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In this essay, I propose that a focus on research validity can improve communications among scholars of international studies who use a variety of methodological approaches because validity as a unifying standard allows for greater flexibility of methodological and empirical approaches to theoretical concepts. Social science disciplines have recently been more concerned with replication and transparency as the standards by which social science research is measured and valued. I apply transparency, replication, and validity to five identified inefficiencies in international studies communication and an examination of judicial independence/international studies research. This application indicates that validity is the more useful standard in that it addresses four of the five communication inefficiencies. Linking validity to advancing causal inference research, creating incentives for multimethod research teams, and improving social science communication to the lay public can also facilitate communication among international studies scholars.

Practice turn marks an important advancement in International Relations theorizing. In challenging abstract meta-theoretical debates, practice theorizing in International Relations aims to get close to the lifeworld(s) of the actual practitioners of politics. Scholars from different positions such as constructivism, critical theory, and post-structuralism have critically interrogated the analytical framework of practices in international politics. Building upon these works, we are concerned with a question of how to examine the context of international practices that unfolds in multiple ways in practitioners' performances. Our central thesis is that a distinct pragmatic methodology offers an opportunity to keep with the practice turn and avoid the problematic foundational moves of mainstream practice theorizing. This involves foregrounding three interrelated processes in examining practices: the role of exceptions in the normal stream of performances, normative uptake of the analysts, and the semantic field that actors navigate in political performances. We argue that this methodology is predicated on its usefulness to interpret practices through reflective social-science inquiry.

This paper assesses coordination as a salient capability of international interventions in complex settings characterised by weak states, the dominance of political elites whose interest in reforms is questionable and multiple local and international stakeholders. It focuses on the challenge of integrating a range of national and international actors and multiple policy domains, assessing this operational capability in terms of a Whole-of-Society approach. Using the example of the EU's intervention in Kosovo through the mechanisms of the EULEX mission, and the EU-facilitated Dialogue between Serbia and Kosovo, the paper argues that the EU's impact in Kosovo was weakened by its limited ability to include and engage a broad range of local stakeholders. While a Whole-of-Society approach could address this weakness, the paper also argues that a better understanding of the context-specific opportunities and limitations placed on international organisations like the EU is needed.

In the tradition of the English School of International Relations theory, this project from Robert Jackson seeks to show how continuities in international politics outweigh the changes. The author demonstrates how the world is neither one of anarchy, as put forward by realists, nor is it a fully cosmopolitan order, as argued by those on the other side of the theoretical spectrum. Instead, it is a world of states who acknowledge a set of moral constraints that exists between them

Drei Jahre nach den Terroranschlägen von New York und Washington stellt sich die Frage, ob die Bemühungen um eine gerechtere internationale Ordnung und damit um eine Beseitigung der Ursachen des Terrorismus verstärkt worden sind. Der Beitrag zeigt, dass es nicht zu einer "Entwicklungsdividende" gekommen ist, also zu einer Umverteilung finanzieller Mittel und einer Verschiebung politischer Prioritäten zugunsten der Entwicklungspolitik, sondern vielmehr zu einer "Versicherheitlichung" der internationalen Politik. Trotz einiger Modifikationen in der bilateralen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer leichten Erhöhung der entsprechenden Etats blieb es im Grunde beim "business as usual". Innovative Finanzquellen wurden noch nicht erschlossen. Die hohe Auslandsverschuldung der Entwicklungsländer und die "failed states" bleiben gravierende Probleme. Die Entwicklung auf handelspolitischem Gebiet geht nur langsam voran. Als Reaktion auf den internationalen Terrorismus hat sich insgesamt die militärische Option durchgesetzt, vor allem seit dem Angriff auf den Irak. Eine Eindämmung der Terrorgefahr lässt sich bis jetzt nicht feststellen. (ICE2)

Les relations internationales de Montréal depuis 1945 Les villes canadiennes et américaines n'ont développé des activités internationales que dans l'histoire récente. Tout ce qui touchait aux relations internationales a été pendant longtemps l'apanage du gouvernement fédéral. Les dirigeants municipaux avaient peu d'intérêt pour ce type d'activité. Le cas de Montréal reflète assez bien cette tendance jusqu'en 1960. Jean Drapeau est alors porté au pouvoir, tandis que le Québec est balayé par une série de changements sociopolitiques bientôt baptisée « Révolution tranquille ». Les élites québécoises veulent notamment rompre avec leur image de société traditionnelle. En ce qui a trait à Montréal, ce phénomène se traduit par l'idée d'organiser des grands projets à caractère international, lesquels serviront à montrer au monde entier que le Québec est résolument moderne et avant-gardiste. Avec le ralentissement économique des années 1980, ce paradigme s'essouffle. Comme ailleurs au Canada et aux États-Unis, les autorités montréalaises cherchent désormais à relancer l'économie locale. Les relations internationales sont vues comme l'un des moyens pour l'atteindre et elles se développent considérablement dans cette perspective.

Recent (geo)political tensions, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the rise of nationalism worldwide have brought to the forefront processes of (de)globalization both in social, political, and economic terms. In this context, we place questions: How have Brazil's views on international organizations changed over the years and why does it matter when it comes to understanding the country's recent contribution to the processes of (de)globalization? To answer the aforementioned questions, this article discusses some of Brazil's main points of view on international organizations (IOs) from a historical perspective. Therefore, we aim to analyze the criticism and political positions of Brazil regarding the most relevant IOs over time, from the League of Nations to the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions. Additionally, this paper addresses Jair Bolsonaro's (de)globalization positions, especially in view of his peculiar foreign policy oriented towards the contestation of the system. As a concluding point, we provide sufficient evidence on Bolsonaro's political inclination towards processes of (de)globalization based on his contempt for the so-called 'globalism', as well as his nationalistic rhetoric.

By combating malaria with mosquito nets or buildingschools and providing basic sanitation, philanthropyis helping transform the developing world. Rich donorsare devoting fortunes?many of them earnedthrough computer software, entertainment, and venture capitalism?to defeating poverty and improving lives, supplementingand in some cases surpassing official aid channels.Frombillionaires Bill and Melinda Gates and WarrenBuffett to Aliko Dangote and George Soros, the titans ofcapitalism are backing good causes with their cash. Whetherfinancing new vaccines, building libraries, or buying upAmazon rai