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Examines the policy implications of research findings, and the role of political scientists in improving democracy in the US, from the 1974 amendments to the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) to the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BRCA).

Concerns over financing federal elections have become a seemingly perennial aspect of our political system, long centered on the enduring issues of high campaign costs and reliance on interest groups for needed campaign funds. Rising election costs had long fostered a sense in some quarters that spending was out of control, with too much time spent raising funds and elections "bought and sold." This report contains information on the evolution of the current system, campaign finance practices and related issues, policy options to address campaign finance issues, legislative action in the 109th and 110th Congresses, and additional information and figures.

This article focuses on selected political campaigns of the Third Parties in the United States. The main purpose of this work is to present how these candidates promote themselves and communicate with voters. Traditional and new media are playing a crucial role in public life during presidential elections. Not only do they inform society but also are a tool of political communication. Voters can get to know a candidate and his/her election program via the media. Journalists are conducting interviews with main candidates, especially the Democrats and Republicans, which are leaders in the polls. But what should the candidates from other parties do? Those who do not appear very often in the mainstream media? How do they gain public support for their ideas? Do we insist on a telegenic president, as William F. Buckley indicated, or a cybergenic president in the contemporary world? Considering the increasing role of the Internet in modern society, these candidates use new new media to promote themselves. Therefore, in this article I will describe the importance of new media, their effectiveness in presidential campaigns and a cybergenic candidate as a standard of modern political communication

Abstract
The shape of Israel's settlement map in the first two decades of independence was the outcome of formative political, economic, and social mechanisms. This article focuses on settlement in the mountain region through an examination of the failed settlement efforts in Biranit. We address settlement programs for the mountain region as a reflection of the contest to control the state's bureaucratic character and shape the character of its institutions. From this perspective, efforts to settle the mountain region represent the political contest between state and Zionist bodies over their roles in the transition from Yishuv to state. Special attention is drawn to the use of the terms 'frontier' and 'periphery' to mobilize political and economic resources both in and outside Israel.

The author argues that as more women run for public office, there is an increasing need for research examining how gender affects the dynamics of political campaigns. In the essay, decision making research is used to address how women staff their campaigns, delegate responsibility, & make choices once elected. In addition, an examination of the media reflects a gender bias in the way women's campaigns are reported on. Finally, the author addresses fund raising and voter recruitment issues relevant to women candidates. L. Conly

Are female candidates disproportionately punished for relying on negative campaign ads? While scholars agree that sponsoring negativity works against traditional gender stereotypes, it is less clear how relying on negativity affects voter evaluations of female candidates. In this manuscript we reconsider the relationship between candidate gender and negativity. Relying on theories of conditional stereotype use, we argue that negative ads translate to significantly poorer evaluations for the female candidate when two conditions are met: (1) the female candidate is perceived as the instigator of negativity and (2) she is of a different party than the voter. We test our predictions using an experiment and show that female candidates only face a disproportionate punishment for relying on negativity under our two specific conditions. In contrast, voters are much more forgiving when they believe that a female candidate simply followed her opponent's lead in using negative ads or when negativity is used to promote the voter's party. While our research suggests that-compared to their male counterparts-female candidates do face some added constraints, our findings have broader implications. Not only are voters more or less likely to use gender stereotypes under certain conditions, but these conditions are highly dependent on the campaign context. Adapted from the source document.