Suchergebnisse

An der Rechtsetzung der Europäischen Union wirken eine Vielzahl staatlicher und nichtstaatlicher Akteure in einem Mehrebenensystem zusammen (Union, Mitgliedstaaten, ihre Gliedstaaten bzw. Regionen). Deren Interaktion lässt sich im Rahmen des "Governance-Konzepts" beschreiben und analysieren. Anhand der Verordnung Nr. 1370/2007 (EG) für den Öffentlichen Personennahverkehr, bei dem EU-Gemeinschaftsrecht unmittelbar in die Kompetenzen von "subnationalen Akteuren" eingreift, untersucht Ulf von Krause formelle und informelle Mitwirkungsmöglichkeiten deutscher Akteure auf den unterschiedlichen Ebenen. Dabei testet er Hypothesen der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung zur Politikverflechtung, zu Einflussveränderungen zwischen Akteursgruppen sowie zu Auswirkungen von Mehrebenensystemen auf die demokratische Legitimation. Die Analyse bestätigt die Verringerung der Gefahr von "Politikverflechtungsfallen" in Mehrebenensystemen, die wachsende Bedeutung der Kommunen als "4. Ebene" sowie demokratische Legitimationsprobleme der EU.

From the establishment of NATO in 1949, Western Europe has been under Anglo-American tutelage in military and security matters. Several countries, most notably France and (since reunification) Germany, have experienced this as a hindrance to the pursuit of their particular interests. Since 2008, the European Commission has actively joined the quest for ""strategic autonomy"" within NATO. The elections of Donald Trump and Emmanuel Macron in 2016-17 further widened the Atlantic rift, while the COVID-19 crisis with its colossal economic costs has, in turn, exacerbated the already worsening geopol

This text offers a concise and accessible introduction for students new to the study of the European Union. It offers an up-to-date guide to the major issues and areas of debate.

The result of an effective management of the redistribution of European Union funds should be a reduction of disparities between EU regions by guaranteeing their comprehensive and harmonious development and supporting the economic and social cohesion of member countries. A poorly-conducted programming process of financial interventionism, the source of which is EU funds, may result in divergence between regions, the direct effect of which would be their social and economic marginalisation. For this reason, it is important to skillfully manage those funds. The main aim of this article is to present the factors affecting the decision-making process of the use of EU co-financing, and that includes the pandemic as an external variable being a threat to the implementation of investments from the EU's structural funds. To explain the multivariate associations between explanatory variables and the binary outcome variables, logistic regression was employed. Based on the tests' results, significant associations were observed between the dependent variable and (a) participation in training co-financed by EU funds, (b) receiving information regarding additional EU funds as pandemic support, and (c) the suspension of planned investments using EU funds due to the pandemic situation. A comprehensive distribution of respondents according to the response categories in the analysed variables within the entire sample (N = 950) was presented. Corresponding associations were evident within a sub-sample (N = 303). The model showed that all significant independent variables explain the use of EU funds, but the model explains just 28.6% of the decision to use the funds. Thus, the following study indicates directions that require further research.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of tables -- Introduction -- The meaning of Europeanization -- Research focus -- State of the art - why look at second order questions? -- Poststructural discourse theory - beyond a neoinstitutionalist reading of the Europeanization process -- Learning by doing - Europeanization of the regionalization debate in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and Croatia as the odd case of Europeanization -- Structure of the book -- 1 Meta-theory, neoinstitutionalism, and Europeanization -- Introduction -- On the meta-theory of Europeanization -- Limitations of the neoinstitutionalist ontology in view of Europeanization research -- Interpreting the structure: the meaning of Europe in Europeanization scholarship -- Interpreting the actor: the meaning of domestic in Europeanization scholarship -- On the structural bias within Europeanization research - linking ontology and research models -- On the limits of top-down and bottom-up approaches to Europeanization -- Conclusion: Europeanization - a research agenda in search of a paradigm shift -- 2 A poststructural reading of Europeanization -- Introduction -- Discourse matters - discursive approaches to EU studies -- From meta to method - outlining the central thread of poststructuralist thought -- Towards a discursive reading of Europeanization -- Explaining the EU-domestic-Europeanization nexus -- EU structure as an essentially contested idea -- Domestic actors as inventive and plural -- Europeanization as articulation of EU norms (at home) -- Is Europeanization really a process with no genesis? Structural change in view of the wider spatiotemporal context -- Conclusion - closing in on the agency-structure gap within Europeanization research -- 3 Europeanization of territoriality and EU accession - towards a research model -- Introduction -- Research focus.

This paper compares legislative dynamics under all procedures in which the Council of Ministers votes by qualified majority (QMV). We make five major points. First, the EU governments have sought to reduce the democratic deficit by increasing the powers of the European Parliament since 1987, whereas they have lessened the legislative influence of the Commission. Under the Amsterdam treaty's version of the codecision procedure, the Parliament is a co-equal legislator with the Council, whereas the Commission's influence is likely to be more informal than formal. Second, as long as the Parliament acts as a pro-integration entrepreneur, policy outcomes under consultation, cooperation & the new codecision will be more integrationist than the QMV-pivot in the Council prefers. Third, the pace of European integration may slow down if MEPs become more responsive to the demands of their constituents. Fourth, the EU is evolving into a bicameral legislature with a heavy status quo bias. Not only does the Council use QMV but absolute majority voting requirements & high levels of absenteeism create a de facto supermajority threshold for Parliamentary decisions. Finally, if the differences between the Council & the Parliament concern regulation issues on a traditional left-right axis, the Commission is more likely to be the ally of the Council than the Parliament. 2 Figures, 36 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd.]

At the heart of this book, a question: what to make of the creeping competences of the EU and of the role the European Court of Justice plays in this respect? Taking the implied powers doctrine as its starting point, the hypothesis is that it shows what is ultimately at stake in the concept of legal competence: the problem of creation in law, or the relationship between constituent and constituted power. By rethinking this relationship, a new conceptual framework to make sense of creeping competences is designed. For this, the work of Maurice Merleau-Ponty is used. Tracing back the philosophic