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This study assessed intermediate results of an investment intended to support climate change adaptation and resilience-building among farmers' cooperatives in Rwanda. The assessment was based on a purposive sampling survey of farmers' perspectives conducted in sites in 10 programme intervention districts of the country's 30 districts. Assessed interventions included the enhancing of farmer-access, quality and utilization of climate information services; onfarm participatory trials of climate-smart crop and forage varieties; and climate-smart harvest and post-harvest support for infrastructural development at "HUBs" for shared post-harvest storage and marketing. Interventions included the capacity development among farmers' organizations to access funding from commercial lending for integrating climate-smart features in warehouse construction and in other post-harvest infrastructure. Demonstration infrastructures were also constructed by a funding arrangement between the programme, local government structures and farmers' organizations. Farmers' perspectives indicated appreciation of the value of and need for the (yet to be available) weather information. Farmers understood weather information that includes seasonal advisories to be of higher quality than daily weather forecasts. Farmer-scientist participatory on-farm trials were successful in identifying potato and maize varieties that met both climate-resilience and other farmer-defined criteria. However, the applied method for forage trails did not indicate satisfactory yield levels, nor did it generate farmer confidence. The assessment revealed resounding farmers' approval for climate-smart infrastructure demonstrations. Misgivings were, however, indicated by farmers and their organizational leaders on the efficiency and effectiveness of the capacity development mechanism for commercial lending access to finance climate-smart requirements.

Typescript of a speech made by Ira Reeves to the Advertising Men's Post, American Legion, in Chicago, Illinois, in approximately 1930-1933. Reeves describes his observations and experiences as a former prohibition administrator and argues for the repeal of the 18th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

The role of twins in research is evolving as we move further into the post-genomic era. With the re-definition of what a gene is, it is becoming clear that biological family members who share a specific genetic variant may well not have a similar risk for future disease. This has somewhat invalidated the prior rationale for twin studies. Case co-twin study designs, however, are slowly emerging as the ideal tool to identify both environmentally induced epigenetic marks and epigenetic disease-associated processes. Here, we propose that twin lives are not as identical as commonly assumed and that the case co-twin study design can be used to investigate the effects of the adult social environment. We present the elements in the (social) environment that are likely to affect the epigenome and measures in which twins may diverge. Using data from the German TwinLife registry, we confirm divergence in both the events that occur and the salience for the individual start as early as age 11. Case co-twin studies allow for the exploitation of these divergences, permitting the investigation of the role of not only the adult social environment, but also the salience of an event or environment for the individual, in determining lifelong health trajectories. In cases like social adversity where it is clearly not possible to perform a randomised-controlled trial, we propose that the case co-twin study design is the most rigorous manner with which to investigate epigenetic mechanisms encoding environmental exposure. The role of the case co-twin design will continue to evolve, as we argue that it will permit causal inference from observational data.

Through a range of case studies spanning the post-Cold War period in Iraq, Moldova and Serbia, this innovative book breaks new ground in its study of asymmetric conflicts where warring sides exhibit vast power differentials. It uses multiple theories to examine the different pathways that encourage minor powers to engage in both offensive and defensive wars that they are likely to lose, analysing domestic crisis as a key catalyst and considering ways to mitigate conditions that drive conflict. The author provides an important framework that can be applied to contemporary conflicts elsewhere.

Through a range of case studies spanning the post-Cold War period in Iraq, Moldova and Serbia, this innovative book breaks new ground in its study of asymmetric conflicts where warring sides exhibit vast power differentials. It uses multiple theories to examine the different pathways that encourage minor powers to engage in both offensive and defensive wars that they are likely to lose, analysing domestic crisis as a key catalyst and considering ways to mitigate conditions that drive conflict. The author provides an important framework that can be applied to contemporary conflicts elsewhere.

Cet article analyse le vote pour le Brexit dans le contexte historique d'aliénation postindustrielle de la Grande Bretagne et dans le contexte conjoncturel récent de crise morale fabriquée autour de la question de la migration. Il explique comment l'agrégation unique de ces facteurs historiques a été capable de déstabiliser l'autorité du gouvernement britannique lors du référendum sur l'Union Européenne de 2016 et de le décentrer. Il s'appuie sur une enquête ethnographique conduite récemment dans le quartier est-londonien Barking and Dagenham, qui révèle les efforts quotidiens pour la survie dans les quartiers londoniens post industriels et postcoloniaux.

Written in the beginning of December 2013, this article was inspired by two events that temporarily coincided: the massive manifestations in Kiyv's Maidan Square, called 'Euromaidan' and the release of Pussy Riot from prison in Russia. Asking myself if those two events were pure coincidence, or if there were a certain political or at least media causality between the two, I try to analyse both processes (Euromaidan media representation and Pussy Riot media-plot) as new myths (referring to Barthes, McLuhan and Meletinskii's theories) of political resistance in post-Soviet territories, created through the media.

Written in the beginning of December 2013, this article was inspired by two events that temporarily coincided: the massive manifestations in Kiyv's Maidan Square, called 'Euromaidan' and the release of Pussy Riot from prison in Russia. Asking myself if those two events were pure coincidence, or if there were a certain political or at least media causality between the two, I try to analyse both processes (Euromaidan media representation and Pussy Riot media plot) as new myths (referring to Barthes, McLuhan and Meletinskii's theories) of political resistance in post-Soviet territories, created through the media.

This article examines three issues raised by three primary‐aged siblings experiencing a post‐divorce shared parenting arrangement. It argues that the conceptualisation of shared parenting in academic and policy discourse concentrates on parent–child relationships, overlooks children's relationships with siblings and fails to fully recognise the social and material resources necessary for shared parenting arrangements to work. It suggests that current policy discourse takes for granted that shared parenting promotes gender equality for fathers and mothers, despite the existing and ingrained gendered parenting practices produced and maintained in this UK context.

THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ARE AN IMPORTANT FORM OF ORGANIZED BUT WEAK OPPOSITION IN INFORMATIONALIZING POST-INDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES, WITH THEIR "NEWNESS" FOLLOWING FROM CHALLENGES BEING MADE AGAINST THE CULTURAL CODES THROUGH RESISTANCE TO THE INSTRUMENTAL COLONIZATION OF THE EVERYDAY LIFEWORLD AND THROUGH THE PRESENTATION OF ALTERNATIVE CODES OF BEHAVIOR. GROUPS WHICH ARE GIVEN CONSIDERATION IN THIS ARGUMENT INCLUDE FEMINIST, SANCTUARY, CIVIL RIGHTS, PEACE, ECOLOGY, ANTI-NUCLEAR, ANTI-ABORTION, AND COMMUNITY POWER GROUPS; THE SPECTRUM INCLUDES CONSERVATIVE AND LIBERAL MOVEMENTS CATEGORIES ARE CREATED FOR UNDERSTANDING THE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ON A DEVELOPMENTAL LEVEL.

Luego de reconstruir el confictivo proceso de recomposición de la autonomía relativa de la acción estatal, el texto analiza la naturaleza y los avances de la estrategia post-neoliberal de la RC y refexiona sobre las ambivalencias de una lógica de gestión política centrada en la afrmación de su fuerza y capacidad decisional pero distante del apuntalamiento de un campo de relaciones políticas fuidas con la ciudadanía y las fuerzas organizadas de la sociedad.

The transition of the economic system to the post-industrial level has radically changed the social structure of society. The organized working class and its mass parties, whose ideology was based on the recognition of a systematic class community in the production process, gave way to small communities unrelated to this process, uniting on the basis of cultural consumption codes. Accordingly, the transition from the class subjectivity of industrial society to the fragmented declared subjectivity of post-industrialism for the majority of the population means refusing to fight for real interests in favor of simulated by the political elite of these interests. The actions of such entities within the limits of the codes of consumption culture imposed on them do not lead to a change in the real political order. They do not allow, but only temporarily compensate for the growing structural political conflicts. In the period of post-industrial society, the exhaustion of the possibilities of market distribution of resources creates a tendency to move from real economic activity to rent seeking. However, this form of satisfying social needs creates a threatening tendency toward self-destruction of the very infrastructure of modern society and the further fragmentation of the space of political subjectivity.The return of the real political subjectivity of the majority may be associated with the transformation of disparate groups into a new political class. These goals imply the legitimization of a new political order in which the hierarchy of access to society's resources is no longer a key factor in social stratification.Key words: political subjectivity, post-industrialism, rent seeking, resource distribution ; Перехід економічної системи на постіндустріальний рівень кардинально змінив соціальну структуру суспільства. Організований робітничий клас і його масові партії, чия ідеологія базувалася на усвідомленні системної класової спільності в процесі виробництва, поступилися місцем не пов'язаним із цим процесом дрібним спільнотам, які об'єднуються на основі культурних кодів споживання. Відповідно, перехід від класової суб'єктності індустріального суспільства до фрагментованої декласованої суб'єктності постіндустріалізму для більшості населення означає відмову від боротьби за реальні інтереси на користь сформованих політичною елітою симулякрів цих інтересів. Дії таких суб'єктів у межах нав'язаних їм кодів культури споживання не призводить до зміни реального політичного порядку, не дозволяють, а лише тимчасово компенсують зростаючі структурні політичні конфлікти.У період постіндустріального суспільства вичерпання можливостей ринкового розподілу ресурсів створює тенденцію переходу від реальної економічної діяльності до ренто-орієнтованої поведінки. Однак така форма задоволення соціальних запитів створює загрозливу тенденцію до самознищення самої інфраструктури сучасного суспільства і подальшої фрагментацією простору політичної суб'єктності.Повернення реальної політичної суб'єктності більшості може бути пов'язано з трансформацією розрізнених груп у новий політичний клас. Ці цілі мають на увазі легітимізацію нового політичного порядку, в якому ієрархія доступів до ресурсів суспільства перестає бути ключовим фактором соціальної стратифікації.Ключові слова: політична суб'єктність, постіндустріалізм, ренто-орієнтована поведінка, розподіл ресурсів

Purpose– Since the collapse of the USSR, former Soviet republics have embarked on public service modernization, in most instances drawing on internationally dominant new public management (NPM) principles. Are post-Soviet republics ready for these administrative prescriptions? The paper aims to discuss these issues.Design/methodology/approach– This paper discusses Kazakhstan's experience with the implementation of NPM through a qualitative case study of the country's adoption of the European Bologna higher education reforms.Findings– While implementation of the NPM-inspired Bologna program has produced significant achievements, there are also gaps and shortcomings. These are due to a remnant Soviet administrative practices including strong control by educational ministries, as well as incompatible organizational cultures and a tendency toward superficial formalism in the implementation process.Research limitations/implications– NPM tends to be introduced in a top-down fashion as a taken-for-granted component of state transformation, without sufficient attention to the capacities, cultures and systems required for effective and accountable performance-driven administrative reform.Originality/value– Kazakhstan's experience provides crucial insights into the governance structures, professional cultures and managerial capacities required for successful implementation of NPM in post-Soviet states.