teaching arrangements but also as a by-product of educational and social activities.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY North Dakota has a long history of tobacco-related legislation dating back to the late 1800's, well before the formal organization of health advocates for tobacco control. Citizens of North Dakota recognized the negative health effects of tobacco smoke before most of the nation and made attempts to regulate the sale and use of tobacco products throughout the early 1900's. In 1913, the North Dakota legislature went as far as prohibiting the use of tobacco products in the state. However, all this early tobacco control legislation has since been repealed. From 1975-1983, clean indoor air legislation was introduced by legislators in North Dakota due to constituent requests and personal dislike of secondhand smoke exposure by some legislators. This legislation was consistently supported by GASP and the American Lung Association of North Dakota. These organizations were unable to pass strong clean indoor air legislation on their own. The mobilization of health advocates for tobacco control policy did not begin until the late 1980's when Dr. Stephen McDonough joined the State Health Department as the Head of the Preventive Health Section and Director of Maternal and Child Health. In 1985, Dr. McDonough joined forces with Marcie Andre of the North Dakota Lung Association to form the first tobacco control coalition in the state, Tobacco Free North Dakota. Tobacco Free North Dakota successfully brought together the State Health Department, voluntary health agencies, and other health organizations to work for tobacco control policy in the state. Tobacco Free North Dakota was in existence throughout the 1990's but became progressively less effective in promoting state level tobacco control policy due to increased tobacco industry involvement in state level politics. Through the efforts of Dr. McDonough and Tobacco Free North Dakota the first North Dakota state tobacco plan, "Tobacco, Health, and the Bottom Line" was developed in 1986. At the time the plan was one of only six that had been developed in the country. Through the leadership provided by McDonough, the active coalition of Tobacco Free North Dakota, and the well-developed plan tobacco control advocates were able to strengthen clean indoor air legislation (HB 1272) and pass a tobacco tax increase in 1987. The passage of clean indoor air legislation which required the designation of a smoking area in places of public assembly was similar to the 1975 Minnesota Clean Indoor Air Act which had been passed 12 years earlier. Although weak by 2004 standards and well behind Minnesota, HB 1272 strengthened clear indoor air law in North Dakota. The mobilization of health advocates for tobacco control led to an increase in tobacco industry involvement in state politics and subsequent decrease in state level tobacco control policy. The tobacco industry has built and strengthened networks of third party allies, including the Tobacco Wholesalers Association, North Dakota Grocers Association, ND Petroleum Marketers Association, North Dakota Retail Association, and the Greater North Dakota Association to fight the public battles against tobacco control policy allowing the tobacco industry to remain behind the scenes. Although the path of tobacco industry money in North Dakota is difficult to trace due to poor reporting requirements, piecing together reported political contributions, tobacco industry budgets, and media reports provides evidence that tobacco industry funds have influenced the political process in North Dakota. The tobacco industry successfully halted the passage of tobacco control policy at the state level. The only state level legislative successes for health advocates beyond the 1987 legislative session was the prevention of the passage of preemptive legislation supported by the tobacco industry. In the early 1990's tobacco control advocates recognized the stall in state level tobacco control policy due to the infiltration of the political process by the tobacco industry. Wisely, tobacco control leadership at the State Health Department including Dr. McDonough and Jeanne Prom, State Health Department Tobacco Prevention and Control Administrator(1992-2001), shifted the focus to local level politics where the force of the tobacco industry was less powerful. In 1992, the State Health Department began funding local public health units for coalition building and the passage of youth access ordinances. Local tobacco control policy flourished throughout the 1990's with a total of 38 youth access ordinances enacted. The most significant local policy success in North Dakota was the passage of a smokefree restaurant ordinance in Minot, North Dakota on April 2, 2001. The STAMP coalition with the leadership of Kelly Buettner-Schmidt working in collaboration with City Council members Andy Bertsch and Stephan Podrygula secured the passage of the ordinance by the Minot City Council. As has happened in many other states following first passage of a smoke-free restaurant ordinance (with undisclosed backing from the tobacco industry), four days after the passage of the ordinance a referendum was forced and the smoke-free ordinance was subsequently brought to a vote of the people. Due to the efforts of the STAMP coalition the ordinance was successfully upheld by a vote of the people and became effective January 1, 2002. On the state level, State Health Officer Murray Sagsveen, under the direction of Republican Governor Edward Schafer, set the stage for the allocation of minimal Master Settlement Agreement funds to tobacco control in North Dakota. Prior to the 1999 legislative session health advocates failed to effectively advocate for the allocation of the funds to tobacco control. Therefore, the Governor and legislature determined that only 10% of the funds would be directed to a Community Health Trust Fund. Prior to the 2001 legislative session health advocates lost the leadership previously provided by Dr. Stephen McDonough and Attorney General Heidi Heitkamp and did not unify behind a plan for the allocation of the funds in the Community Health Trust Fund. The determination of the implementing legislation was largely left to the legislature. However, health advocates did play a role in shaping the Community Health Grants Program. The Community Health Grants Program directed the funds in the Community Health Trust Fund to the local public health units where tobacco control advocates have traditionally been the most successful in North Dakota. In the late 1990's the tobacco control infrastructure built by Tobacco Free North Dakota in the late 1980's crumbled due to loss of leadership and an adverse environment for tobacco control within the State Health Department. In 2003, health advocates in North Dakota were in the process of rebuilding this infrastructure in order to move forward with state level tobacco control policy.

Für viele Deutsche war der russische Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine der Anlass, diesen zweitgrößten Flächenstaat Europas erstmals als Akteur in der europäischen Geschichte wahrzunehmen. Doch für die Ukrainer ist dieser Konflikt nur der vorläufige Höhepunkt in einer langen Reihe von Versuchen, ihr Land als selbstständiges Staatswesen auf die Landkarte zu bringen. Anna Veronika Wendland entfaltet in diesem Buch, so kenntnisreich wie thesenstark, das gesamte Panorama der ukrainischen Geschichte von den Anfängen im mittelalterlichen Kyjiw über die frühneuzeitlichen Staatsbildungsversuche bis hin zu den katastrophalen Erfahrungen des 20. und 21. Jahrhunderts. Kriege und Gewalt spielten in der immer wieder unterbrochenen Nationsbildung der Ukraine eine genauso prägende Rolle wie die friedlichen Phasen des Sich-Arrangierens mit den Nachbarn oder sogar des Profitierens von der Oberherrschaft des russländischen Imperiums oder der Sowjetunion. In diesem Wechselspiel entwickelten die Ukrainer ihre spezifischen Verfassungstraditionen und Freiheitsvorstellungen – und wurden so von einem Bauernvolk unter fremden Herren zu einer modernen, pluralistischen Industrienation, die sich heute ihrer Haut in einem Krieg gegen die Atommacht Russland erwehrt.

Mäen tutkimuksen pääkohde on se, kuinka vesiongelma ratkaistiin ja vesihallinto luotiin neljässä eteläafrikkalaisessa kaupungissa: Kapkaupungissa, Grahamstownissa, Durbanissa ja Johannesburgissa. Mäki selvittää vesihuollon sekä veden hankinnan ja viemäröinnin kehitystä, hallintotapoja sekä valittuja teknologisia ratkaisuja ja niiden vaikutusta kehitykseen. Vesihuollon ja kaupungistumisen muodostamaa ongelmakenttää tutkitaan ympäristöhistorian näkökulmasta pyrkien synteesiin siitä, miten veden ja terveyden ongelmat on ratkaistu tutkimuskohteissa. Tutkimuksen pääkysymys on, kuinka vesihuolto ja -hallinto ratkaistiin neljässä eri aikoina ja erilaisiin ympäristöihin perustetussa kaupungissa. Entä mitkä olivat tehtyjen ratkaisujen vaikutukset kaupunkikehitykseen ja ympäristöön? Valitut kaupungit edustavat erilaisia maantieteellisiä alueita, väestörakenteita, ja vielä 1800-luvun lopulla kolmea erillistä poliittista yksikköä. Mäen tutkimus valaisee omasta näkökulmastaan paikallishallinnon toimintaa ja sen kykyä vastata väestön tarpeisiin taistelussa kaupungistumisen ongelmia vastaan. Monissa Aasian ja Afrikan kaupungeissa kamppaillaan edelleen näiden samojen ongelmien kanssa. Rotukysymyksen ja sen vaikutusten pohtiminen muodostaa oman osa-alueensa Mäen tutkimuksessa. Erityisesti rotukysymys näkyy terveysongelmien kohdalla. Kaupungeissa esiintyi säännöllisesti vakavia epidemioita. Afrikkalaisten asuinalueita pidettiin tautipesäkkeinä, ja tätä käytettiin lääketieteellisenä perusteluna rotuerottelulle. Taudit eivät kuitenkaan suostuneet noudattamaan rotu- tai luokkarajoja, ja tämän vuoksi päädyttiin siihen, että afrikkalaisten terveydestä piti huolehtia valkoisten suojelemiseksi. Tämä tarkoitti useimmiten puhtaan juomaveden toimittamista afrikkalaisille. Tätä ongelmaa ei alueella ole vieläkään saatu ratkaistua; edellisestä vakavasta koleraepidemiasta Etelä-Afrikassa ei ole kovin monta vuotta. Mäen tutkimus pohjautuu laajaan ja monipuoliseen lähdeaineistoon, jonka rungon muodostavat arkistoaineiston rinnalla viranomaisten tuottamat erilaiset raportit ja suunnitelmat. Aikalaisnäkökulmaa oloihin ja ongelmiin on haettu paikallisista sanomalehdistä ja aikalaiskirjallisuudesta. Tutkimuksessa esitetään kokonaiskuva niistä eri tekijöistä, jotka vaikuttivat vesihuollon muotoutumiseen neljässä esimerkkikaupungissa ja merkitsee uutta avausta vähän käsitellyssä aiheessa Etelä-Afrikan urbanisoitumisen historian tutkimuksessa. Tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävimmiksi vesihuollon kehitystä määrittäviksi tekijöiksi nousevat väestönkasvu, kuntatalouden rajoitukset, rotuasenteet sekä alan ammattilaisten eli kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien rooli. Voimakkaan väestönkasvun aiheuttamat paineet näkyivät kolmessa neljästä esimerkkitapauksesta jatkuvana tarpeena lisätä tarjolla olevan veden määrää sekä myöhemmin tarpeena saada näin lisääntyneet jätevedet kuljetettua pois. Kuntatalous aiheutti rajoituksia siihen, mitä suunnitelmia pystyttiin toteuttamaan ja milloin. Selkeimmin tämä näkyi Grahamstownissa, jossa vesiviemäröinti kyettiin toteuttamaan vasta 1930-luvulla. Myös rotuasenteet vaikuttivat vesi- ja jätevesihuollon infrastruktuurin kehittymiseen kaupungeissa. Infrastruktuuri levisi ensiksi valkoisten asuttamille alueille ja vasta sen jälkeen, jos sittenkään, muille alueille. Vaikka varsinkin mustien katsottiin levittävän erilaisia tautiepidemioita, niin heidän asuinolojensa parantamista ei katsottu tarpeelliseksi. Varsin yleisesti oli vallalla käsitys, etteivät mustat käsittäneet nykyaikaisen hygienian vaatimuksia. Tämän vuoksi pidettiin oleellisena siirtää heidät pois valkoisten asuinalueiden läheltä, jotta kaupunkikuva parantuisi. Myös kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien asemalla oli tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävä vaikutus vesihuollon kehitykseen. Grahamstownissa näiden kunnallisten virkamiesten vaikutusvalta oli varsin olematon verrattuna kaupunginhallitukseen, kun taas vastaavasti Durbanissa kaupungininsinööri sai läpi lähes kaikki esityksensä. Samoin oli tilanne Johannesburgissa 1900-luvun alussa: kaupunginlääkärin asema oli niin vahva, ettei hänen näkemyksiään sivuutettu. Kaiken kaikkiaan Etelä-Afrikan tilannetta 1800-luvun lopulla voidaan verrata nykyiseen tilanteeseen. Alueelle saapui siirtolaisia Euroopasta ja Aasiasta sekä mustia työn perässä maaseudulta kaupunkeihin. Tämä kaupungistuminen aiheutti paineita infrastruktuurista vastaaville viranomaisille. Taloja ja teitä piti rakentaa sekä tuottaa palveluita, joista tärkeimpiä olivat vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut. Samoin nykyisessä Etelä-Afrikassa kaupungit kasvavat muualta Afrikasta tulevista siirtolaisista ja köyhistä maalaisista, jotka muuttavat paremman elämän toivossa kaupunkeihin. Viranomaisten ongelmat ovat edelleen samat kuin sata vuotta sitten, eli toimivan infrastruktuurin rakentaminen ja tarvittavien palveluiden takaaminen. Ajat ovat muuttuneet, mutta nykyään vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut nähdään yleisesti ihmisen perustarpeina. Historia ei välttämättä toista itseään, mutta silti on mahdollista oppia siitä mitä on tapahtunut aiemmin, varsinkin tehdyistä virheistä. Johannesburgin vesihuollosta vuoteen 1905 vastanneen yhtiön pitäisi olla varoittava esimerkki niille, jotka vaativat yksityistämistä ratkaisuksi vesihuollon ongelmiin. Etelä-Afrikan kaltaisessa maassa, jossa vettä ei ole tuhlattavaksi asti, on erityisen tärkeää ymmärtää miten nykyiseen tilanteeseen on tultu. ; As society has developed the importance of the clean water and the removal of the wastewater has increased. At the same time it has become a point of dispute between various actors. In a more general level, water has also a civilising role; both running water and water closet has been already long considered as an indispensable condition for modern society. Water is perhaps the most important natural substance in our daily life. It is a fundamental prerequisite for working of a human body, without it we would dry up and perish. Without it the surrounding world would loose its vitality. Water, however, is a commodity that is scantily available, only 0,644 per cent of the water in Earth s surface layer is in liquid form and from this 99 per cent is under the surface. Water is difficult to obtain, especially in drier parts of Africa. In case of South Africa consciousness of the lack of water and its general scarcity are forcing the government to pay increasingly attention to more careful water consumption and distribution. United Nations had said that the lack of clean drinking water and shortages in sanitation are the biggest problem in the world at the moment. The main objective of this research is how the water related problems and the creation of the water management was solved in four South African towns, Cape Town, Grahamstown, Durban, and Johannesburg. In this research the development of the water supply and acquisition and sewerage, the patterns of governance, and the technological choices made and their impacts are studied. The field of the water supply and urbanization is studied from the viewpoint of the environmental history at the same time aiming to the synthesis of how the problems of the water and the health were solved. The main question of this study is: How was the water supply and governance solved in these four cities, which were established in different time periods and in different environments? What were the effects of the decisions made for the city development and the environment? In the section on water management, I examine the question that is still today critical in many developing countries, namely: Should water supply and management be a private or public enterprise? There are examples of both approaches in the four cities that form the focus of this study. Why, for example, did Johannesburg end up with a partially private company? The examination of the race question and its effects would be a sub-field of its own. The issue of race is the most visible in health questions. There were serious epidemics in the towns regularly. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Africans were considered the carriers of disease. This perception was then used as a major reason to justify the policy of segregation. Diseases, however, did not follow racial or class divisions. Because of this, the conclusion was that to protect Whites they also had to take, at least minimal, care of the health of the Africans. This required delivery of clean drinking water to all the inhabitants. This problem is still partly unsolved. There still are cholera outbreaks in South Africa; for instance 2000 2001 in Kwazulu-Natal and 2003 2004 in Mpumalanga. These case cities were selected because they are situated in different spatial localities. They also have diverse local ethnic compositions. Moreover, in historical terms they were subject to different systems of political governance in local, colonial and national contexts. Cape Town is the oldest European-style urban node in South Africa. The first iron water pipes and taps were installed as early as 1811. Grahamstown was founded in 1812 as a military camp. Being situated inland, its problems with water management differed from those in the Cape Town. Durban was established in 1824 as Port Natal in the eastern coast of South Africa, where the acquisition of water was not a problem. Johannesburg is the youngest of the case cities. It suddenly sprung up in the South African Republic after the first gold discoveries in the early 1880s. Its multi-cultural inhabitants and location, 70 kilometres, from the nearest major river, posed a unique challenge to water supply services. This comparative study of how these cities solved their water supply and related environmental and health problems illustrates the working of municipal administrations and their abilities to respond to the needs of citizens in the battle against the problems of urbanization. In many Asian and African towns, they are still facing the same problems that the cities selected for this research experienced when they were building their water supply. Obviously today, South Africa is an advanced country when considering the effectiveness of water supply and the quality of water; you can drink tap water, which is not the case in most other countries. The research is based on wide and many-sided source material, the core of which is based on archival material and different plans and reports of officials. There is also contemporary viewpoint based on local newspapers and contemporary literature. The research presents an over-all picture of the various factors that influenced the development of water supply in four case cities in South Africa. It is, also, a new opening in a little research area of South African urban history. Based on the research, population growth, the limitations of municipal financing, racial attitudes, and the role of local professionals, town engineers and medical officers of health, are the most important factors in the development of water supply. The pressures of strong population growth can be seen in three cases as a constant need to augment the amount of delivered water, and later as a need to get rid of increasing amounts of waste water. Municipal financing put limitations to what plans could be realised and when. This can be seen most clearly in Grahamstown. For instance, waterborne sewerage system could be built there only in 1830s. Racial attitudes influenced the development of the water supply and sewerage infrastructure in the citi! es. At first the infrastructure was built in the areas inhabited by the whites, and only later, if even then, in the other areas. Although it was a common assumption that the black were spreading various diseases, it was not thought necessary to improve their housing conditions. It was a quite common assumption that the blacks could not understand the necessities of a modern hygiene. Because of this the essential method for improving the city view was the removal of the blacks from the neighbourhood of the white areas. Also the status of town engineers and medical officers of health had an important impact on the development of the water supply according to this research. In Grahamstown their influence was quite nonexistent compared to the influence of the city council. In Durban the town engineer got nearly all his plans approved. In Johannesburg in the early 20th century the position of the local medical officer of health was so strong that his opinions could not be bypassed. All-in-all, the situation in South Africa in the late 19th century can be compared to the current situation. Cities in South Africa were growing with immigrants coming from Europe and Asia and with Africans moving into cities for work. This urbanization process put many pressures on the municipal officials responsible for the city infrastructure. More houses and roads had to be built, different kinds of services had to be offered amongst which water and sanitary services were of vital importance. In South Africa today cities are growing with immigrants coming from neighbouring countries and with poor people seeking a better life than can be achieved from the countryside. The problems the city officials are still facing are identical, the building of a working infrastructure and the guarantee to provide the needed services. The times had been changing but nowadays water and proper sanitary services are recognized universally as basic human necessities. History does not necessarily repeat itself but at least it is possible to learn from what has happened earlier and learn from these mistakes. The example of the Johannesburg Waterworks Company, for example, should be a warning to those demanding privatization as a solution for problems related to water supply. In a water scarce country such as South Africa, it is particularly important to understand the history of their water supply.

The purpose of the article is to discuss punishments of kürek, i.e., penal servitude on the galleys, and forced labor at the Imperial Arsenal (Tersâne-i Amire), imposed on Jewish men by kadis and Ottoman governors during the 16th-19th centuries in the Ottoman Empire. The kürek (lit. "oar") punishment was inflicted for serious crimes, e.g., adultery, heresy, prostitution, and coin-clipping, as well as other grave offenses for which the Shari'ah/Kanon prescribed the death penalty. At times it was also administered for lesser crimes. We learn that this punishment was administered particularly when the Ottoman navy needed more working hands, mainly after the Battle of Lepanto in October 1571 and during the campaign for the conquest of Crete in the 1660s. This punishment was meted out mainly to Jewish offenders from Istanbul and Izmir. The article discusses the execution of these punishments in light of many sources and draws conclusions in the light of extensive research literature. 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Väitöskirjassa tarkastellaan kansanmusiikin tallentamiseen ja keräämiseen liittyviä ideologioita ja arvovalintoja 1900-luvun alusta 1970-luvulle saakka. Tutkimuksen kohteena on kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen tärkeimmän sotienjälkeisen auktoriteetin, tutkijan ja tallentajan Erkki Ala-Könnin (1911–1996) toiminta. Keskeinen tutkimuskäsite ovat metodologinen nationalismi, kansallinen katse, jolla viitataan tapaan rakentaa käsitystä suomalaisesta kansanmusiikista. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan, miten kansakunnan rakentaminen ja kansallinen katse ohjasivat keruutoimintaa, ja minkälaisia metodologisen nationalismin muotoja arkistokokoelmien keruuseen liittyi. Tutkimuksen näkökulma on oppihistoriallinen; tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan, miten kansanmusiikin keruutyö asettui osaksi musiikkitieteen ja kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen oppiaineiden painopisteitä. Erkki Ala-Könnin toiminta nivoutui näiden oppialojen kehittymiseen, ja Ala-Könnin tavalla määritellä kansanmusiikkia on ollut merkittäviä ja edelleen vaikuttavia seurauksia monin tavoin. Se on vaikuttanut muun muassa arkistokokoelmien sisältöihin, kansanmusiikin tutkimukseen, Yleisradion ohjelmapolitiikkaan ja kansanmusiikkitapahtumiin. Tutkimuksen aikarajaus, vuodet 1941–1974, kattaa Ala-Könnin uran hänen ensimmäisestä kansanmusiikin keruumatkastaan professorin arvonimen saamiseen saakka. Tutkittavalla ajanjaksolla kansanmusiikin tutkimus kuului niin sanottuihin kansallisiin tieteisiin, jotka käsittivät myös kotimaisten kielten ja suomen sukukielten, kotimaisen kirjallisuuden, kansatieteen ja folkloristiikan tutkimuksen. Nämä oppialat joutuivat ristipaineeseen sen suhteen, mitä käsitykset kansasta ja kansakunnasta pitivät sisällään ja mitä ne sulkivat ulkopuolelleen. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostuu haastatteluaineistoista ja Erkki Ala-Könnin keräämien äänitallenteiden sisällysluetteloista. Näitä tarkastellaan laadullisin ja tilastollisin menetelmin. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan kansalliseen katseeseen liittyneitä ihanteita ja kansan käsitteen määrittelyjä toisen tasavallan Suomessa, jolla tarkoitetaan sotien jälkeistä aikaa. Toisen tasavallan Suomen osalta nojataan Pertti Alasuutarin (1996) jaotteluun: moraalitalouden vaiheeseen (sotien jälkeisestä ajasta 1960-luvun puoliväliin) ja suunnittelutalouden vaiheeseen (1960-luvun lopulta 1980-luvun alkupuolelle). Ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana 1917–1944 keruutyöstä vastasivat pääasiassa Ala-Könnin opettajat ja esikuvat, kaksi jälkimmäistä vaihetta ajoittuvat toisen tasavallan Suomeen, eli Ala- Könnin aktiivisen työuran ajalle. Perinteen keräämistä ja tallentamista leimasivat Suomessa 1800-luvulta aina sotien jälkeiseen aikaan asti ihanteet, joissa luku- ja kirjoitustaidoton kansa kuvattiin sivistyneistöön nähden alemmalle tasolle. Ala-Könni noudatti tätä näkemystä aina 1960- luvulle asti ja korosti kansanmusiikin esittäjien nuotinlukutaidottomuutta. Tutkijoiden ja tallentajien mielenkiinto kohdistui ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana itään, mutta sotien jälkeen Itä-Karjala jäi uusien rajojen taakse, ja Ala-Könni kohdensi keruu- työnsä 1940- ja 1950-luvuilla monien muiden perinnetieteiden kentällä toimineiden tutkijoiden tavoin varsinkin Etelä- ja Keski-Pohjanmaalle, talonpoikaiseen Suomeen. Kokoelmat rakensivat kansasta varsin yhtenäistä kuvaa, mutta todellisuudessa kansa ei kuitenkaan ollut 1940-luvun Suomessa niin eheää kuin kokoelmat antavat ymmärtää. Jo yksin sisällissotaa koskeva muistitieto jakoi kansaa kahteen eri leiriin. Ala-Könnin näkemykset muuttuivat ja talonpoikaisen idyllin ihanne alkoi murtua siinä vaiheessa, kun hän aloitti neuvottelut kokoelmiensa siirrosta osaksi Tampereen Yhteiskunnallista Korkeakoulua ennen 1960-luvun puoliväliä. Tähän vaikuttivat Yhteiskunnallisen Korkeakoulun ja sittemmin Tampereen yliopiston sisällä painottuneet sosiologiset virtaukset. Erityisesti nuoremman ikäpolven sosiologit painottivat ristiriitojen tunnistamista osana yhteiskunnallisten ongelmien ratkaisua. Tämä oli selkeä sysäys, jonka myötä Ala-Könnin keruutyö laajeni kaupunkeihin ja huomioi myös sisällissodan molempien osapuolten tulkinnat. Kansanperinteen laitos perustettiin vuonna 1965, ja laitoksen johtajana Ala-Könni järjesteli useita kuntakeruita ympäri Suomen. Valtion kunnille myöntämä aluepoliittinen tuki mahdollisti keruumatkojen kustantamisen ja paikallismuseoiden perustamisen, mitä Ala-Könnin toiminta osaltaan edisti. Keruiden suosion rinnalla yhtenä 1960-luvun lopun uusista yhteiskunnal- lisista ja kulttuurisista liikkeistä nousi myös kansanmusiikkiliike, joka pyrki muun muassa vakiinnuttamaan kansanmusiikin tutkimuksen. Poliittisena tukipylväänä kansan- musiikkiliikkeelle oli Keskustapuolue, jonka ideologisista päämääristä alueellinen hajasijoittaminen ja maaseudun puolesta puhuminen sopivat myös kansanmusiikkiliikkeen päämääriin. Kun kansallinen katse määrittyi vielä ensimmäisen tasavallan aikana poliittisen oikeiston suunnasta, siirtyi se sodan jälkeen kohti poliittista keskustaa. Kansanmusiikkiliikkeen vahvistuessa Ala-Könni ryhtyi myös tukemaan uuden kansanmusiikin sovitus- ja sävellystyötä, mikä mursi aiempaa erontekoa kansan ja sivistyneistön välille. Tilanne ei kuitenkaan ollut edelleenkään joka suhteessa tasa-arvoinen, mikä arkistokokoelmissa näkyy erityisesti naisten, alkuperäisväestön ja vähemmistöjen asemaa tarkasteltaessa. Näitä ryhmiä koskevaa tallennettua aineistoa on vähän, eikä suhtautumista voi pitää nykymittapuilla kulttuurisensitiivisenä. Kansallisen katseen eri kehitysvaiheiden hahmottaminen auttaa Ala-Könnin keräämien aineistojen luonteen ymmärtämistä, niihin liittyvien valintojen tekemistä näkyväksi sekä metodologisen nationalismin osuutta suomalaisessa (kansan)musiikin- tutkimuksessa. Ala-Könnin tallentamia arkistonauhoitteita hyödynnetään aktiivisesti niin tieteellisessä kuin taiteellisessa tutkimuksessa yhä tänä päivänä. Arkistot tarjoavat tärkeää ja ainutkertaista lähdemateriaalia, mutta hankalampaa voi olla hahmottaa, mitä arkistoihin on tallennettu valikoiden tai jätetty tallentamatta. Tutkimuksessani pyrin tuomaan esiin myös näitä arkistojen hiljaisuuksia ja uusia tapoja tarkastella arkistokokoelmia, jotta hiljaisuudet pääsevät paremmin esiin. ; This doctoral dissertation explores the ideologies and guiding principles for the col- lection of traditional folk music in Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century until the 1970s. It focuses on the work of folk music scholar and collector Erkki Ala-Könni (1911–1996), who was a leading authority on Finnish folk music research. It takes its analytical stance from the concept of methodological nationalism, adopting a national gaze to scrutinise how the concept of Finnish folk music was con- structed. The analysis concentrates on how nation-building and a national gaze guided data collection practices and what characteristics of methodological nationalism were involved in the collection of archive materials in Finland. The study is situated within a framework of intellectual history: it examines how the collecting of traditional Finnish folk music was emphasised as a part of musicology and folk music research. Ala-Könni's work intertwined with the development of these disciplines and his conceptualizations about folk music have had a lasting im- pact. For example, they have affected archive collections, folk music research, the music policy of the Finnish Broadcasting Company and folk music events. This study addresses the period from 1941 to 1974, covering Ala-Könni's early career, from his first fieldwork until he received the title of professor. During this period, folk music research was a part of the so-called national disciplines, which also encompassed research on domestic and Finno-Ugric languages, Finnish literature, ethnology and folkloristics. These disciplines were soon in a state of cross-pressure in terms of what the concepts of folk and nation included and excluded. The sources used for this dissertation include interviews and lists of contents for audio recordings compiled by Ala-Könni, which are subjected to qualitative and statistical analyses, respectively. The analyses illuminate the changing ideological foundations of the national gaze and how the definitions of Finnish folk were set during the time that historian Pertti Alasuutari (1996) calls the second republic of Finland. Alasuutari further divides this period into the stage of moral economy (from the end of the Second World War until the mid-1960s) and the stage of planned economy (from the late 1960s until the early 1980s). During the period of the first republic (from 1917, when Finland gained independence, to 1944), the collection work was mainly carried out by Ala-Könni's teachers and mentors, while the two stages comprising the second republic of Finland coincided with his active professional career. From the 19th century until the end of the Second World War, ethnographic collection practices were characterised by ideals that portrayed the illiterate population as inferior compared to the intelligentsia. Ala-Könni followed this view by pointing out musical illiteracy of traditional folk music performers. During the first republic, ethnographers were mainly interested in East Finnish traditions. However, this emphasis shifted when Finnish Eastern Karelia was ceded to the Soviet Union after the Continuation War (1941–1944). Along with many other researchers, Ala- Könni redirected his fieldwork in the 1940s and 1950s to Western Finland, in particular the land-owning rural population of Southern and Central Ostrobothnia. These collection interests gave an image of an apparent coherent population. In reality, however, the population of Finland during the 1940s was not as homogenous as the collections might imply. For example, oral histories relaying the Finnish Civil War separate the population into two camps. The analysis shows that Ala-Könni's views changed over time and that the ideal of a rural idyll started to crumble in the early 1960s, when he began negotiations on transferring his collections to Tampere School of Social Sciences ( Tampereen Yhteiskunnallinen Korkeakoulu , soon thereafter renamed the University of Tampere). This change was driven by sociological trends favoured within the school. In particular, the younger generation of sociologists stressed that acknowledging conflicts should be part of the solution to social problems. This was a clear impetus for Ala- Könni to expand his fieldwork to urban areas and to take both parties of the Finnish Civil War into account. The Department of Folk Tradition was established in 1965, and as head of the department, Ala-Könni organised several fieldwork courses to municipalities all around Finland. Regional policy support, as granted to the municipalities by the State, allowed for the financing of these trips and the establishment of local museums, to which Ala-Könni's activities also contributed. As collecting folk tradition rose in popularity, new movements emerged in the late 1960s, including a folk music movement aimed at establishing the discipline of folk music re- search. A politically supportive structure for this was the Centre Party of Finland, whose objectives of promoting an ideology of regional decentralisation and rural advocacy were in line with the aims of the folk music movement. While the national gaze during the first republic of Finland was highly influenced by the political right, after the war, it was increasingly determined from the political centre. As the folk music movement gained momentum, Ala-Könni supported the work of musical composition and arrangement in contemporary folk music, which tore down the earlier division between the ordinary Finnish people and the intelligentsia. Circumstances, however, were still not equal, and the archive collections show this, especially in examining the status of women, indigenous people and minorities. The amount of the archive material related to these groups is relatively small and, from a contemporary point of view, the attitudes represented cannot be understood as culturally sensitive. Understanding the various stages of the Finnish national gaze is useful for com- prehending the nature of the materials Ala-Könni collected and the role of methodological nationalism in Finnish (folk) music research. The audio samples he recorded are still actively worked with to this day in both academic and artistic research. This dissertation also stresses the importance of studying not only what the archives contain but also how the materials in the collections were chosen and what was left out. Thus, these archival silences, as well as new ways to examine collections so that these silences can be better represented, are also highlighted in this study.

In this thesis I explore the links and co-production between science and politics in Namaqualand through answering three research questions: 1. To what extent have landscapes in Namaqualand changed during the last 66 years (1939-2005), and how have different land uses contributed to the state of present landscapes? 2. How have science and policy influenced each other in the formation of local planning initiatives during the land reform process in Namaqualand? 3. In what ways do politics and land tenure models influence ecological science concerning communal land management in southern African dryland areas? Land degradation has been a recurrent theme in environmental research. Widespread erosion, overgrazing and desertification presumably caused by African smallholders have been a key concern by policymakers and development agencies for more than a century. This degradation orthodoxy is partly based on equilibrium models in ecological science and partly on modernization theories of land tenure and commercialization of agriculture. Both the equilibrium model and the focus on private land tenure have met considerable critique in Southern Africa and in Africa in general. Critics argue that dryland areas are ecologically unstable and unpredictable and therefore do not fit the equilibrium model. Further, they argue that privatization of land and limitations of grazing animals will marginalize the poorer farmers and lead to more poverty in rural areas, without contributing to more sustainable grazing areas. Still however, equilibriumbased thinking continues to influence African land and environmental policies. This project was carried out in Namaqualand, South Africa where, like in the rest of South Africa, apartheid policy brought about segregation between colored and white farmers, creating a dual agricultural system. The colored population was enclosed in small reserves, while white farmers gradually formed large farms that were later fenced. This unequal distribution of land and resources has continued until today and forms the background for the land reform process that started in 1994. The thesis is a case study of the development of knowledge about environmental change in Namaqualand. It discusses the politicized production and application of science and in doing so the thesis combines the approaches of Political Ecology and Science and Technology Studies. This thesis contributes to the existing body of literature in the following ways: The first paper combines data on land cover changes in Concordia (a communal area in Namaqualand), in a neighboring private farm and in a neighboring nature reserve, with data on the history of land use in the area. The article combines repeat photography covering a period of 66 years with interviews with local farmers on land use history and the authors find that vegetation has changed negligibly in the communal area studied over the 66-year period. While cultivation in the communal areas probably changed the landscape considerably, this change happened prior to the time period studied. In the neighboring private farm, as well as in the nature reserve, vegetation cover and species composition have recovered considerably since 1939. Thus rather than a degradation process in the communal area, we uncover a regeneration in the private farm and the nature reserve, following destocking subsidies and subsequent conservation. The second paper documents how the notion of carrying capacity was employed in a management plan developed as part of the land reform policy process in Concordia. Initially, the notion of carrying capacity was used by communal farmers to challenge the current distribution of land and the dominating idea that communal farming inherently led to degradation. Eventually, however, the concept contributed to depoliticize rangeland policy by rendering the relationship between land and livestock a question of numbers and not a question of how much land communal farmers have access to. The third paper discusses the use of photography in fenceline contrast studies within ecological science. Fence-line contrast study is a methodology used in ecology to compare to areas (divided by a fence). This way one may assume that other conditions are equal and that difference in management practice can explain visible differences found. Based on two cases from Namibia and Southern Africa, the article substantiates that fenceline contrast photographs are more than an objective representation of landscape difference. Rather, they function as models that relate ecological dynamics to presumptions of land tenure and management. The message implied in using such photographs is that communal tenure inherently leads to overgrazing and, hence, to the degradation of pastures, while private tenure results in healthy rangelands. This is a message that echoes the degradation orthodoxy, and the fenceline contrast photographs thus contribute to the current pressure on communal land tenure, even thought the data as such do not support such a pessimistic view. The overall argument of this thesis is that science and politics are intrinsically linked and coproduced, both in political processes and in the production of scientific knowledge. While the findings of the first article questions general assumptions of the validity of the degradation orthodoxy in Namaqualand, the second and the third articles show how degradation orthodoxy still influences both policy processes and science production. Thus, in order to open up for other influences and new and more fitting ecological models in policy and science, change must happen at different levels of the process of knowledge production and policy formation. ; I denne avhandlingen undersøker jeg forbindelsen og samproduksjonen mellom politikk og vitenskap i Namaqualand i Sør Afrika. Avhandlingen tar utgangspunkt i tre forskningsspørsmål: 1) I hvilken grad har landskapet i Namaqualand endret seg fra 1939 til 2005, og hvordan har ulik bruk av påvirket landskapet? 2) Hvordan påvirker vitenskap og politikk hverandre når lokale plandokumenter for beiteallmenninger skal utformes i forbindelse med jordreformprosessen i Namaqualand? 3) På hvilke måter påvirker politiske modeller for organisering av eiendom den økologiske forskningen i beiteallmenninger i det sørlige Afrika? Jordforringelse har vært et tilbakevendende tema i miljøforskningen i Afrika. Politikere, byråkrater, forskere og utviklingsorganisasjoner har trukket en sammenheng mellom fattige bønders praksis og det de har tolket som utbredt erosjon, overbeite og forørkning. I Sør-Afrika er denne oppfatningen delvis basert på likevektsmodeller innen økologien og delvis på moderniseringsteorier innen samfunnsvitenskapene. Både likevektsmodellene og fokuset på privat eierskap har møtt betydelig motstand blant forskere de siste tiårene. Kritikerne hevder at tørrlandsområder har en ustabil og uforutsigbar økologisk dynamikk, og at likevektsmodellene ikke gjenspeiler det som skjer på bakken. Følgelig mener forskere at privatisering og begrensninger i dyretall marginaliserer fattige bønder og fører til mer fattigdom på landsbygda, uten at man vet om det vil føre til en mer bærekraftig utnyttelse av beiteområdene. På tross av disse advarslene dominerer likevektstankegangen afrikansk miljø- og landbrukspolitikk. Avhandlingen bygger på et feltarbeid i Namaqualand i Sør Afrika. Dette området er i likhet med resten av Sør-Afrika merket av kolonitiden og senere av apartheidtiden. Skillet mellom fargede og hvite har ført til en todeling i landbruket. Gjennom 1800 og 1900-tallet tok settlerbøndene kontroll over mer og mer av jorda til lokale gjetere og beitefolk. De fargede bøndene ble henvist til små reservater, mens hvite settlerbønder gradvis dannet større farmer som seinere ble gjerdet inn. Denne ujevne fordelingen av jord og ressurser har fortsatt fram til i dag, og er bakgrunnen for jordreformprosessen som startet i 1994. Denne avhandlingen er en case-studie av samproduksjonen mellom politikk og økologisk vitenskap i Namaqualand. Avhandlingen diskuterer den politiserte bruken og produksjonen av vitenskap og kombinerer dermed innsikter fra politisk økologi med vitenskaps- og teknologistudier. Avhandlingen er et bidrag til den eksisterende litteraturen på følgende måter: Den første artikkelen tar utgangspunkt i data om endringer i vegetasjonsdekket i allmenningen Concordia, på en tilgrensende privat farm og på et naturreservat. Disse dataene sammenliknes med data på tidligere bruk av området. I artikkelen bruker vi gamle og nye landskapsfotografier fra en periode på 66 år. De vi finner i fotografiene analyserer vi sammen med intervjuer med lokale allmenningsbønder og farmere om den historiske bruken av området. I studien fant vi en tendens som er helt motsatt av den myndighetene har advart mot. Myndighetene har fryktet at hard bruk av allmenningen vil føre til uopprettelige skader. Men på den tilgrensende farmen og i naturreservatet viser det seg at vegetasjonen er fortettet og at artssammensetningen er gjenvunnet i løpet av disse 66 årene. Dette har skjedd som følge av apartheidstatens subsidier for å kutte dyretall på farmen på 1970-tallet og det påfølgende vernet av naturreservatet. Dermed kan ikke forskjellen i vegetasjonsdekket i beiteallmenningen på den ene siden og den private farmen og naturreservatet på den andre tilskrives forringelse i allmenningen, men en regenerering og fortetting av vegetasjonen på farmen og i naturreservatet. Dette viser for det første at en slik regenerering er mulig, og for det andre at vegetasjonen i allmenningen holder seg stabil. Den andre artikkelen dokumenterer hvordan begrepet 'bæreevne' ble brukt i en planleggingsprosess i Concordia som var en del av jordreformprosessen i Sør-Afrika. Til å begynne med ble begrepet bæreevne brukt av organisasjonen som organiserte jordreformen i Namaqualand (Surplus People Project) til å vise myndighetene at den skeive fordelingen av jord hverken var økologisk eller økonomisk bærekraftig. Begrepet ble innarbeidet i forvaltningsplanene og i beiteforskriftene, og etter at omfordelingen av jorda var avsluttet fikk bæreevnebegrepet en ny funksjon. Nå bidro 'bæreevne'-begrepet til å avpolitisere beitepolitikken ved at god forvaltning ble redusert til et spørsmål om hvor mange dyr man har på beitet og at diskusjonen om hvor mye land de fattige bøndene burde ha tilgang til ble dysset ned. Den tredje artikkelen diskuterer bruken av fotografier i gjerdekontrast-studier i økologiske akademiske tidsskrifter. Gjerdekontrast-studier er en metode brukt i økologi for å sammenlikne to områder (delt med et gjerde). Basert på to caser, en studie fra Namibia og en fra Sør-Afrika, hevder jeg at gjerdekontrast-fotografier er mer enn en objektiv representasjon av forskjeller i landskap. Like viktig er at de fungerer som modeller som relaterer økologisk dynamikk til forestillinger om at privat eierskap er det mest fordelaktige for enkeltbønders økonomi og for miljøet. Disse modellene er ikke uttalt i artiklene som er studert, men budskapet som bildene uttrykker er at felleseie av beiter i seg selv fører til overbeite og dermed til beiteforringelse, mens privat eierskap medfører en mer bærekraftig bruk. Dette er et budskap som har klangbunn i de store fortellingene om degradering og allmenning som myndighetene i Sør-Afrika og Namibia har forfektet i over hundre år. Dermed bidrar bildebruken og fortolkningen av bildene til et politisk press på allmenningen som organisasjonsform, selv om dataene i artiklene ikke tegner et så dystert bilde. Det overordnede argumentet i denne avhandlingen er at vitenskap og politikk er nøye sammenvevd, både i politiske prosesser og i produksjon av vitenskap. Funnene i den første artikkelen stiller spørsmål ved den generelle oppfatningen av forringelse av beitelandet i Namaqualand. Den andre artikkelen viser at den gamle forestillingen om degradering av almenningsområdene fortsatt påvirker politikk og vitenskap. Den tredje artikkelen viser at oppfatningene om at allmenningsbeite er skadelig lever videre gjennom bruk og fortolkning av gjerdekontrastfotografier. For å åpne opp for økologiske ikke-likevektsmodeller i politikk, og for nye tanker om hva som er bærekraftig organisering av eiendom, må dermed forandringer skje på forskjellige nivåer i politikkutforming og vitenskapsproduksjon. ; Nansenfondet : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Kanakapur-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the Microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 433 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 98 per cent is covered by soil, one per cent by rock out crops and one per cent by water bodies, settlements and others and 150cm) soils.  About 10 per cent is sandy (loamy sand), 62 per cent loamy (sandy loam and sandy clay loam) and 27 per cent has clayey (sandy clay) soils at the surface.  About 55 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200mm/m) in available water capacity.  An area of about 4 per cent has nearly level (0-1%), 90 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands and 4 per cent has gently sloping lands (3-5%).  An area of about 51 per cent is slightly eroded (e1), 44 per cent is moderately eroded (e2) and 3 per cent is severely eroded.  An area of about 47 per cent is slightly acid (pH6.0-6.5) 41 per cent has neutral (pH 6.5 to 7.3) soils, 10 per cent slightly alkaline (pH 7.3 to 7.8) and 0.75%) in 2 per cent area of the microwatershed.  Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in 76 per cent and high (>57 kg/ha) in 23 per cent of the soils.  Available potassium is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in an entire area of the soils.  Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in 49 per cent of the area.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in 9 per cent of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire area.  The land suitability for 28 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (class S1) and moderately suitable (class S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price, and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 95(22) 82 (19) Pomegranate 32(7) 187(20) Maize 42 (10) 135 (31) Guava 1(<1) 163(38) Bajra 77(18) 190(44) Jackfruit 32(7) 131(30) Redgram 30(7) 103 (24) Jamun 29(7) 167(39) Bengal gram 53(12) 112(26) Musambi 85(20) 134(31) Groundnut 19(4) 316 (73) Lime 85(20) 134(31) Sunflower 83 (19) 61 (14) Cashew 13(3) 153(35) Cotton 82(19) 84(19) Custard apple 130(30) 296(68) Chilli 56(13) 47(11) Amla 77(18) 349 (81) Tomato 56(13) 47(11) Tamarind 29(7) 59(14) Drumstick 32(7) 268(62) Marigold 41(9) 136(32) Mulberry 32(7) 347(80) Chrysanthemum 41(9) 136 (32) Mango 29(7) 6(2) Jasmine 41(9) 80(19) Sapota 32(7) 131(30) Crossandra 41(9) 104(24) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 6 identified LUCs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation and drainage line treatment plans have been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 91 (55.15%) men and 74 (44.85%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 6.5, marginal farmers' was 4.2, small farmers' was 5.45, semi medium farmers' was 6.29 and medium farmers' was 6.  The data indicated that, 28 (16.97%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 72 (43.64%) were in 16-35 years of age, 47 (28.48%) were in 36-60 years of age and 18 (10.91 %) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Kanakapur-1 had 30.30 per cent illiterates, 35.15 per cent of them had primary school education, 2.42 per cent of them had middle school education, 10.30 per cent of them had high school education, 11.52 per cent of them had PUC education, 1.21 per cent of them did ITI, 4.85 per cent of them had degree education and 2 persons were doing masters.  The results indicate that, 87.10 per cent of households practicing agriculture, 9.68 per cent of the households were agricultural laborers and 3.23 per cent were in government service.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 18.18 per cent of the household members, 46.67 per cent were agricultural laborers, 0.61 per cent were in government service, 1.82 per cent were in private service, 27.88 per cent were students, 3.03 per cent were housewives and 1.82 per cent were children.  The results show that 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 38.71 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 48.39 per cent of the households possess Katcha house and 16.13 per cent of them possess pucca house.  The results shows that 96.77 per cent of the households possess TV, 83.87 per cent of the households possess mixer grinder, 25.81 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 38.71 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 3.23 per cent of the households possess refrigerator and 97.14 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results shows that the average value of television was Rs.4300, mixer grinder was Rs.1800, motor cycle was Rs.28214, mobile phone was Rs.1435, bicycle was Rs.1222 and refrigerator was Rs.15000.  About 22.58 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 29.03 per cent of them possess plough, 6.45 per cent of them possess tractor, 38.71 per cent of them posses sprayer, 93.55 per cent of them possess weeder, 3.23 per cent of them possess harvester and 3.23 per cent of them possess thresher. 2  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.15400, plough was Rs.1900, the average value of tractor was Rs. 250000, the average value of sprayer was Rs.1064, the average value of harvester was Rs.3500, thresher was Rs.50000 and the average value of weeder Rs.40.  The results indicate that, 29.03 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 12.90 per cent of the households possess local cow and 3.23 per cent of the households possess buffalo.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.71, average own labour (women) available was 1.65, average hired labour (men) available was 6.74 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.39.  The results indicate that, 96.77 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Kanakapur-1 micro watershed possess 22.29 ha (38.40%) of dry land and 35.76 ha (61.60%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 273633 and average value of irrigated was Rs. 392264.  The results indicate that, there were 9 functioning and 11 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 29.03 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 22.71 meters.  The results indicate that, semi medium and medium farmers had irrigated area of 7.50 ha and 2.02 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown maize (16.5 ha), bajra (9.5 ha), cotton (2.63 ha), groundnut (4.63 ha), navane (0.81 ha), sesamum (0.81 ha), sorghum (0.81 ha), sunflower (0.88 ha), tomato (2.11 ha) and Bengal gram (0.73 ha).  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Kanakapur-1 micro watershed was found to be 86.25 per cent.  The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of the households have bank account and 38.71 per cent of the households have savings.  The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 23916. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26575.54. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. 2659.54, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.11. 3  The total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 24282.12. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 23280.87. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -1001.25. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.96.  The total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 36079.54. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 35197.50. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. -882.04. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.98.  The total cost of cultivation for bengalgram was Rs. 24352.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 70110. The net income from bengalgram cultivation was Rs. 45757.21. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.88.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 36632.92. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 45304.12. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 8671.21. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.24.  The total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 35183.37. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67306.06. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 32122.69. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.91.  The total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 36338.34. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 111921.87. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 75583.53. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.08.  The total cost of cultivation for navane was Rs. 18748.01. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 36309. The net income from navane cultivation was Rs. 17560.99. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.94.  The total cost of cultivation for sesamum was Rs. 27478.47. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24700. The net income from sesamum cultivation was Rs. -2778.47. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.9.  The results indicate that, 6.45 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 9.68 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate. Around 12.90 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate.  The results indicate that the average annual gross income was Rs.30000 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs.60810, for small farmers it was Rs.100354, for semi medium farmers it was Rs.98328, and for medium farmers it was Rs.105000.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 7730. For landless households it was Rs.7500, for marginal farmers it was Rs 2405, for small farmers it was Rs. 8834, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 7632, and for medium farmers it was Rs. 50000.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 18 coconut and 3 mango trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 3 teak trees, 71 neem trees and 3 tamarind trees in their field and 3 neem trees in their backyard. 4  The results indicated that, bajra, chilly, groundnut, ladies finger, mango, paddy, tomato were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Maize was sold to the extent of 93.38 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 100 per cent of the famers have sold their produce in regulated markets. But some farmers also sold their produce in cooperative marketing society.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households have used tractor as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce, but 12.90 per cent have also used cart.  The results indicated that, 51.61 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 90.32 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 16.13 per cent of the households adopted field bunding and 3.23 per cent have adopted summer ploughing.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households who have adopted field bunding opined that they require full replacement of the structure.  The results indicated that, government was the main agency that was involved in constructing soil conservation structures in the micro watershed.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 38.71 per cent of the households and bore well was the source of drinking water for 61.29 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, 87.10 per cent used fire wood and 12.90 per cent of the households used LPG.  The results indicated that, Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 32.26 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of the landless, 30 per cent of the marginal, 18.18 per cent of the small, 28.57 per cent of the semi medium and 100 per cent of the medium farmers.  The results indicated that, 87.10 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 3.23 per cent of the households possessed APL card and 9.68 per cent did not possess PDS card.  The results indicated that, 51.43 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 38.71 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 6.45 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 12.90 per cent, fruits were adequate for 22.58 per cent, milk was adequate for 16.13 per cent, eggs were adequate for 16.13 per cent and meat was adequate for 9.68 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, cereals were inadequate for 3.23 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 54.84 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate 5 for 77.42 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 58.06 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 35.48 per cent, milk was inadequate for 35.48 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 61.29 per cent and meat was inadequate for 3.23 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 83.87 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (48.39%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (41.94%), inadequacy of irrigation water (12.90%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (25.81%), high rate of interest on credit (3.23%), low price for the agricultural commodities (25.81%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (22.58%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (45.16%), less rainfall (29.03%) inadequate extension services (16.13%) and source of agri technology information (12.90). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Riassunto della Tesi di Emebet Molla Demisea L'immigrazione dall'Africa sub sahariana verso l'Italia La tesi analizza alcuni aspetti dei flussi migratori dall' Africa Sub Sahariana che spostano verso l'Italia. I migranti sub sahariani utilizzano diversi percorsi: via terra, mare e aerea per raggiungere le loro destinazioni prima in Nord Africa e poi in Europa. Le politiche di immigrazione sempre più restrittive dell'UE hanno portato i migranti ad una crescente dipendenza dalle vie terrestri. Infatti, molti migranti sub sahariani per arrivare in Europa via mare devono attraversare prima il deserto del Sahara. Questo deserto unisce l'Africa sahariana ai Paesi del Maghreb, è in particolare, luogo di transito dei migranti economici (provenienti dall'Africa occidentale) e dei richiedenti asilo (in gran parte del Corno d'Africa). Però, la traversata del Sahara è colma di pericoli: per sperare di avere una possibilità di giungere alla meta, i migranti sono costretti ad affidarsi a organizzazioni criminali che gestiscono il passaggio da un confine all'altro. Le rotte verso l'Italia sono varie ma possiamo citare le tre più interessanti: la prima rotta è quella che parte da Dakar ( Senegal) attraversa il Niger seguendo l'antico tragitto carovaniero che passa per Agadez, Dirkou e Madama per arrivare in Libia e poi per proseguire a Lampedusa. Questa rotta è stata percorsa anche dal giornalista Fabrizio Gatti, egli nel suo libro Bilal narra così: ad ogni città di transito i passeggeri vengono derubati e spesso picchiati violentemente dalle forze armate per estorcergli denaro: oltre al costo del viaggio già enorme, si aggiungono, le c.d. pesanti tangenti. L'impossibilità per alcuni migranti di aver sufficienti risorse per superare le varie stazioni di sosta crea il fenomeno delle cosiddette "oasi degli schiavi": luoghi in cui i migranti rimangono bloccati e non possono neanche a ritornare nel loro paese d'origine. Per non morire di fame lavorano gratis. Solo dopo mesi di fatica il padrone gli lascia andare, pagando finalmente il biglietto per la Libia . La seconda via è quella che raduna gli immigranti provenienti dall'Africa occidentale attraversa lo stato del Mali per arrivare in Algeria e poi per giungere in Sardegna; in questa via da Agadez la rotta migratoria si biforca in due direzioni: verso nord-est all'oasi di Sebha (attraverso l'oasi di Dirkou) e verso nord-ovest a Tammanrasset nel sud dell'Algeria. Nella Libia meridionale dall'oasi di Sebha i migranti riprendono la loro strada verso Tripoli e altre città costiere, per poi imbarcarsi in piccole barche direte verso Lampedusa, e anche Sardegna. La terza rotta è percorsa dai migranti originari del Corno d'Africa (eritrei, etiopi somali e sudanesi) che attraversano il Sudan per raggiungere il deserto Libico, passando per le oasi di Kufrah. Il biglietto si acquista nei mercati di Khartoum. Da lì si parte sui fuoristrada pick-up che trasportano una media di trenta persone. Il viaggio per la Libia salvo imprevisti dura un paio di settimane. Arrivati in Libia, vengono venduti dai trafficanti sudanesi ai loro "colleghi" libici. La Libia ha tradizionalmente gestito la forza lavoro immigrata secondo il modello condiviso dagli altri stati arabi oil-rentier, aprendo all'immigrazione, ma chiudendo ogni forma d'integrazione e di stabilizzazione ai lavoratori stranieri. La politica panafricanista di Gheddafi negli anni '90 spingeva i lavoratori provenienti dal territorio sub sahariano a venire a lavorare in Libia. Una volta arrivati in Libia, però le speranze di una vita migliore per i rifugiati e i migranti vengono indebolite. Essi vivono in un clima di paura, perché temono di esser trattenuti indefinitamente in campi e in centri di detenzione sovraffollati, e rimpatriati, dove li aspettano persecuzioni e torture. I campi sono la forma per confinare chi non appartiene a quell'ordine statuale. Di campi sono disseminati tutti i paesi confinanti con l'area di Shengen: dalla Polonia alla Romania, dalla Bulgaria alla Libia i migranti non assimilabili o non desiderabili sono rinchiusi in spazi senza diritti. I primi campi furono costruiti nelle varie colonie d'oltremare: in Cuba, Sudafrica, Namibia e Libia. E' proprio nelle colonie che nasce l'idea di un'umanità in eccesso da riterritorializzare. I centri di detenzione per i migranti irregolari in Libia sono costruiti per trattenere gli stranieri che entrano illegalmente nel territorio libico, e per quelli che sono espulsi dall'Europa. Alcuni centri sono costruiti con finanziamento dell'Italia e altri con finanziamento dell'Unione Europea. I centri di detenzione più noti: El-Fellah, Misuratah, Zeliten, Kufrah, Sebha questi ultimi 3 centri invece sono stati finanziati dall'Italia. Vediamo come sono costruiti ed organizzati alcuni di questi centri di detenzione. Il centro detenzione di El-Fellah è collocato nel cuore di Tripoli. Un carcere blindato, sorvegliato da uomini armati, Intorno a un cortile sale una struttura quadrata su due piani e un seminterrato. Su ogni piano 6 camerati senza porte, suddivise ciascuna in 8 celle di 5 metri per 3. Porte di ferro, finestre alte e sbarrate. In questo centro finiscono gli immigrati clandestini sorpresi in territorio libico; anche quelli sbarcati a Lampedusa e rispediti "in Libia". In questo luogo soldi, preziosi e telefonini vengono confiscati prima dell'arresto dai poliziotti. Qui gli stranieri sono nudi, e sono spogliati tutto quello che avevano con sé. Il centro di detenzione di Kufrah, è si trova in pieno deserto al confine con il Sudan. Questo luogo è uno dei punti più sensibili per lo smistamento dei clandestini. In passato, ha rappresentato uno snodo importante per le carovane di mercanti che arrivavano dal Ciad per raggiungere la costa mediterranea. Attualmente a Kufrah giungono soprattutto i migranti irregolari che partono dai paesi del Corno d'Africa. In questo luogo vengono internati sia migranti alla loro entrata nel paese che quando stanno per essere deportati al di là dei confini di terra con il Sudan e l'Egitto. La struttura Misuratah invece è chiamata "campo", addirittura "campo profughi", perché qui finiscono in maggioranza i respinti dall'Italia. Questa struttura è divenuta anche un centro specializzato prevalentemente per rifugiati e richiedenti asilo eritrei ed altri individui di interesse per l'Unhcr. I clandestini vengono trattenuti per oltre 3 anni. A differenza di quanto avviene in altre località meno controllate, al "campo" di Misratha dal 2007 ha accesso la delegazione Unhcr e la sua organizzazione. Zleitan si trova vicino a Tripoli, in questo luogo i trafficanti di esseri umani hanno modificato le rotte della traversata per evitare il controllo congiunto italo-libico. Invece venire direttamente in Italia prima vanno verso le coste greche, e voltano in direzione della Sicilia allungano il tempo e i rischi della navigazione. Il centro di detenzione di Zleitan situato nell'omonimo porto a est di Tripoli, dove vengono portati alcuni dei migranti che non riescono a partire. Infine Zuwara città portuale e noto punto di partenza dei migranti, confine con la Tunisia, è un centro della tratta di essere umani. Il centro detenzione di Zwara è uno dei posti dove vengono portati i migranti dei barconi respinti dall' Italia a partire dal maggio 2009. Tutti questi non sono centri di detenzione sono veri carceri. Spesso sono vecchi magazzini adibiti alla funzione detentiva e sorvegliati dalla polizia. Per quanto riguarda le situazioni delle donne nei centri di detenzione è terrificante; ragazze stuprate e giovani donne picchiate, umiliate sotto gli occhi dei mariti. Per avere un'idea di quanti siano i bambini e i ragazzi a passare per la detenzione basti pensare che solo nel 2011 sono sbarcati a Lampedusa quasi 4.500 ragazzini non accompagnati. Per loro la fuga e il rischio della morte in mare è sempre meglio dell'incubo di una vita in Libia. Si può affermare che i flussi migratori tra l'Africa sub sahariana e la Libia hanno contribuito a modificare la geografia del Sahara. Le città nelle quali i migranti fanno tappa come Agadez, Kufrah e Sebha hanno conosciuto lo sviluppo di un'economia di transito che è diventata anche il motore dello sviluppo locale. Sono dunque tre gli aspetti sotto i quali le migrazioni contribuiscono alla trasformazione dello spazio sahariano modellato dallo Stato: quello dell'ambiente abitativo, quello delle attività economiche e quello della costruzione di un'identità urbana. Negli anni '90, i flussi migratori africani hanno messo in discussione il riferimento spaziale del Sahara, così come quello etnico e religioso, e la relazione diretta tra emigrazione dal Sahel e immigrazione in Libia. Questa dicotomia si riflette in modo evidente nei paesaggi urbani: sono moltiplicati i villaggi di rifugiati alla periferia delle città del Sahara libico, i villaggi sono travolti dal rapido sviluppo dell'edilizia abitativa informale . I modelli abitativi prevalenti sono tre: il 1° è " ksar": antichi villaggi fortificati e abbandonati. Grazie a questi immigrati sub sahariani in villaggi si assiste la ripopolazione dei paesi; il 2° modello è quello che consiste nel vivere sul luogo di lavoro; il 3° i "ghetti" sono oltre che degli alloggi, anche dei luoghi dove ritrovare dei connazionali che potranno facilitare l'inserimento dei nuovi arrivi in Libia. Per la sua posizione geografica, l'Italia rappresenta uno dei punti d'ingresso in Europa per la migrazione africana. Le partenze si concentrano lungo le coste tra Zuwarah e Tripoli. Si può affermare che l'Italia è un ponte "fisico" fra Europa e Africa piazzato nel mezzo del Mediterraneo. Questo mare viene attraversato su imbarcazioni di fortuna: vecchi pescherecci, gommoni stracariche. Il viaggio dalla Libia a Lampedusa che, potrebbe durare poco più di un giorno e può prolungarsi per diverse settimane. Le tre principali fasi del traffico di migranti per mare: la raccolta dei migranti; il carico e viaggio per mare; lo sbarco ed eventuale proseguimento del viaggio. Sebbene esistano viaggi auto organizzati dagli stessi migranti, la maggior parte delle partenze è controllata da alcune organizzazioni, ognuna dei quali si occupa del passaggio d'una frontiera. Ogni nazionalità ha i suoi connection man, che mettono in contatto il candidato all'emigrazione clandestina con il passeur e con la rete di persone che lo ospiterà e lo trasporterà al luogo d'imbarco. Sconti particolari vengono fatti a chi si offre volontario per guidare le imbarcazioni, e spesso affidate a capitani senza nessuna esperienza di mare. Anche per questo aumentano le vittime nel Mar Mediterraneo. Attraversare il mare rappresenta l'unica via per tentare la salvezza. Prendere il mare può vuol dire andare a ingrossare le fila delle quasi 20.000 vittime che giacciono sui fondali del Mediterraneo. Il 2014 si conferma l'anno più mortale di sempre con 4.077 vittime accertate nel mondo di cui 3.072 nel "Mediterraneo ". La maggior parte delle persone decedute (30%) è di origine sub sahariana. Ma il mar Mediterraneo detiene anche un altro primato, perché il 75% di tutti i decessi avvenuti nel globo durante il 2014, sono stati contati qui. L'Italia, uno tra gli Stati membri dell'Unione Europea che ha passato da paese di emigrazione a paese di immigrazione. Dalla metà degli anni '80 alla metà degli '90 seguì la fase che potremmo dire dell'emergenza. Negli anni '90 si aprì una fase di approfondimento che, dopo un percorso tormentato, portò all'approvazione di una legge organica sull'immigrazione detta legge Turco-Napoletano (1998). Proprio con questa legge venne proposta anche la creazione dei Cpt (Centri di Permanenza Temporanea per gli stranieri). Che cosa sono questi centri? Per "centri di detenzione" sono quelle strutture che stabili o improvvisate nell'emergenza, sono spazi racchiusi all'interno di un confine materiale (mura, filo spinato, sbarre). Ciò che differenzia questi luoghi dalle istituzioni penali è soprattutto il loro aspetto amministrativo. Sono luoghi in cui le persone vengono internate sulla base di ciò che sono, della loro nazionalità del paese da cui provengono, del loro status di migranti, rifugiati, e in generale viaggiatori non autorizzati. I Centri di Permanenza Temporanea (CPT) furono creati per custodire gli stranieri clandestini in attesa di identificazione e di espulsione. Innanzitutto espellere uno straniero non è una faccenda semplice: ci sono questioni di carattere normativo: l'accompagnamento alla frontiera è una misura limitativa della libertà personale. Vi sono poi difficoltà economiche: rimpatriare i clandestini ha costi non uguale, e poi l'espulsione comporta notevoli difficoltà relative alla riammissione dei migranti nei loro paesi di origine., I Cpt prima di diventare luoghi di detenzione, erano appunto dei centri di accoglienza. Nel 1998 il governo italiano istituiva i CPTA (Centri di Permanenza Temporanea e Assistenza) nei quali lo straniero, per il quale non poteva essere eseguita immediatamente l'espulsione, doveva essere trattenuto il tempo strettamente necessario ai fini dell'espulsione (massimo 20 giorni) più eventuali altri 10 giorni, nella imminenza del rimpatrio. Il primo Centro ad essere istituito è il "Serraino Vulpitta" di Trapani, a cui ne seguono altri in Sicilia, in Puglia e nel resto d'Italia, a Milano, Torino, Trieste. Gli edifici sono dislocati per lo più in zone periferiche, circondati spesso da alti muri e dotati di sbarre, recinti e filo spinati, somigliano alla tradizionale "prigione. Attualmente il sistema dei centri di accoglienza e detenzione per stranieri è costituito da: CPSA (Centri di Primo Soccorso e Accoglienza); CDA (Centri D'Accoglienza); CARA (Centri di Accoglienza per Richiedenti Asilo) e CIE (Centri di Identificazione ed Espulsione). Se analizziamo 1 dei questi centri come sono organizzati e costruiti, il CDA di Lampedusa è un emblematico ha l'aspetto di un vero carcere: filo spinato corre lungo il perimetro del Centro, Polizia ed Esercito ne controllano i confini. I CARA sono strutture istituite nel 2008 con il decreto legge 25/2008 dove viene inviato lo straniero richiedente asilo privo di documenti di riconoscimento. I CARA derivano dai CDI (Centri di Identificazione) Gli stranieri accolti in questi Centri si trovano in una condizione "semi-detentiva" in quanto possono lasciare le strutture durante il giorno, ma devono farvi ritorno per la notte. I CARA e i CDA, con dimensioni enormi, si trovano in zone periferiche, isolati dal resto del territorio e circondati da poderose recinzioni, assumendo facilmente la connotazione di "luoghi speciali". Da un punto di vista strutturale, la funzione di contenimento e sorveglianza appare spesso predominante rispetto a quella dell'accoglienza. I centri che assolvono entrambe le funzioni di CDA e CARA sono: Bari Palese, Area aeroportuale, Brindisi, Loc. Restinco, Caltanissetta, Contrada Pian del Lago ecc.). A Caltanissetta c'e anche il CIE che si trova a Contrada Pian del Lago a circa 6–7 Km dal centro abitato. Il centro polifunzionale CDA/CARA/CIE può accogliere 552 persone in totale, mentre il CIE ha una capienza massima di 96 posti. Le nazionalità più rappresentate sono in genere Tunisia, Marocco, Nigeria ed Algeria. Per quanto riguarda i CIE prima denominati centri di permanenza temporanea (CPT), sono strutture previste dalla legge Bossi-Fini istituite per trattenere gli stranieri "sottoposti a provvedimenti di espulsione e o di respingimento. Il funzionamento dei CIE è di competenza del Prefetto, che affida i servizi di gestione della struttura a soggetti privati, responsabili del rapporto con i detenuti e del funzionamento materiale del centro. Vediamo come sono costruiti e gestiti alcuni Cie in Italia: il centro di espulsione di Torino era in funzione dal 1999. Si trovava nell'area di una vecchia caserma del genio ferroviario, tra Corso Brunelleschi e via Santa Maria Mazzarello. Dal maggio del 2008, i container del vecchio centro erano stati rottamati e sostituiti da 3 sezioni in muratura appositamente progettati per la detenzione. 2 erano per gli uomini e 1 per le donne, ogni sezione consisteva in un area recintata da gabbie metalliche alte 6 metri. Mentre il Cie di Modena è aperto nel novembre del 2002, nasce dopo una vergognosa campagna di raccolta di firme che identifica i "clandestini" dai delinquenti. Inoltre, il Cie di Modena era 1dei centri a 5 stelle. La struttura fu costruita a fianco del carcere, dall'esterno aveva l'aspetto di un albergo su 2 piani. Niente filo spinato, niente mura di cinta. Pero, dal suo funzionamento si è verificato nel tempo numerosi problemi tra i quali l'utilizzo del CIE come contenitore di ex carcerati stranieri insieme a semplici persone irregolari, infiniti casi di autolesionismo fino ad arrivare ai gravissimi episodi dei suicidi. L'Italia ha un rapporto particolare con la Libia, derivante dal periodo coloniale (gli anni 20 del novecento) in cui migliaia di italiani si trasferirono lì per avviare delle attività soprattutto riguardanti l'agricoltura e le attività imprenditoriali. Dopo la rimozione nell'embargo, l'Italia e la Libia avevano terminato un primo accordo nell'estate del 2000 contro terrorismo, criminalità organizzata, traffico di droga e immigrazione illegale. Il trattato più articolato è quello del 30 agosto 2008 siglato a Bengasi, dall'ex premier Berlusconi e Gheddafi con il c.d. "Trattato di amicizia, partenariato e cooperazione" che mette la parola fine al contenzioso sul passato coloniale italiano in Tripolitania e Cirenaica e apre un'epoca di cooperazione in campo economico soprattutto energetico e di lotta all'immigrazione clandestina. Il trattato di amicizia del 2008 prevede 4 punti sulla mutua cooperazione nel contrasto all'immigrazione: il pattugliamento congiunto in acque libiche, l'intercettamento in alto mare, il finanziamento di un sistema di controllo libico, un sistema congiunto di individuazione dei migranti con rader e satellite. L'intesa bilaterale quella è firmata nel 2007 rappresenta un tentativo di esternalizzare le procedure di detenzione amministrativa e rimpatrio anche alla luce del sovraffollamento del centro di identificazione ed espulsione di Lampedusa. L'esternalizzazione dell'asilo è un tipo di politiche migratorie attuate dai paesi dell'Unione europea consistente nella creazione dei centri per l'esame delle domande di asilo sia nei paesi di transito che nei paesi di origine. In tali strutture dovrebbero essere indotti a fermarsi i profughi prima ancora di raggiungere l'UE, ma rinviati anche quelli che erano già entrati in Europa a chiedere asilo. Inoltre l'esternalizzazione della politica europea d'asilo e d'immigrazione può essere suddivisa in due tendenze principali. L'UE avverte l'esigenza, da un lato, di "delocalizzare" al di fuori del suo territorio; e dall'altro, di far ricadere sui paesi terzi, mediante trasferimento delle responsabilità. Si può affermare che la Libia è parte integrante del sistema europeo di esternalizzazione dei controlli di frontiera per impedire gli arrivi dei migranti in UE. Alla luce di quando detto sin'ora, si può affermare che Lampedusa è diventata peggio di Ellis Island, i trafficanti di uomini del 21° secolo sono più spietati dei negrieri del 1700. La porta più meridionale d'Italia e d'Europa da anni accoglie barconi carichi di disperati. Tutti provengono dalla Libia dopo viaggi della speranza durante i quali vivono in condizioni peggiori dei migranti del 1800 e 1900 che sono partiti per America e persino degli schiavi neri portati via dall'Africa . Di loro si sapeva in quanti sono partiti, ma di immigrati di oggi che vengano via mare dall'Africa si sa poco. Il lavoro comprende anche delle interviste telefonica che ho fatto ad alcuni migranti sub sahariani, ho registrato le esperienze che avevano avuto durante la traversata del deserto del Sahara e del Mediterraneo: il loro viaggio per arrivare in Italia non è stata facile, infatti il racconto di John di origine nigeriano mi ha toccato:" il mare fa meno paura del deserto. Se hai superato il deserto del Sahara rimanendo vivo, è già grande cose. Prendere il largo a bordo di una qualsiasi imbarcazione è il segnale che stai per farcela perché il peggio è ormai alle spalle, che ti sei lasciato l'inferno libico. Il passaggio in mare non è certo una cosa facile. Un immigrato clandestino è costretto anche a bere acqua salata, l'esposizione continua al sole lo sfianca. Ma per me arrivare a Lampedusa era come arrivare alla terra promessa". Bisogna valutare quali prospettive dovrebbero mutare, in ambito europeo, italiano, libico ed africano, per evitare le continue stragi nel Mediterraneo durante le disperate traversate.

Reseña de C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993. [C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, New York, 1956]Se ha dicho que dentro de las diferentes disciplinas de las Ciencias Sociales es posible distinguir dos tipos de investigadores o "productores de conocimiento": el científico social y el pensador normativo. El primero, abundante en exceso, cumple el rol de generar o ajustar teorías para que sean funcionales a los intereses y estructuras de poder imperantes en una determinada sociedad. El segundo, notoriamente más escaso, se lanza a la cruzada de demoler los esquemas existentes que atan el avance del conocimiento científico y busca abrir campos de debate, de progreso en la realidad cotidiana de una sociedad. C. Wright Mills (1916-1962) es un fiel ejemplo de éste último tipo. Desde sus escritos sociológicos, fue el exponente intelectual principal del liberalismo radical o progresista de las décadas de los '40 y los '50. Batalló contra el nuevo liberalismo de David Truman, Daniel Bell, Seymour Martin Lipset, Charles Frankel, Richard Hofstadter e incluso Reinhold Niebuhr (1); rebeló la inutilidad del behaviourismo de Lloyd Warner y la innecesaria parsimonia de la teoría sistémica de Talcott Parsons.(2) Más significativo aún, llamó la atención sobre las características sociológicas más perversas de los Estados Unidos tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, denunciando lo que nadie denunciaba, desde un lenguaje legible por todos. Esquivó las formalidades y abandonó la neutralidad política propia del mundo académico de su época. Su agudo pensamiento sociológico se volvió praxis política a favor de sus valores e ideales, a favor de la "liberación del hombre a través de su razón".Sus raíces intelectuales se nutrieron fundamentalmente de la obra de Max Weber, seguido por Thorsten Veblen y en un tercer plano, Karl Marx (si bien Mills se autodescartó como marxista), Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca y Emile Durkheim. Por ello es que partió en sus estudios desde la visión sociológica tradicional, aquella que analiza a un sistema sociocultural desde su totalidad y en la que poseen centralidad conceptos tales como "poder", "instituciones", "clase social", "élite", "capitalismo", "racionalidad" y "burocracia", entre otros. Con estas herramientas, Mills logró radiografiar la división del trabajo interna de los Estados Unidos. Lo hizo a través de una trilogía: The New Men of Power (1948), donde analiza a las clases trabajadoras en el contexto del New Deal, White Collar (1951) donde explora a las clases medias y sus crecientes vinculaciones con el corporativismo, y The Power Elite (1956), la obra que en esta oportunidad nos congrega, donde aborda los "altos círculos" de la sociedad estadounidense. De acuerdo a Irving Horowitz, su biógrafo y crítico, estas tres obras "ayudaron a definir la literatura crítica sobre la composición de clases en Norteamérica y revelaron definitivamente a Mills como un académico de primer nivel". (3) IIEl libro La Élite del Poder reintroduce y vigoriza como nunca antes la teoría elitista del poder, en desmedro de la teoría pluralista y de la teoría marxista. A tal fin se basta de quince capítulos donde se interrelacionan temáticas que de otra manera estarían alejadas entre sí. Su tesis central es la existencia en los Estados Unidos de una élite que controla y comanda los recursos de las grandes instituciones burocráticas o "dominios" sobre los que se asienta la sociedad industrial. Estas instituciones son tres: la economía, el aparato militar y el gobierno. De esta manera, la élite se constituye de "ricos corporativos", "señores de la guerra" y "directorios políticos". Con el lenguaje claro y estridente que caracterizó a Mills, esta idea central es esbozada en los tres primeros párrafos del primer capítulo ("Los altos círculos"):"Los poderes de los hombres corrientes están circunscriptos por los mundos cotidianos en que viven, pero aún en esos círculos del trabajo, de la familia y de la vecindad muchas veces parecen arrastrados por fuerzas que no pueden ni comprender ni gobernar. Los 'grandes cambios' caen fuera de su control, pero no por eso dejan de influir en su conducta y en sus puntos de vista […]Pero no todos los hombres son corrientes u ordinarios en este sentido. Como los medios de información y poder están centralizados, algunos individuos llegan a ocupar posiciones en la sociedad norteamericana desde las cuales pueden mirar por encima del hombro, digámoslo así, a los demás, y con sus decisiones pueden afectar poderosamente los mundos cotidianos de los hombres y las mujeres corrientes. […] El que tomen o no esas decisiones importa menos que el hecho de que ocupen esas posiciones centrales: el que se abstengan de actuar y de tomar decisiones es en sí mismo un acto que muchas veces tiene consecuencias más importantes que las decisiones que adoptan, porque tienen el mando de las jerarquías y organizaciones más importantes de la sociedad moderna: gobiernan las grandes empresas, gobiernan la maquinaria del Estado y exigen sus prerrogativas, dirigen la organización militar, ocupan los puestos de mando de la estructura social en los cuales están centrados ahora los medios efectivos del poder y la riqueza y la celebridad de que gozan". (4)El contenido de su diagnóstico, que parece ser estático, casi ahistórico a simple vista, se sustenta en realidad en un preciso estudio histórico de las "seis o siete generaciones" en las que se podía resumir la historia de los Estados Unidos en aquella época. Esto es visible en la medida en que el lector se adentra en los capítulos medulares. La élite del poder es el resultado de una profunda tendencia doble: el crecimiento y la centralización de las tres instituciones más importantes en la sociedad norteamericana, posible gracias a una "tecnología fabulosa", y la amplificación de los medios de poder y de las consecuencias de las decisiones que desde ellas se adoptan. (5) Al abordar dicha élite desde un plano estructural, Mills se cuida de no presentar una teoría conspirativa (6) ni un absoluto determinismo institucional (7), sino que permite cierto juego, cierto acomodo entre actor y estructura, donde el primero crea y destruye a la segunda y donde ésta, a su vez, lo condiciona. El elemento singular en el enfoque es que, si bien "indudablemente, la voluntad de esos hombres siempre está limitada (…) nunca anteriormente fueron tan anchos los límites, porque nunca fueron tan enormes los medios de poder. Esto es lo que hace tan precaria nuestra situación y hace aún más importante el conocimiento de los poderes y las limitaciones de la élite de los Estados Unidos. El problema de la naturaleza y poder de esa minoría es ahora el único modo realista y serio para plantear de nuevo el problema del gobierno responsable". (8)La unión (proximidad) entre los "ricos corporativos", los "señores de la guerra" y "el directorio político" en una única élite se explica por el creciente e intenso tráfico de influencias entre sus ámbitos institucionales.(9) Este fenómeno de intercambios no es necesariamente azaroso, sino estructuralmente intencionado en un sentido que le genera temores al autor: "[…] Hay actualmente en los Estados Unidos varias coincidencias de intereses estructurales importantes entre esos dominios institucionales, que incluyen la creación de una institución permanente de guerra por una economía corporativa privada dentro de un vacío político". (10) Este es el mensaje político de alarma que Mills pretendió destacar. En el esfuerzo por dejar en claro quiénes integran la élite y quienes no, el sociólogo, identifica y separa a la clase alta tradicional, de corte local, que ha obtenido su prestigio en el abolengo y en fortunas que se forjaron en el siglo XIX (capítulo 2: "la sociedad local"). También desmitifica "los 400 metropolitanos", las familias supuestamente más importantes de toda la nación, como un grupo estrictamente definido y estable. El advenimiento de la sociedad de masas, la gran industria y el New Deal han favorecido el ascenso de nuevos ricos, con nuevas costumbres y consumos (capítulo 3: "los 400 de Nueva York"). Finalmente, descarta a "las celebridades" (capítulo 4) de la élite institucional.(11)En cuanto al dominio económico, Mills propone una lectura desagregada. Por un lado, identifica a "los muy ricos" (capítulo 5); discute las causas de su ascenso, el fenómeno de la acumulación de ventajas una vez en la cima y el impacto de la sociedad anónima en el capitalismo norteamericano. Luego realiza un análisis de la estructura empresarial nacional y destaca el papel de "los altos directivos" (capítulo 6), quienes comandan las corporaciones, aprisionan las innovaciones técnicas y resguardan la gran propiedad. Finalmente, señala la conjunción de ambos en la figura de "los ricos corporativos" (capítulo 7), los miembros de laélite, producto de una "reorganización de la clase adinerada [hacia] un mundo corporativo de privilegios y prerrogativas" (12), y cómo estos utilizan el poder institucional que detentan gracias a sus desorbitantes riquezas.Sobre el dominio militar el análisis es análogo. En "los señores de la guerra" (capítulo 8) aborda los orígenes y trayectoria de la relación entre la institucionalidad militar y la civil en los Estados Unidos, cómo los militares fueron incorporándose a los "altos círculos" y cómo se ha impuesto una "definición militar de la realidad" en todos los ámbitos cotidianos. (13)Posteriormente, se centra ya en los militares de la élite (capítulo 9: "la ascendencia militar") destacando sus principales ámbitos operativos y de interés —la política exterior y las relaciones internacionales, el desarrollo científico y tecnológico nacional y la economía corporativa— y denunciando la configuración de una "economía bélica permanente".(14)Por último, en cuanto al dominio político, Mills dedica el capítulo 10 ("el directorio político") a contemplar la profesionalidad y burocratización del sistema político estadounidense. Su aseveración más importante es que "un reducido grupo de hombres se encarga ahora de las decisiones hechas en nombre de los Estados Unidos", ellos son los cincuenta hombres de excepción más importantes de la rama ejecutiva del gobierno. (15)La parte final del libro es donde el autor despliega su perspectiva crítica de forma directa. Arremete primero contra "la teoría del equilibrio" (capítulo 11) como retórica preferida de la minoría, funcionalpara ocultar los estratos superiores y centrar la atención en los niveles medios, pero definitivamente ineficaz para explicar la economía política estadounidense. Tras realizar una caracterización final de la élite del poder (capítulo 12) —en la que repasa entre diversos aspectos sus períodos históricos—, contextualiza la misma en relación al fenómeno de "la sociedad de masas" (capítulo 13), desestimando las visiones liberales clásicas sobre la virtud política de la opinión pública. Tras ello, denuncia "el estado de ánimo conservador" (capítulo 14) de los liberales antaño progresistas, para concluir revelando "la inmoralidad mayor" (capítulo 15) de la minoría poderosa: la organización de la irresponsabilidad y su decrepitud ética.Evidentemente, el impacto de La Élite del Poder tanto en el público académico como en el público en general fue muy grande. "Pocos libros de su clase han sido tan ampliamente leídos o más vigorosamente debatidos; pocos han preservado tanta relevancia por tanto tiempo […] Sólo un crítico desagradecido podría hoy negarle un lugar central en la historia intelectual de nuestra era". (16)IIIEl valor de la élite del poder para la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales es notorio. Tiene utilidad como teoría contextual sobre la toma de decisiones en defensa y política exterior, como ha sido destacado por Roger Hilsman.(17) Mills estudia desde una perspectiva social, institucional e, incluso, psicológica los tipos de actores que controlan y deciden, consciente o inconscientemente, los acontecimientos nacionales, así como los tipos de determinantes que inciden también en ellos. Se cuida, sin embargo, de dejar en claro que "la idea de la élite del poder no implica nada acerca del proceso de adopción de decisiones como tal; es un intento para delimitar las zonas sociales en que se realiza ese proceso, cualquiera sea su carácter. Es una concepción de lo que va implicado en el proceso".(18)También tiene utilidad como teoría de gran alcance. Permite abordar la trayectoria más amplia de la sociedad norteamericana entre el 1800 y mediados del 1900. Posee poder explicativo en relación a la historia contemporánea mundial y a las relaciones internacionales de la primera mitad del siglo XX. De hecho, las dimensiones nacional e internacional se integran bajo la coherencia que otorgan conceptos centrales como "clase capitalista" e "industrialización", entre otros. (19)Además de ello, en varios pasajes del libro Mills rescata las enseñanzas de E. H. Carr en La Crisis de los Veinte Años (1949) sobre la política mundial con lo que termina configurando una perspectiva ecléctica sobre los asuntos internacionales de gran amplitud y utilidad.(20)Fundamentalmente, La Élite del Poder es un excelente complemento para los diferentes enfoques estructurales existentes en las Relaciones Internacionales, para comprender la naturaleza de la economía política de los Estados Unidos en tiempos de unipolaridad y hegemonía.Pero el gran legado del sociólogo trasciende los campos disciplinares así como su utilidad heurística. Como señaló Horowitz, "[l]a tendencia principal de la obra de C. Wright Mills está ligada a la importancia práctica de una ciencia social éticamente viable. Esto se debe a que esa sociología se enfrenta a los hechos con integridad y confirma la integridad actuando en relación con los hechos. Éste es el 'mensaje' del más grande sociólogo que haya producido los Estados Unidos".(21)* Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). Investigador del Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Problemáticas Internacionales y Locales (CEIPIL-UNCPBA).Notas(1) Richard Gillam, "C. Wright Mills and the Politics of Truth: The Power Elite Revisited",American Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 4, October, 1975, p. 464. Cfr. Stanley Aronowitz, "A Mills Revival?", Logos 2.3, Summer, 2003.(2) C. Wright Mills, La Imaginación Sociológica, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1986. Especialmente capítulos "II. La gran teoría" y "III. Empirismo abstracto". La primera edición en inglés se encuentra como: The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, New York, 1959.(3) Irving L. Horowitz, C. Wright Mills: An American Utopian, New York, 1983, p. 209.(4) C. Wright Mills, La Élite del Poder, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1993, pp. 11-12. El primer capítulo presenta y sintetiza el tema general del libro.(5) "La economía —en otro tiempo una gran dispersión de pequeñas unidades productoras en equilibrio autónomo— ha llegado a estar dominada por dos o trescientas compañías gigantescas, relacionadas entre sí administrativa y políticamente, las cuales tienen conjuntamente las claves de las resoluciones económicas.El orden político, en otro tiempo una serie descentralizada de varias docenas de Estados con una médula espinal débil, se ha convertido en una institución ejecutiva centralizada que ha tomado para sí muchos poderes previamente dispersos y ahora se mete por todas y cada una de las grietas de la estructura social. El orden militar, en otro tiempo una institución débil, encuadrada en un contexto de recelos alimentados por las milicias de los Estados, se ha convertido en la mayor y más costosa de las características del gobierno, y, aunque bien instruida en fingir sonrisas en sus relaciones públicas, posee ahora toda la severa y áspera eficacia de un confiado dominio burocrático." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., pp. 14-15.(6) "La idea de que toda la historia se debe a la conspiración de un grupo de malvados, o de héroes, fácilmente localizables, es también una proyección apresurada del difícil esfuerzo para comprender cómo los cambios de estructura de la sociedad abren oportunidades a diferentes minorías y cómo estas minorías se aprovechan o no de ellas. Admitir cualquiera de ambas opiniones —que toda la historia es una conspiración o que toda la historia es un movimiento ciego a la deriva— es abandonar el esfuerzo para comprender los hechos del poder y los caminos de los poderosos". C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 33.(7) "[.] Lejos de depender de la estructura de las instituciones, las minorías modernas pueden deshacer una estructura y hacer otra en la que representan después papeles totalmente diferentes. En realidad, esa destrucción y creación de estructuras institucionales, con todos sus medios de poder, cuando los acontecimientos parecen ir bien, es precisamente lo que va implícito en 'gran gobierno', o, cuando van mal, 'gran tiranía.'" C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 31.(8) La cursiva es propia. Ibíd.(9) "Las decisiones de un puñado de empresas influyen en los acontecimientos militares, políticos y económicos en todo el mundo. Las decisiones de la institución militar descansan sobre la vida política así como sobre el nivel mismo de la vida económica, y los afectan lastimosamente. Las decisiones que se toman en el dominio político determinan las actividades económicas y los programas militares. Ya no hay, de una parte, una economía, y de otra parte, un orden político que contenga una institución militar sin importancia para la política y para los negocios […] En el sentido estructural, este triángulo de poder es la fuente del directorio entrelazado que tanta importancia tiene para la estructura histórica del presente." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 15.(10) La cursiva es propia. C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 26. Para una interpretación igualmente crítica pero más nueva sobre este tráfico e imbricación entre poder político (y militar) con el poder económico de las grandes corporaciones en los Estados Unidos para el caso de la administración de George W. Bush véase Sidney Blumenthal, "Republican Tremors",Open Democracy, October 6, 2005 (extraído el 10 de octubre de 2006), disponible en http://www.opendemocracy.net.(11) En una lectura que es útil actualmente, Mills aclara que los "famosos profesionales" no son poderosos en un sentido de autoridad; por el contrario son "el resultado que corona el sistema de 'estrellato' de una sociedad que ha hecho de la competencia un fetiche. En los Estados Unidos, ese sistema es llevado a tal punto, que un individuo que puede llevar a golpes una pelota blanca por una serie de agujeros en el suelo con más eficacia y habilidad que cualquier otro, sólo por eso consigue tener acceso social al presidente del país." C. Wright Mills (1993),Op. Cit., pp. 76-77.(12) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 144.(13) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 194.(14) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 205.(15) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 219.(16) Richard Gillam (1975), Op. Cit., p. 461.(17) Roger Hilsman, The Politics of Policy Making in Defense and Foreign Affairs, Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey, 1987, pp. 57-58.(18) C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 28.(19) Una prueba de ello yace en el siguientes párrafo: "Ninguna clase gobernante fija, anclada en la vida agraria y con la aureola de la gloria militar, pudo contener en Norteamérica el empuje histórico del comercio y de la industria, ni someter a la élite capitalista, como los capitalistas fueron sometidos en Alemania y el Japón, por ejemplo. Ni pudo la clase gobernante de ninguna parte del mundo contener a la de los Estados Unidos cuando vino a decidir la historia la violencia industrializada. Así lo atestiguan el destino de Alemania y del Japón en las dos guerras mundiales, y también el destino de la misma Inglaterra, de su clase gobernante modelo, al convertirse Nueva York en la inevitable capital económica y Washington en la inevitable capital política del mundo capitalista occidental." C. Wright Mills (1993), Op. Cit., p. 20.(20) Ver E. H. Carr, The Twenty Year's Crisis, Macmillan, London, 1949.(21) C. Wright Mills, Poder, Política, Pueblo, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México DF, 1973, p. XXXVIII.

v. 750. V -- Vallejo L -- v. 751. Vallejo M -- Vans -- v. 752. Vänt -- Vážn -- v. 753. Vazo -- Venezuela Com -- v. 754. Venezuela Con -- Vereim -- v. 755. Verein -- Vers L -- v. 756. Vers M -- Victor M -- v. 757. Victor O -- Vigd -- v. 758. Vige -- Vinea -- v. 759. Vineb -- Vision R -- v. 760. Vision S -- Voice C -- v. 761. Voice D -- Voso -- v. 762. Vosp -- Vz -- v. 763. W -- Wagner, Richard A -- v. 764. Wagner, Richard B -- Walker, William F -- v. 765. Walker, William G -- Walz -- v. 766. Wam -- Ward A -- v. 767. Ward B -- Warsh -- v. 768. Warsi -- Waso -- v. 769. Wasp -- Water Supply Engineering B -- v. 770. Water Supply Engineering C -- Weak -- v. 771. Weal -- Wedk -- v. 772. Wedl -- Welc -- v. 773. Weld -- Wenzel R -- v. 774. Wenzel S -- West Virginia I -- v. 775. West Virginia J -- Whare -- v. 776. Wharf -- White E -- v. 777. White F -- Whittier L -- v. 778. Whittier M -- Wijg -- v. 779. Wijh -- William B -- v. 780. William C -- Willis S -- v. 781. Willis T -- Wimh -- v. 782. Wimi -- Winters G -- v. 783. Winters H -- Wit and Humor, American R -- v. 784. Wit and Humor, American S -- Woh -- v. 785. Woi -- Woman-Employment-U.S.T -- v. 786. Woman-Employment-U.S.U -- Wood G -- v. 787. Wood H -- Woold -- v. 788. Woole -- World Politics, 1919- T -- v. 789. World Politics, 1919- U -- World War, 1939-1945 EC -- v. 790. World War, 1939-1945 ED -- World War, 1939-1945 Ph -- v. 791. World War, 1939-1945 Pi -- World War, 1939-1945 Regional C -- v. 792. World War, 1939-1945 Regional D -- Wright G -- v. 793. Wright H -- Wz -- v. 794. X -- Yeast V -- v. 795. Yeast W -- Young C -- v. 796. Young D -- Yz -- v. 797. Z -- Zehn J -- v. 798. Zehn K -- Zimmerman C -- v. 799. Zimmerman D -- Zoology A -- v. 800. Zoology B -- Zy. ; v. 730. U -- Underdeveloped Areas A -- v. 731. Underdeveloped Areas B -- Union of South Africa So -- v. 732. Union of South Africa Sp -- United States Adu -- v. 733. United States Adv -- United States Army R -- v. 734. United States Army S -- United States Commerce C -- v. 735. United States Commerce D -- United States Division S -- v. 736. United States Division T -- United States Foreign Relations R -- v. 737. United States Relations S -- United States Historic -- v. 738. United States History -- United States History-Revolution-Poetry S -- v. 739. United States History-Revolution-Poetry T -- United States History-Civil War-Military-Regimental History L -- v. 740. United States History-Civil War-Military-Regimental History M -- United States History-Yearbooks -- v. 741. United States Ho -- United States Justice Department Ac -- v. 742. United States Justice Department Ad -- United States National Aeronautic and Space Administration R -- v. 743. United States National Aeronautic and Space Administration S -- United States Politics, 1865-1897 J -- v. 744. United States Politics, 1865-1897 K -- United States Rac -- v. 745. United States Rad -- United States State Department P -- v. 746. United States State Department Q -- United States War Information Office A -- v. 747. United States War Information Office B -- Université S -- v. 748. Université T -- Urban O -- v. 749. Urban P -- Uz. ; v. 703. T -- Tall -- v. 704. Talm -- Tariff I -- v. 705. Tariff J -- Taxation-Jurisprudence F -- v. 706. Taxation-Jurisprudence G -- Taylor Jer -- v. 707. Taylor Jes -- Tecn -- v. 708. Teco -- Television C -- v. 709. Television D -- Tena -- v. 710. Tenb -- Tess -- v. 711. Test -- Textile Machinery S -- v. 712. Textile Machinery T -- Their -- v. 713. Theis -- Thern -- v. 714. Thero -- Thomas V -- v. 715. Thomas W -- Thorpe B -- v. 716. Thorpe C -- Tidev -- v. 717. Tidew -- Tires -- v. 718. Tiret -- Tokio G -- v. 719. Tokio H -- Torl -- v. 720. Torm -- Towards E -- v. 721. Towards F -- Trade Unions G -- v. 722. Trade Unions H -- Transcendentalism B -- v. 723. Transcendentalism C -- Treason-Trials H -- v. 724. Treason-Trials I -- Trial -- v. 725. Triam -- Trotzky, Lev G -- v. 726. Trotzky, Lev H -- Tube R -- v. 727. Tube S -- Turin C -- v. 728. Turin D -- Tuw -- v. 729. Tux -- Tz. ; v. 636. S -- Safe -- v. 637. Saff -- Saint Louis G -- v. 638. Saint Louis H -- Saler -- v. 639. Sales -- Salvation Army R -- v. 640. Salvation Army S -- Sanchez L -- v. 641. Sanchez M -- Sans -- v. 642. Sant -- Sarl -- v. 643. Sarm -- Savar -- v. 644. Savas -- Schaa -- v. 645. Schab -- Schid -- v. 646. Schie -- Schmidt B -- v. 647. Schmidt C -- Scholl S -- v. 648. Scholl T -- Schopf E -- v. 649. Schopf F -- Schulze F -- v. 650. Schulze G -- Science Col -- v. 651. Science Com -- Scoa -- v. 652. Scob -- Scott -- v. 653. Scotu -- Seals and Seal Fisheries C -- v. 654. Seals and Seal Fisheries D -- Sedl -- v. 655. Sedm -- Sell -- v. 656. Selm -- Sericulture A -- v. 657. Sericulture B -- Sever G -- v. 658. Sever H -- Shakers L -- v. 659. Shakers M -- Shakespeare A -- v. 660. Shakespeare B -- Sheldon S -- v. 661. Sheldon T -- Shipping G -- v. 662. Shipping H -- Shórn -- v. 663. Shoro -- Shrub -- v. 664. Shruc -- Sigg -- v. 665. Sigh -- Simek -- v. 666. Simel -- Singing Q -- v. 667. Singing R -- Skinner B -- v. 668. Skinner C -- Slavs B -- v. 669. Slavs C -- Smith A -- v. 670. Smith B -- Smith, William A -- v. 671. Smith, William B -- Social D -- v. 672. Social E -- Socialism, 1923-1933 H -- v. 673. Socialism, 1923-1933 I -- Societe Al -- v. 674. Société AM -- Societies R -- v. 675. Societies S -- Sociology T -- v. 676. Sociology U -- Solís -- v. 677. Solit -- Sonh -- v. 678. Soni -- Sousa A -- v. 679. Sousa B -- Southgate V -- v. 680. Southgate W -- Spain-Foreign Relations F -- v. 681. Spain-Foreign Relations G -- Spanish America-History-to 1600 -- v. 682. Spanish America-History-after 1600 -- Speech O -- v. 683. Speech P -- Spirit F -- v. 684. Spirit G -- Spuc -- v. 685. Spud -- Stage-France O -- v. 686. Stage-France P -- Stanford R -- v. 687. Stanford S -- Statement F -- v. 688. Statement G -- Sted -- v. 689. Stee -- Stel -- v. 690. Stem -- Stevenson I -- v. 691. Stevenson J -- Stockholders F -- v. 692. Stockholders G -- Storg -- v. 693. Storh -- Straus D -- v. 694. Straus E -- Struc -- v. 695. Strud -- Stuer -- v. 696. Stues -- Sueb -- v. 697. Suec -- Summ -- v. 698. Sumn -- Surim -- v. 699. Surin -- Swan H -- v. 700. Swan I -- Swey -- v. 701. Swez -- Symbolism in Architecture R -- v. 702. Symbolism in Architecture S -- Sz. ; v. 603. Q -- Quek -- v. 604. Quel -- Qw -- v. 605. R -- Radio in Politics B -- v. 606. Radio in Politics C -- Railways Ab -- v. 607. Railways Ac -- Railways D -- v. 608. Railways E -- Rak -- v. 609. Ral -- Rape -- v. 610. Rapf -- Raymond V -- v. 611. Raymond W -- Recei -- v. 612. Récéj -- Reed V -- v. 613. Reed W -- Régim -- v. 614. Regin -- Reiner I -- v. 615. Reiner J -- Religion I -- v. 616. Religion J -- Rentm -- v. 617. Rentn -- Retail Trade R -- v. 618. Retail Trade S -- Revue S -- v. 619. Revue T -- Rhodesia, Northern L -- v. 620. Rhodesia, Northern M -- Richl -- v. 621. Richm -- Rihs -- v. 622. Riht -- Ritter C -- v. 623. Ritter D -- Roads-U.S.M -- v. 624. Roads-U.S.N -- Robinson J -- v. 625. Robinson K -- Rodrigues G -- v. 626. Rodrigues H -- Rolfe F -- v. 627. Rolfe G -- Rome (City)-P -- v. 628. Rome (City)-Q -- Rord -- v. 629. Rore -- Ross C -- v. 630. Ross D -- Rousseau L -- v. 631. Rousseau M -- Roźd -- v. 632. Roze -- Rul -- v. 633. Rum -- Russia Ar -- v. 634. Russia As -- Russia-Social Conditions, 1917 K -- v. 635. Russia-Social Conditions, 1917 L -- Rz. ; v. 548. P -- Pagg -- v. 549. Pagh -- Paintings-Collections R -- v. 550. Paintings-Collections S -- Paleography L -- v. 551. Paleography M -- Palmer K -- v. 552. Palmer L -- Pann -- v. 553. Pano -- Pap -- v. 554. Paq -- Paris E -- v. 555. Paris F -- Parkh -- v. 556. Parki -- Parties, Political D -- v. 557. Parties, Political E -- Patd -- v. 558. Paté -- Paul J -- v. 559. Paul K -- Pearce C -- v. 560. Pearce D -- Pei -- v. 561. Pej -- Pennsylvania F -- v. 562. Pennsylvania G -- Pén [i.e. Pénz] -- v. 563. Peo -- Periodicals C -- v. 564. Periodicals D -- Periodicals-U.S.I -- v. 565. Periodicals-U.S.J -- Persia C -- v. 566. Persia D -- Peru -- v. 567. Perv -- Petri R -- v. 568. Petri S -- Pfeiffer E -- v. 569. Pfeiffer F -- Philip G -- v. 570. Philip H -- Philology S -- v. 571. Philology T -- Phok -- v. 572. Phol -- Phrom -- v. 573. Phron -- Picb -- v. 574. Picc -- Pik -- v. 575. Pil -- Pioneer Life-U.S.V -- v. 576. Pioneer Life-U.S.W -- Pittsburgh S -- v. 577. Pittsburgh T -- Plas -- v. 578. Plat -- Plup -- v. 579. Pluq -- Poetry, American A -- v. 580. Poetry, American B -- Poetry, American Wis -- v. 581. Poetry, American, Wit -- Poetry, Dutch S -- v. 582. Poetry, Dutch T -- Poetry, English, Hist. & Crit., 20th Cent. C -- v. 583. Poetry, English, Hist. & Crit., 20th Cent. D -- Poetry, Hungarian A -- v. 584. Poetry, Hungarian, B -- Poetry, Spanish P -- v. 585. Poetry, Spanish Q -- Poland F -- v. 586. Poland G -- Polish Literature, Hist. & Crit. O -- v. 587. Polish Literature, Hist. & Crit. P -- Polska Akademja Umiejetnosci A -- v. 588. Polska Akademja Umiejetnosci B -- Popar -- v. 589. Popas -- Portrait S -- v. 590. Portrait T -- Postage Stamps R -- v. 591. Postage Stamps S -- Poula -- v. 592. Poulb -- Pram -- v. 593. Pran -- Press, Liberty of H -- v. 594. Press, Liberty of I -- Prier -- v. 595. Pries -- Printing G -- v. 596. Printing H -- Privies N -- v. 597. Privies O -- Proj -- v. 598. Prok -- Protection V -- v. 599. Protection W -- Prussia-History-Frederick II C -- v. 600. Prussia-History-Frederick II D -- Psyk -- v. 601. Psyl -- Puli -- v. 602. Pulj -- Pyz. ; v. 509. N -- Nan -- v. 510. Nao -- Nash -- v. 511. Nasi -- National C -- v. 512. National D -- National Sh -- v. 513. National Si -- Natural History R -- v. 514. Natural History S -- Naval E -- v. 515. Naval F -- Navy R -- v. 516. Navy S -- Ned -- v. 517. Nee -- Neh -- v. 518. Nei -- Netherlands (Kingdom, 1815- ) O -- v. 519. Netherlands (Kingdom, 1815- ) P -- Neud -- v. 520. Neue -- New England D -- v. 521. New England E -- New K -- v. 522. New L -- New York (city) B -- v. 523. New York (city) C -- New York (city) L -- v. 524. New York (city) M -- New York N -- v. 525. New York O -- New York (state) H -- v. 526. New York (state) I -- New Zealand C -- v. 527. New Zealand D -- Newspapers E -- v. 528. Newspapers F -- Nicol -- v. 529. Nicom -- Ninn -- v. 530. Nino -- Nole -- v. 531. Nolf -- North Am -- v. 532. North An -- Northwestern O -- v. 533. Northwestern P -- Noth -- v. 534. Notti -- Numismatics C -- v. 535. Numismatics D -- Nz -- v. 536. O -- Occupations C -- v. 537. Occupations D -- Oese -- v. 538. Oesf -- Ohio H -- v. 539. Ohio I -- Old L -- v. 540. Old M -- Omaha R -- v. 541. Omaha S -- Oor -- v. 542. Oos -- Oratory R -- v. 543. Oratory S -- Organic R -- v. 544. Organic S -- Orrego L -- v. 545. Orrego M -- Ostl -- v. 546. Ostm -- Outs -- v. 547. Outt -- Oz. ; v. 450. M -- Mccol -- v. 451. Mccom -- Mcgrad -- v. 452. Mcgrae -- Mackenzie G -- v. 453. Mackenzie H -- Macq -- v. 454. Macr -- Maga -- v. 455. Magb -- Maic -- v. 456. Maid -- Malat -- v. 457. Malau -- Maml -- v. 458. Mamm -- Mana -- v. 459. Manb -- Mannk -- v. 460. Mannl -- Many -- v. 461. Manz -- Marc -- v. 462. Mard -- Maris -- v. 463. Marit -- Marriage F -- v. 464. Marriage G -- Martens E -- v. 465. Martens F -- Martr -- v. 466. Marts -- Masc -- v. 467. Masd -- Massachusetts I -- v. 468. Massachusetts J -- Mathematics K -- v. 469. Mathematics L -- Matthews D -- v. 470. Matthews E -- Max -- v. 471. May -- Meb -- v. 472. Mec -- Medic -- v. 473. Medid -- Mej -- v. 474. Mek -- Memory R -- v. 475. Memory S -- Meq -- v. 476. Mer -- Merv -- v. 477. Merw -- Meteorology C -- v. 478. Meteorology D -- Metropolitan M -- v. 479. Metropolitan N -- Mexico G -- v. 480. Mexico H -- Meyk -- v. 481. Meyl -- Mich -- v. 482. Mici -- Mikn -- v. 483. Mikó -- Military L -- v. 484. Military M -- Milla -- v. 485. Millb -- Milton L -- v. 486. Milton M -- Mines and Mining G -- v. 487. Mines and Mining H -- Mirac -- v. 488. Mirad -- Missions, Foreign E -- v. 489. Missions, Foreign F -- Mitb -- v. 490. Mitc -- Modn -- v. 491. Modo -- Moll -- v. 492. Molm -- Money F -- v. 493. Money G -- Monof -- v. 494. Monog -- Monteiro L -- v. 495. Monteiro M -- Mónu -- v. 496. Monv -- Mord -- v. 497. More -- Morl -- v. 498. Morm -- Morse E -- v. 499. Morse F -- Motd -- v. 500. Mote -- Mountaineering M -- v. 501. Mountaineering N -- Moving Pictures R -- v. 502. Moving Pictures S -- Mufs -- v. 503. Muft -- Municipal C -- v. 504. Municipal D -- Murk -- v. 505. Murl -- Music B -- v. 506. Music C -- Music T -- v. 507. Music U -- Mutt -- v. 508. Mutu -- Mz. ; v. 414. L -- Labor G -- v. 415. Labor H -- Labour Party, Gt. Br. D -- v. 416. Labour Party, Gt. Br. E -- Lagd -- v. 417. Lage -- Lamm -- v. 418. Lamn -- Land, Public-U.S.N -- v. 419. Land, Public-U.S.O -- Lang O -- v. 420. Lang P -- Lapk -- v. 421. Lapl -- Latg -- v. 422. Lath -- Latth -- v. 423. Latti -- Law S -- v. 424. Law T -- Law, Maritime A -- v. 425. Law, Maritime B -- Leadh -- v. 426. Leadi -- Lebn -- v. 427. Lebo -- Lefk -- v. 428. Lefl -- Lehm -- v. 429. Lehn -- Lenc -- v. 430. Lend -- Leroy E -- v. 431. Leroy F -- Letters E -- v. 432. Letters F -- Levn -- v. 433. Levo -- Liberalism K -- v. 434. Liberalism L -- Libraries (Place) N -- v. 435. Libraries (Place) O -- Lich -- v. 436. Lici -- Lighthouses H -- v. 437. Lighthouses I -- Lincoln A -- v. 438. Lincoln B -- Lior -- v. 439. Lios -- Literature P -- v. 440. Literature Q -- Living Expenses G -- v. 441. Living Expenses H -- Locomotives A -- v. 442. Locomotives B -- Loll -- v. 443. Lolm -- London U -- v. 444. London V -- Lord R -- v. 445. Lord S -- Louis XVI -- v. 446. Louis XVII -- Lowe S -- v. 447. Lowe T -- Ludwig O -- v. 448. Ludwig P -- Lutg -- v. 449. Luth -- Lz. ; v. 363. I -- Idn -- v. 364. Ido -- Illumination of Books and Manuscripts S -- v. 365. Illumination of Books and Manuscripts T -- Impos -- v. 366. Impot -- Independence D -- v. 367. Independence E -- India, History E -- v. 368. India, History F -- Indians, Central America, Tribes L -- v. 369. Indians, Central America, Tribes M -- Indians, North America S -- v. 370. Indians, North America T -- Indib -- v. 371. Indić -- Industrial Arts (Place) E -- v. 372. Industrial Arts (Place) F -- Industries (Place) U -- v. 373. Industries (Place) V -- Inl -- v. 374. Inm -- Institut M -- v. 375. Institut N -- Insurance I -- v. 376. Insurance J -- Intellectuals (Place) F -- v. 377. Intellectuals (Place) G -- International Ch -- v. 378. International Ci -- International LaC -- v. 379. International Lad -- Internationalism B -- v. 380. Internationalism C -- Iowa R -- v. 381. Iowa S -- Irish L -- v. 382. Irish M -- Isa -- v. 383. Isb -- Italian Language H -- v. 384. Italian Language I -- Italy, History to 1815 -- v. 385. Italy, History-After 1815 -- Iz -- v. 386. J -- Jagem -- v. 387. Jagen -- Jansen T -- v. 388. Jansen U -- Jard -- v. 389. Jaré -- Jels -- v. 390. Jelt -- Jesuits and Jesuitism U -- v. 391. Jesuits and Jesuitism V -- Jews, Anti-Semitic Writings M -- v. 392. Jews, Anti-Semitic Writings N -- Jews So -- v. 393. Jews Sp -- Johnm -- v. 394. Johnn -- Jolk -- v. 395. Joll -- Jorg -- v. 396. Jorh -- Journey B -- v. 397. Journey C -- Juk -- v. 398. Jul -- Juvenile Literature, Drama, American C -- v. 399. Juvenile Literature, Drama, American D -- Jz -- v. 400. K -- Kampe -- v. 401. Kampf -- Karo -- v. 402. Karp -- Keem -- v. 403. Keen -- Kennedy J -- v. 404. Kennedy K -- Kets -- v. 405. Kett -- Kinf -- v. 406. King -- Kirr -- v. 407. Kirs -- Kloo -- v. 408. Klop -- Kobd -- v. 409. Kobe -- Kolor -- v. 410. Kolos -- Kor -- v. 411. Kos -- Kreus -- v. 412. Kreut -- Kuer -- v. 413. Kues -- Kz. ; v. 330. H -- Hahm -- v. 331. Hahn -- Hall J -- v. 332. Hall K -- Hamilton J -- v. 333. Hamilton K -- Handwriting R -- v. 334. Handwriting S -- Harbors M -- v. 335. Harbors N -- Harper V -- v. 336. Harper W -- Hartmann K -- v. 337. Hartmann L -- Hathaway E -- v. 338. Hathaway F -- Hawkins L -- v. 339. Hawkins M -- Heart's T -- v. 340. Hearts U -- Hegel H -- v. 341. Hegel I -- Heller J -- v. 342. Heller K -- Henry of K -- v. 343. Henry of L -- Heredity R -- v. 344. Heredity S -- Hertling O -- v. 345. Hertling P -- Hibben S -- v. 346. Hibben T -- Hiller F -- v. 347. Hiller G -- Historia A -- v. 348. Historia B -- History, General-18th Century Works B -- v. 349. History, General-18th Century Works C -- Hodge B -- v. 350. Hodge C -- Hog -- v. 351. Hoh -- Holr -- v. 352. Hols -- Hond -- v. 353. Hone -- Horn L -- v. 354. Horn M -- Hot R -- v. 355. Hot S -- Housing-Working Class H -- v. 356. Housing-Working Class I -- Howl -- v. 357. Howm -- Hughes F -- v. 358. Hughes G -- Humo -- v. 359. Hump -- Hunting N -- v. 360. Hunting O -- Hut -- v. 361. Huu -- Hygiene, Public L -- v. 362. Hygiene, Public M -- Hyz. ; v. 291. G -- Gall L -- v. 292. Gall M -- Gandía E -- v. 293. Gandía F -- Gardiner G -- v. 294. Gardiner H -- Gases A -- v. 295. Gases B -- Gazs -- v. 296. Gazt -- General E -- v. 297. General F -- Geography As -- v. 298. Geography At -- Geology O -- v. 299. Geology P -- Geometry S -- v. 300. Geometry T -- Gerk -- v. 301. Gerl -- German Literature S -- v. 302. German Literature T -- Germany C -- v. 303. Germany D -- Germany-History 1847 -- v. 304. German-History 1848 -- Gerom -- v. 305. Geron -- Giac -- v. 306. Giad -- Gilds G -- v. 307. Gilds H -- Girk -- v. 308. Girl -- Glay -- v. 309. Glaz -- Godf -- v. 310. Godg -- Gold Mines and Mining-Al -- v. 311. Gold Mines and Mining-Am -- Gol [i.e. Golz] -- v. 312. Gom -- Gook -- v. 313. Gool -- Goula -- v. 314. Goulb -- Grad -- v. 315. Grae -- Grang -- v. 316. Granh -- Great Britain I -- v. 317. Great Britain J -- Great Britain-Description and Travel,1800-1850 -- v. 318. Great Britain-Description and Travel, 1850-1900 -- Great Britain-Govt. B -- v. 319. Great Britain-Govt. C -- Great Britain-Hist., 19th cent. F -- v. 320. Great Britain-Hist.,19th cent. G -- Great Britain-Politics, 1660-1714 R -- v. 321. Great Britain-Politics, 1660-1714 S -- Great Britain-Trade, Board of U -- v. 322. Great Britain-Trade, Board of V -- Greece (Modern)-History, 1830 M -- v. 323. Greece (Modern)-History, 1830 N -- Greene H -- v. 324. Greene I -- Grey N -- v. 325. Grey O -- Grog -- v. 326. Groh -- Grunds -- v. 327. Grundt S -- Gueu -- v. 328. Guev -- Gumo -- v. 329. Gump -- Gzow. ; v. 249. F -- Fairs F -- v. 250. Fairs G -- Fans -- v. 251. Fant -- Fascism-Germany B -- v. 252. Fascism-Germany C -- Fearh -- v. 253. Feari -- Felln -- v. 254. Fello -- Ferrari -- v. 255. Ferrarj -- Fev -- v. 256. Few -- Fiction, American Ham -- v. 257. Fiction, American Han -- Fiction, American Will -- v. 258. Fiction, American Wilm -- Fiction, Dutch A -- v. 259. Fiction, Dutch B -- Fiction, English Kim -- v. 260. Fiction, English Kin -- Fiction, Flemish L -- v. 261. Fiction, Flemish M -- Fiction, German A -- v. 262. Fiction, German B -- Fiction, Lettish J -- v. 263. Fiction, Lettish K -- Fiction, Swiss-German B -- v. 264. Fiction, Swiss-German C -- Filmr -- v. 265. Films -- Finance, U.S., 1813 -- v. 266. Finance, U.S., 1814 -- Finland R -- v. 267. Finland S -- Fischa -- v. 268. Fischb -- Fishing A -- v. 269. Fishing B -- Flanders G -- v. 270. Flanders H -- Flora F -- v. 271. Flora G -- Flya -- v. 272. Flyb -- Folklore N -- v. 273. Folklore O -- Fond -- v. 274. Fone -- Før N -- v. 275. For O -- Forestry-Germany S -- v. 276. Forestry-Germany T -- Forter -- v. 277. Fortes -- Fourm -- v. 278. Fourn -- France Ar -- v. 279. France As -- France-Foreign Relations R -- v. 280. France-Foreign Relations S -- France-History-Revolution O -- v. 281. France-History-Revolution P -- France-Statistics M -- v. 282. France-Statistics N -- Frank E -- v. 283. Frank F -- Frederick I, King of Prussia -- v. 284. Frederick II, King of Prussia -- Freemasons P -- v. 285. Freemasons Q -- French Language-Dictionaries D -- v. 286. French Language-Dictionaries E -- Fresco Paintings B -- v. 287. Fresco Paintings C -- Friends, Society of. L -- v. 288. Friends, Society of. M -- Früh [i.e. Fruh] -- v. 289. Frui -- Funck J -- v. 290. Funck K -- Fyz. ; v. 214. E -- Eastern Col -- v. 215. Eastern Com -- Ecole B -- v. 216. Ecole C -- Economic History-Chile F -- v. 217. Economic History-Chile G -- Economic History I -- v. 218. Economic History J -- Economic History-U.S.F -- v. 219. Economic History-U.S.G -- Economics, 1848-1889 E -- v. 220. Economics, 1848-1889 F -- Edel -- v. 221. Edem -- Education E -- v. 222. Education F -- Education O -- v. 223. Education P -- Education-U.S.-N.J.T -- v. 224. Education-U.S.-N.J.U -- Egypt C -- v. 225. Egypt D -- Eisenstein I -- v. 226. Eisenstein J -- Electric M -- v. 227. Electric N -- Electrons B -- v. 228. Electrons C -- Ellis S -- v. 229. Ellis T -- Emigration, Canada N -- v. 230. Emigration, Canada O -- Enchanted R -- v. 231. Enchanted S -- Engineering Ch -- v. 232. Engineering Ci -- English Language-Dictionaries G -- v. 233. English Language-Dictionaries H -- English Literature S -- v. 234. English Literature T -- Epitaphs T -- v. 235. Epitaphs U -- Ero -- v. 236. Erp -- Espl -- v. 237. Espm -- Essays P -- v. 238. Essays R -- Ethics G -- v. 239. Ethics H -- Etr -- v. 240. Ets -- Europe-History H -- v. 241. Europe-History I -- European War, Aerial Operations M -- v. 242. European War, Aerial Operations N -- European War, Economic Aspects Germany K -- v. 243. European War, Economic Aspects Germany L -- European War, Neutrality R -- v. 244. European War, Neutrality S -- European War, Regimental History F -- v. 245. European War, Regimental History G -- European War, Great Britain G -- v. 246. European War, Great Britain H -- Evero -- v. 247. Everp -- Exhibitions C -- v. 248. Exhibitions D -- Ez. ; v. 177. D -- Dale C -- v. 178. Dale D -- Dancing F -- v. 179. Dancing G -- Danzig G -- v. 180. Danzig H -- Dauw -- v. 181. Daux -- Dawn -- v. 182. Dawo -- Debray -- v. 183. Debraz -- Defei -- v. 184. Defel -- Delaware C -- v. 185. Delaware D -- Democracy-U.S.B -- v. 186. Democracy-U.S.C -- Denton, Name [i.e. Denton (Name)] -- v. 187. Denton, County [i.e. Denton County] -- Desmares -- v. 188. Desmaret -- Deutsche J -- v. 189. Deutsche K -- Dewar M -- v. 190. Dewar N -- Dickens, Charles F -- v. 191. Dickens, Charles G -- Dikes H -- v. 192. Dikes I -- Disaster Relief B -- v. 193. Disaster Relief C -- Divo -- v. 194. Divr -- Dog L -- v. 195. Dog M -- Donato L -- v. 196. Donato M -- Douglas P -- v. 197. Douglas R -- Drama, American A -- v. 198. Drama, American B -- Drama, American Mi -- v. 199. Drama, American Mo -- Drama C -- v. 200. Drama D -- Drama, English Hol -- v. 201. Drama, English Hom -- Drama, English Translations From . R -- v. 202. Drama, English Translations From . S -- Drama, French J -- v. 203. Drama, French K -- Drama, German Bas -- v. 204. Drama, German Bat -- Drama, German, Low German D -- v. 205. Drama, German, Low German E -- Drama, L -- v. 206. Drama, M -- Drama, Spanish Ger -- v. 207. Drama, Spanish Ges -- Drama, Walloon W -- v. 208. Drama, Walloon X -- Dreu -- v. 209. Drev -- Dublin U -- v. 210. Dublin V -- Duke O -- v. 211. Duke P -- Duper -- v. 212. Dupes -- Dutch Language D -- v. 213. Dutch Language E -- Dz. ; v. 107. C -- Cah -- v. 108. Cai -- Cale -- v. 109. Calf -- California V -- v. 110. California W -- Cameron, I -- v. 111. Cameron, J -- Canada B -- v. 112. Canada C -- Canada Statistics Bureau M -- v. 113. Canada Statistics Bureau N -- Canaq -- v. 114. Canar -- Capeh -- v. 115. Capei -- Cardif -- v. 116. Cardig -- Carm -- v. 117. Carn -- Carrik -- v. 118. Carril -- Case A -- v. 119. Case B -- Castles R -- v. 120. Castles S -- Cathedrals S -- v. 121. Cathedrals T -- Catholic Church Roman L -- v. 122. Catholic Church Roman M -- Cauch -- v. 123. Cauci -- Cement and Concrete M -- v. 124. Cement and Concrete P -- Ceo -- v. 125. Cep -- Chah -- v. 126. Chai -- Chand -- v. 127. Chane -- Charities I -- v. 128. Charities J -- Charz -- v. 129. Chas -- Chemical Industries I -- v. 130. Chemical Industries J -- Chemm -- v. 131. Chemn -- Chicago B -- v. 132. Chicago C -- Children AC -- v. 133. Children AD -- Chile T -- v. 134. Chile U -- Chinese A -- v. 135. Chinese B -- Christ L -- v. 136. Christ M -- Christianity E -- v. 137. Christianity F -- Church Al -- v. 138. Church Am -- Church I -- v. 139. Church J -- Chyz -- v. 140. Ci -- Cities-Plans-D -- v. 141. Cities-Plans-E -- Civil R -- v. 142. Civil S -- Claq -- v. 143. Clar -- Classification K -- v. 144. Classification L -- Clergy F -- v. 145. Clergy G -- Club T -- v. 146. Club U -- Cobb -- v. 147. Cobd -- Coi -- v. 148. Coj -- Collection K -- v. 149. Collection L -- Collim -- v. 150. Collin -- Colonies and Colonization A -- v. 151. Colonies and Colonization B -- Columbia University Q -- v. 152. Columbia University R -- Coml -- v. 153. Comm -- Commerce Am -- v. 154. Commerce An -- Commerce-New York -- v. 155. Commerce-New Zealand -- Commis -- v. 156. Commit -- Competition-Unfair F -- v. 157. Competition-Unfair G -- Cone -- v. 158. Conf -- Congres H -- v. 159. Congres I -- Conr -- v. 160. Cons -- Continuation L -- v. 161. Continuation M -- Cookery B -- v. 162. Cookery C -- Cooperation S -- v. 163. Cooperation T -- Copyright M -- v. 164. Copyright N -- Coronations G -- v. 165. Coronations H -- Cortazar C -- v. 166. Cortazar D -- Cotner T -- v. 167. Cotner U -- Country Life-United States -- v. 168. Country Life-Uruguay -- Cowper W -- v. 169. Cowper Family -- Creation-Biblical Account-H -- v. 170. Creation-Biblical Account-I -- Criminal H -- v. 171. Criminal I -- Crip -- v. 172. Criq -- Crosby G -- v. 173. Crosby H -- Cua -- v. 174. Cub -- Cunningham A -- v. 175. Cunningham B -- Cux -- v. 176. Cuy -- Cz. ; v. 52. B -- Bader -- v. 53. Bades -- Baker, I -- v. 54. Baker, J -- Ballads, E -- v. 55. Ballads, F -- Banco P -- v. 56. Banco R -- Banks and Banking-Gt. Br. S -- v. 57. Banks and Banking-Gt. Br. T -- Baptists-U -- v. 58. Baptists-V -- Barlac -- v. 59. Barlad -- Barry, I -- v. 60. Barry, J -- Basr -- v. 61. Bass -- Baud -- v. 62. Baue -- Beac -- v. 63. Bead -- Beck -- v. 64. Becl -- Beh -- v. 65. Bei -- Belk -- v. 66. Bell -- Bend -- v. 67. Bene -- Benz -- v. 68. Beo -- Berlin F -- v. 69. Berlin G -- Berr -- v. 70. Bers -- Bet -- v. 71. Beu -- Bible. Zulu -- v. 72. Bible. Selections -- Bible. N.T.: Crit -- v. 73. Bible. N.T.-D -- Bible. O.T. Pr -- v. 74. Bible. O.T. Ps -- Bibliography-O -- v. 75. Bibliography-P -- Bibliotheca O -- v. 76. Bibliotheca P -- Bik -- v. 77. Bil -- Bio -- v. 78. Bip -- Bisl -- v. 79. Bism -- Blai -- v. 80. Blaj -- Blis -- v. 81. Blit -- Bob -- v. 82. Boc -- Bog -- v. 83. Boh -- Bolr -- v. 84. Bols -- Bolz -- v. 85. Bom -- Bon -- v. 86. Boo -- Bool -- v. 87. Boom -- Bor -- v. 88. Bos -- Botany-R -- v. 89. Botany-S -- Bouq -- v. 90. Bour -- Boyd -- v. 91. Boye -- Bram -- v. 92. Bran -- Brazil D -- v. 93. Brazil E -- Brer -- v. 94. Bres -- Brid -- v. 95. Brie -- British E -- v. 96. British F -- Brom -- v. 97. Bron -- Brov -- v. 98. Brow -- Brt -- v. 99. Bru -- Bryc -- v. 100. Bryd -- Budget-E -- v. 101. Budget F -- Building C -- v. 102. Building D -- Bulle -- v. 103. Bullf -- Burgf -- v. 104. Burgg -- Burrow, M -- v. 105. Burrow, N -- Buss -- v. 106. Bust -- Bz. ; v. 1. A -- Aben -- v. 2. Abeo -- Académie de F -- v. 3. Académie du G -- Achm -- v. 4. Achn -- Adams, D -- v. 5. Adams, E -- Ador -- v. 6. Adós -- Aeronautics-Ac -- v. 7. Aeronautics-Ad -- Aesoph -- v. 8. Aesopi -- Africa, So -- v. 9. Africa, Sp -- Agar -- v. 10. Agas -- Agriculture-Economics-F -- v. 11. Agriculture-Economics-G -- Agriculture-C [i.e. Agriculture (Place) C] -- v. 12. Agriculture-D [i.e. Agriculture (Place) D] -- Air-E -- v. 13. Air-F -- Alabam -- v. 14. Alaban -- Alcaraz, Em -- v. 15. Alcaraz, En -- Alexan, F -- v. 16. Alexan, G -- Aliens-H -- v. 17. Aliens-I -- Allied J -- v. 18. Allied K -- Alphabet, S -- v. 19. Alphabet, T -- Alz -- v. 20. Am -- America M -- v. 21. America-N -- American Fab -- v. 22. American Fac -- American Languages-Q -- v. 23. American Languages-R -- American Pio -- v. 24. American Pip -- Americans in L -- v. 25. Americans in M -- Amy -- v. 26. Amz -- Anderson, S -- v. 27. Anderson T -- Angle S -- v. 28. Angle T -- Annal -- v. 29. Annam -- Anthon -- v. 30. Anthoo -- Apar -- v. 31. Apas -- Aqueb -- v. 32. Aquec -- Arauco, C -- v. 33. Arauco D -- Architectural D -- v. 34. Architectural E -- Architecture, Ecclesiastical-F -- v. 35. Architecture, Ecclesiastical-G -- Arens -- v. 36. Arent -- Aristoc -- v. 37. Aristod -- Armitage, R -- v. 38. Armitage, S -- Army, R -- v. 39. Army, S -- Arres -- v. 40. Arret -- Art-Essays and Misc. G -- v. 41. Art-Essays and Misc. H -- Art Per [i.e. Art Pers]-- v. 42. Art, Peru -- Arz -- v. 43. As -- Assat -- v. 44. Assau -- Assz -- v. 45. Ast -- Athenaeum I -- v. 46. Athenaeum L -- Attention M -- v. 47. Attention N -- Auq -- v. 48. Aurauco D -- Austria B -- v. 49. Austria-C -- Authorship T -- v. 50. Authorship U -- Auy -- v. 51. Auz -- Az. ; Mode of access: Internet.