Suchergebnisse

This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License.-- Proceedings of the International Conference of the Brazilian Association for Bioinformatics and Computational Biology (X-meeting 2011). ; [Background]: Analysis of DNA copy number alterations and gene expression changes in human samples have been used to find potential target genes in complex diseases. Recent studies have combined these two types of data using different strategies, but focusing on finding gene-based relationships. However, it has been proposed that these data can be used to identify key genomic regions, which may enclose causal genes under the assumption that disease-associated gene expression changes are caused by genomic alterations. [Results]: Following this proposal, we undertake a new integrative analysis of genome-wide expression and copy number datasets. The analysis is based on the combined location of both types of signals along the genome. Our approach takes into account the genomic location in the copy number (CN) analysis and also in the gene expression (GE) analysis. To achieve this we apply a segmentation algorithm to both types of data using paired samples. Then, we perform a correlation analysis and a frequency analysis of the gene loci in the segmented CN regions and the segmented GE regions; selecting in both cases the statistically significant loci. In this way, we find CN alterations that show strong correspondence with GE changes. We applied our method to a human dataset of 64 Glioblastoma Multiforme samples finding key loci and hotspots that correspond to major alterations previously described for this type of tumors. [Conclusions]: Identification of key altered genomic loci constitutes a first step to find the genes that drive the alteration in a malignant state. These driver genes can be found in regions that show high correlation in copy number alterations and expression changes ; This work has been supported by funds provided by the Local Government Junta de Castilla y León (JCyL, ref. project: CSI07A09), by the Spanish Government (ISCiii, ref. project PS09/00843) and by the European Commission (Research Grant ref. FP7-HEALTH-2007-223411). SA thanks the JCyL and the European Social Fund (ESF-EU) for a research grant. ; Peer Reviewed

Over the last decade, a number of non-mainstream European parties have cultivated friendly and mutually advantageous relations with the Russian political establishment. This phenomenon has been common to both the national conservative right and the radical left. This article critically discusses these parties' adaptation to the new political context triggered by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine and assesses their strategies and tactics to adapt to the new reality. The cases analysed include primarily Western European Russia-friendly political forces and the level of analysis focuses both on the domestic and supranational EU-level dynamics.

The object of research of this work is the conflict of interests of the parties in the implementation of offset agreements. One of the most problematic places when implementing offset agreements is that a wide variety of sudden events, force majeure circumstances, etc. can take place – phenomena that can't be described in detail and predicted with acceptable accuracy in full. In addition, the offset contract is a conflict of interest between the seller and the buyer. During the study, the methods of the humanitarian and natural-scientific approach are used, thanks to which the conflict was given a new interpretation. It is considered as a way of interaction of complex systems. It is shown that the conflict is not a synonym for confrontation, but a way to overcome contradictions and limitations, a way of interaction of complex systems is an inevitable, normal phenomenon. Of course, conflict involves struggle, but, above all, conflict involves interaction. It is shown that the conflict can't be considered as an optimization task, since with equal resources of the parties, the conflict will be terminated due to the complete depletion of both sides, and with unequal resources, the defeat of the weaker side with a probability of one. Also, the conflict can't be resolved within the framework of the theory of adaptation. A brief comparative analysis of the possibilities of using varieties of Markov processes and the degree of their adequacy to the real processes of supporting offset transactions at different stages is carried out. A mathematical model of the conflict between the parties is proposed. In the model, the process of conflict development is a branched semi-Markov process, the transitional and final probabilities of which depend on the ratio of resources of the parties. In addition, the conflict represents a sequence of concerted actions of the parties and, in fact, is a controllable quasiperiodic process with elements of stochasticity. The resulting winnings of the parties to the conflict are investigated ...

Nationwide electoral thresholds (NETs) are known to secure a parliamentary majority for the largest party, reduce party system fragmentation, and prevent extreme, minor, or non-core group parties from entering parliament. By comparing Greece and Turkey, which have applied NETs since 1993 and 1983 respectively, this article investigates why some of these aims have not been achieved. Using time-series data since 1950, we show that neither country needed to introduce NETs to establish single-party governments. Rather, they were implemented primarily to prevent non-core groups from entering parliament as a party. This caused disproportional legislative representation, especially in Turkey. Although Turkey's NET initially reduced the raw number of parties contesting elections, this effect weakened in the long run and, in contrast to the literature, increased party system fragmentation. Finally, extreme parties have benefitted from Greece's fragmented party system since 2012 whereas electoral engineering in Turkey has failed to prevent non-core groups from passing the electoral threshold.

In 2007, the two most important Italian left-wing parties merged into a single political entity. This study intends to analyze the merging process. Specifically, and in line with the ingroup projection hypothesis of Mummendey & Wenzel, we have explored whether the identification and the favoritism toward the upcoming common group was affected by the perceivers' projection of specific and common stereotypical traits from the subordinate groups to the superordinate one. Political militants' (N=132) levels of ingroup identification; their representations of the previous ingroup, outgroup, and of the new party; and their attitudes towards the common group were assessed. Results confirmed that the cognitive representation of the merged party was shaped much more on the basis of the typical traits of the ingroup than of the outgroup. Moreover, structural equation analyses showed that the identification with the superordinate category and the consequent favoritism toward the merger were related to the projection of ingroup attributes. The findings also suggested that the ingroup projection may be particularly crucial when the intergroup bias is high. Finally, political implications are discussed in terms of obstacles and resources inherent to the merging process. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of the article is to identify and analyze the connection and mutual influence (political communications) of political parties represented in the State Duma and voters. The subject of the study is political communication between political parties and electoral groups. The methods of study are observation, questioning, content analysis. A number of provisions have been put forward: political parties influence the electoral choice of voters through information provided by the federal media (TV channels); this information is biased, gives one party a preference for one political party, contributing to its leadership in the electoral environment; townspeople and villagers in their sources of information and political preferences are different; political parties do not form pre-election party lists of candidates for deputies, taking into account their professional activity in the faction in the State Duma; voters are not sufficiently satisfied with the election results. The issue of the influence of information presented in the program documents of political parties on electoral choice was also considered. The difference in sources and perception of information consumed by rural and urban residents is shown. The recognition of an unfair attitude towards political agitation in the event of a social and economic crisis and the weakness of the legal opposition represented in the State Duma can lead to a crisis of legitimacy of the existing government.

Abstract
We employ the results of a survey conducted on two thousand voters that have participated in Korean local election of 2018 to perform clustering analysis of Korean voters' preferences. We attempt to test the hypothesis of these preferences being adequately represented by the five major political parties. We find that there was likely a significant mismatch between Korean voters and the five voting camps identified under the assumption of five being an optimal number of the voting clusters. After relaxing this assumption we found that the optimal number of voting camps in Korea is two or three, suggesting that a two or a tri-partite political party system would have been a more adequate match representing Korean voters' preferences in 2018.