Trade with friendly countries has helped mitigate the effects of the sanctions imposed on Russia by the collective West. However, many problems remain. Replacing Western imports in the consumer sector will be easier than replacing industrial equipment or high-tech goods. Friendly countries are still unlikely to be ready to act as "black knights" in the form which was acceptable in the 20th century. So, Russia must rely on itself and its own resources.
With memory wars between Central and Eastern European states and Russia, the Second World War has become a useable past instrumentalized as a currency for legitimacy on the international scene. These memory wars focus on who was fascist and who colluded with Nazism—the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1941 or the collaborationist forces in Central and Eastern Europe? And, subsequently, who are the new fascists advancing a revisionist interpretation of the Second World War today: Putin's Russia or Central and Eastern European countries? What is at stake here is the recognition of Russia as having a legitimate say in European affairs because of the Soviet victory, or its exclusion for refusing to repent of its role in dividing Europe and occupying a part thereof. This article debunks the accusation of fascism attributed to Putin's regime and offers to look at the label of fascism as a mirror game between the West and Russia in defining what Europe should be like and Russia's inclusion or exclusion.
Nel primo capitolo viene analizzata l'evoluzione dei rapporti tra Occidente e Russia negli ultimi 30 anni, soffermando l'attenzione sugli eventi salienti e gli sforzi diplomatici di entrambe le parti, utile per comprendere il substrato dell'attuale contesto geopolitico. Successivamente viene trattata la politica economica russa e la controversia sul gasdotto Nord Stream 2. Nel terzo capitolo vengono approfonditi gli interessi politici e strategici della Russia, con particolare attenzione alle regioni baltica, per poi esaminare, nei paragrafi successivi, le problematiche relative alla presenza di russofoni nei Paesi baltici e le minacce dal punto di vista militare e dal punto di vista ibrido, con un approfondimento sulla centrale nucleare bielorussa di Astravets e sulla minaccia ibrida marittima. Nell'ultimo paragrafo si analizzano le strategie che NATO e UE stanno mettendo in atto per affrontare le sfide del futuro immediato. 4 Il seguente elaborato si prefigge di analizzare l'attuale situazione strategica nella zona del mar Baltico con lo scopo di esprimere delle considerazioni in merito alla sicurezza e alla politica di difesa degli interessi comunitari e globali
Examines Russian President Putin's foreign policy following Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the US; support for counterterrorism coalition, relations with Europe and NATO, and regional security in Central Asia.
Argues that substantial democratic and economic achievements have occurred despite major difficulties; focuses on elections, policies of President Yeltsin, and political parties; since 1991.
A review essay on books by: Marshall S. Shatz & Judith E. Zimmerman (Eds & Trs), Signposts: A Collection of Articles on the Russian Intelligentsia (Irvine, CA: Charles Schlacks, Jr., 1986); Boris Shragin & Albert Todd (Eds), Landmarks: A Collection of Essays on the Russian Intelligentsia, 1909 (Schartz, Marian [Tr], New York, NY: Karz Howard, 1977); & William F. Woehrlin (Ed & Tr), Out of the Depths (De Profundis): A Collection of Articles on the Russian Revolution (Irvine, CA: Charles Schlacks, Jr., 1986 [see listings in IRPS No. 81]). At the beginning of the twentieth century, several members of the Russian intelligentsia began to re-evaluate Marxist materialism & explored idealism through Kantian & neo-Kantian philosophies. The group produced a symposium entitled Vekhi (landmarks or signposts), a denunciation of the Russian intelligentsia. The symposium attacked materialist conceptions of history & culture from an idealist standpoint. Signposts & Landmarks are translations of the Vekhi essays. Out of the Depths contains a continuation of the debates among the intelligentsia after the Bolshevik Revolution, begun by the original symposium in 1909. During the era of glasnost, renewed interest & discussion of the Vekhi essays occurred among Soviet intellectuals. By 1992, virtually all Russian intellectuals had accepted the criticisms in both collections of essays, but found little guidance in them for current actions. D. Karjanen
Looks at Russian government's push toward a knowledge-based economy, particularly in the manufacturing sector. Quantifies and benchmarks sector's relative strengths, identifying opportunities to increase Russian productivity and competitiveness. Examines underlying firm-level determinants of knowledge absorption, competitiveness, and productivity, with an eye to improving workers' skill levels and the investment climate - Provided by publisher
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This week we're exploring the state of public opinion in Russia. How popular is Putin? And, indeed, how can we measure people's attitudes in authoritarian settings at all?