Suchergebnisse

Defence date: 20 October 2017 ; Examining Board: Prof. François Foret, Université Libre Bruxelles; Prof. Jan-Werner Mueller, Princeton University; Prof. Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Prof. Joseph Weiler, European University Institute/New York University ; The objective of this dissertation is to shed further light on the nature of European integration by examining the relationship between religion and politics throughout the whole process. The thesis aims at answering the following research question: which forms of secularism have underpinned the process of European integration. Secularism is understood in the thesis as a public settlement between politics and religion (i.e. we can speak of secularism, if religious and political sphere are conceptually distinct). A historical perspective allows the author to identify and examine the following junctures with respect to the relationship between religion and politics in the process: the Christian-democratic foundation of European Communities, the question of Turkish accession, the search for the "Soul of Europe" during Jacques Delors' presidency at the European Commission, the debate on the Treaty establishing Constitution for Europe, and last but not least: the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty with its art. 17 obliging European institutions to maintain dialogue with religious organisations. Dissertation's findings indicate that three forms of secularism, rooted in the European intellectual and political history, might be identified in the discourse and practice of European integration: 1) Christian-democratic secularism – Christianity transformed by personalist thought is regarded as a cultural and symbolic basis of European integration; 2) Laicist secularism - religion seen as a challenge to the democratic political order; 3) Agnostic secularism – understood as an attempt to depoliticize religion, to delegate it to other bodies, e.g. Member States or international organizations. The author argues that the last concept, liberal in its nature, has been most successful throughout the whole process.

The assertion that editorial cartoons do not just mirror politics, but are also themselves a part of the political struggle by the state, media, & social movements to influence the interpretive processes by which individuals negotiate the meanings of the bands is investigated in an analysis of the editorial cartoons in Turkish daily newspapers. Focusing on secularism & Islamism as a political project that seeks to transform & reinstitute the sociopolitical border on the basis of constituted norms is contextualized in a historical narrative that begins with the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923. The defense of secularism by a pro-state secularist & a mainstream secular Turkish daily newspaper consider it to be an indispensable element of the sociopolitical structure, as well as the exclusion of religion from public life & national identity. The editorial cartoons in these newspapers usually depict the Other with restricted symbols to show an incapability of responding to the needs of society. Comparative analysis of the use of cartooning in a newspaper owned by a moderate religious group identifies a kaleidoscopic, multiple meaning perspective accorded to the reader. The high level of sophistication has been a source of complaints, but a departure from the overt message displayed in the secular media is maintained. The competing frames of the reproduction of the Turkish political context through Turkish editorial cartoons is concluded to be best viewed as modernist projects in which both sides enter into a struggle to apply their projects to the state & society, as well as to make their identities acceptable for a broader community. References. J. Harwell

Recent decades have witnessed the dramatic growth of an organized secularist movement that serves the needs of and advocates for the nonreligious. This volume brings together the latest research on organized secularism in the US, including its history, institution building, activist and political strategies, and its social functions in the lives of secularist individuals and families.

This book is a translation of Aziz al-Azmeh's seminal work Al-'Ilmaniya min mandhur mukhtalif that was first published in Beirut in 1992. Both celebrated and criticised for its reflections on Arab secularisation and secularism in the modern history of the Arab World, it is the only study to date to approach its subject as a set of historical changes which affected the regulation of the social, political and cultural order, and which permeated the concrete workings of society, rather than as an ideological discussion framed from the outset by the assumed opposition between Islam and secularism. The author takes a comprehensive analytical perspective to show that an almost imperceptible yet real, multi-faceted and objective secularising process has been underway in the Arab world since the 1850s. The early onset was the result of adapting to systemic novelties introduced at the time and a reaction to the perceived European advance and local retardation. The need for meaningful reform, and the actions taken in order to put in place a new organisation of state and society based on modern organisational and educational criteria, rather than older, religious traditions, stemmed from the perceived weakness of Arab polities and from an internal drive to overcome this situation. The book follows these themes into the close of the 20th century, marked with the rise of Islamism. A preface to the English translation takes a retrospective look at the theme from the vantage point of social, political and intellectual issues of relevance today

Through much of its existence, Québec's neighbors called it the "priest-ridden province." Today, however, Québec society is staunchly secular, with a modern welfare state built on lay provision of social services--a transformation rooted in the "Quiet Revolution" of the 1960s. In Beheading the Saint, Geneviève Zubrzycki studies that transformation through a close investigation of the annual Feast of St. John the Baptist of June 24. The celebrations of that national holiday, she shows, provided a venue for a public contesting of the dominant ethno-Catholic conception of French Canadian identity and, via the violent rejection of Catholic symbols, the articulation of a new, secular Québécois identity. From there, Zubrzycki extends her analysis to the present, looking at the role of Québécois identity in recent debates over immigration, the place of religious symbols in the public sphere, and the politics of cultural heritage--issues that also offer insight on similar debates elsewhere in the world.

Alev inar's examination of contemporary Turkey, which stands at the threshold of East and West, of religious and secular nationalism, explores modernity through daily practices and the social construction of identity and political agency in relation to nationalism, secularism, and Islam. Using local details and debatesincluding an intriguing discussion of veilinginar reveals modernity as a transformative intervention in bodies, places, and times.

In its preamble, The Western Australian Charter of Multiculturalism (WA) commits the state to becoming: "A society in which respect for mutual difference is accompanied by equality of opportunity within a framework of democratic citizenship". One of the principles of multiculturalism, as enunciated in the Charter, is "equality of opportunity for all members of society to achieve their full potential in a free and democratic society where every individual is equal before and under the law". An important element of this principle is the "equality of opportunity . to achieve . full potential". The implication here is that those who start from a position of disadvantage when it comes to achieving that potential deserve more than 'equal' treatment. Implicitly, equality can be achieved only through the recognition of and response to differential needs and according to the likelihood of achieving full potential. This is encapsulated in Kymlicka's argument that neutrality is "hopelessly inadequate once we look at the diversity of cultural membership which exists in contemporary liberal democracies" (903). Yet such a potential commitment to differential support might seem unequal to some, where equality is constructed as the same or equal treatment regardless of differing circumstances. Until the past half-century or more, this problematic has been a hotly-contested element of the struggle for Civil Rights for African-Americans in the United States, especially as these rights related to educational opportunity during the years of racial segregation. For some, providing resources to achieve equal outcomes (rather than be committed to equal inputs) may appear to undermine the very ethos of liberal democracy. In Australia, this perspective has been the central argument of Pauline Hanson and her supporters who denounce programs designed as measures to achieve equality for specific disadvantaged groups; including Indigenous Australians and humanitarian refugees. Nevertheless, equality for all on all grounds of legally-accepted difference: gender, race, age, family status, sexual orientation, political conviction, to name a few; is often held as the hallmark of progressive liberal societies such as Australia. In the matter of religious freedoms the situation seems much less complex. All that is required for religious equality, it seems, is to define religion as a private matter– carried out, as it were, between consenting parties away from the public sphere. This necessitates, effectively, the separation of state and religion. This separation of religious belief from the apparatus of the state is referred to as 'secularism' and it tends to be regarded as a cornerstone of a liberal democracy, given the general assumption that secularism is a necessary precursor to equal treatment of and respect for different religious beliefs, and the association of secularism with the Western project of the Enlightenment when liberty, equality and science replaced religion and superstition. By this token, western nations committed to equality are also committed to being liberal, democratic and secular in nature; and it is a matter of state indifference as to which religious faith a citizen embraces – Wiccan, Christian, Judaism, etc – if any. Historically, and arguably more so in the past decade, the terms 'democratic', 'secular', 'liberal' and 'equal' have all been used to inscribe characteristics of the collective 'West'. Individuals and states whom the West ascribe as 'other' are therefore either or all of: not democratic; not liberal; or not secular – and failing any one of these characteristics (for any country other than Britain, with its parliamentary-established Church of England, headed by the Queen as Supreme Governor) means that that country certainly does not espouse equality.

"Established institutions and policies of dealing with religious diversity in liberal democratic states are increasingly under pressure. Practical politics and political theory is caught in a trap between a fully secularized state (strict separation of state and politics from completely privatized religions based on an idealized version of American denominationalism or French republicanism) and neo-corporatist or 'pillarized' regimes of selective cooperation between states and organized religions. The book offers an original, comprehensive conceptual, theoretical and practical approach to problems of governance of religious diversity from a multi-disciplinary perspective combining moral and political philosophy, constitutional law, history, sociology and anthropology of religions and comparative institutionalism. Proposals of associative democracy - a moderately libertarian, flexible version of democratic institutional pluralism - are introduced and scrutinized whether they can serve as as plausible third way overcoming the inherent deficiencies of the predominant models in theory and practice"--Publisher's description

Keskin, Tugrul: The Sociology of Islam. - S. 1-18 Part: Islam, economy and politics Ozaral, Basak: Islam and moral economy. - S. 21-44 Anjum, Ovamir: Has modernity ruptured Islamic political tradition? - S. 45-60 Hendrick, Joshua D.: Neo-liberalism and 'third way' Islamic activism : Fethullah Gillen and Turkey's new elite. - S. 61-90 Amin, Husnul: From Islamism to post-Islamism : the coming of a new intellectual trajectory in Pakistan. - S. 91-126 Part: Globalization and Islam Zoli, Corri: The multicultural 'Ummah'. - S. 129-152 Reddig, Melanie: Power struggle in the religious field of Islam : modernization, globalization and the rise of Salafism. - S. 153-176 Johnston, David L.: Yusuf al-Qaradawi and Chandra Muzaffar : how theology impacts reformist views on Islam and secularism. - S. 177-200 Walton, Jeremy F.: Civil Islam, means and end of liberal piety : ethnographic notes from among Turkey's charitable foundations. - S. 201-226 Part: Muslim society in the West Górak-Sosnowska, Katarzyna: Indigenous and immigrant faces of Islam in Poland Katarzyna Gorak-Sosnowska. - S. 229-246 Moosavi, Leon: Muslim converts and islamophobia in Britain. - S. 247-268 De Castro, Cristina Maria: Islam in Brazil : reflections on economic life and religiosity in a minority context. - S. 269-290 Pace, Enzo; Frisina, Annalisa: Italian secularism revisited? : Muslims' claims in the public sphere and the long struggle towards religious equality. - S. 291-315 Part: Islam and muslim societies Ogungbile, David Olu: Tradition and response : Islam and muslim societies. - S. 319-342 Tamney, Joseph B.: Religion-state relations in Malaysia. - S. 343-376 Ziadeh, Radwan: The islamist movement in Syria : historical, political and social struggle. - S. 377-394 Woodlock, Rachel: Many hijabs : interpretative approaches to the questions of Islamic female dress. - S. 395-418 Kusujiarti, Siti: Pluralistic and informal welfare regime : the roles of islamic institutions in the Indonesian welfare regime. - S. 419-452 Schellenberg, Kathryn; Daassa, Mohamed: What they say about the treatment of expatriate workers in the United Arab Emirates. - S. 453-486

Introduction -- The Historical Development and Definition of a Secular State -- The Constitutional Development and Regulation of Turkish Secularism -- The TCC's Approach to Secularism in Freedom of Religion Cases -- Protection of Secularism within the Framework of the Political Party Regime -- The Impact of the 2017 Constitutional Amendments on the Protection of Secularism -- The ECtHR and Turkish Secularism -- Conclusion.

Introduction -- Chapter 1 two sides of the same secularism story: Kemalists versus non-kemalists in modern turkey -- Chapter 2 The anatomy of the Jdp and the emergence of post-kemalist secularism -- Chapter 3 Jdp's secularism and the headscarf -- Chapter 4 The jdp's secularism and religious education -- Chapter 5: Jdp's secularism and turkey's religious and sectarian minorities -- Conclusion.

This research paper dissects the hypothetical connection between religion and the democratic system, explicitly and impliedly Islam's relationship with liberal popular government. This research paper aims to examine the connection between Islam, Muslim majority social orders, and liberal democracy such that will progress hypothesis and work on concerning their relations. Even though this relationship is the prompt focal point of this research, the finishes of this research have a lot more extensive pertinence in enlightening the hypothetical relationship between religion, secularism, and majority rule government all in all, and in adding to the improvement of a liberal-vote based hypothesis for Muslim social orders specifically. The main research issue of this paper is that liberal democracy requires the shape of political secularism, however within the Muslim world nowadays the essential mental, political, and social assets at the transfer of Muslim democrats are religious. Implanted in this issue is the relationship between political culture and democracy. In seeking after this kind of ponder, there's a threat of assuming that the variable of political culture is being hoisted as the foremost notable calculate in clarifying the nonattendance of democracy within the Muslim world.