Suchergebnisse

Après une dizaine d'années de mobilisation, le problème du travail des enfants dans les communautés productrices de cacao reste entier, notamment en Côte d'Ivoire. Les enfants continuent d'aller aux champs avec leurs parents dans les communautés, sensibilisées ou non. La présente étude établit que le travail des enfants relève de la pratique sociale de la vie quotidienne dans le milieu rural. Cette perception entre en décalage avec les normes internationales sur les notions d'enfance, de travail et de protection sociale. Si le travail est un maillon incontournable du processus de socialisation de l'enfant dans les communautés ivoiriennes, on note que, pour l'essentiel, il ne se départit pas de la manipulation permanente des instruments des savoirs économique (machette), social (« bic ») et culturel (balai). Participation aux travaux des champs, aux travaux domestiques et à l'éducation scolaire moderne sont les éléments d'un tout indissociable. Ils permettent à l'enfant de s'assumer dans sa famille et de s'assurer un futur. Sous cet angle, les normes internationales ne sont guère adaptées et leurs retombées gagneraient à s'imprégner davantage des normes de vie dans les communautés qu'elles ont à cœur de vouloir accompagner.

Статья посвящена вопросам состояния современного гражданского воспитания на территории США, Канады, Австралии и Великобритании. В ней представлены различия в реализационных подходах к гражданскому воспитанию, в пределах каждой из перечисленных стран, в условиях децентрализованных систем образования и попытки усиления контроля за данной областью воспитательной деятельности, осуществляемой в учебных заведениях, с учетом неоднородности и разнообразия взглядов на систему образования. Представлена диверсификация в понимании его роли со стороны правительств(федерального и регионального). В работе анализируются попытки стандартизации требований к дисциплинам отражающим принятые на федеральном уровне, на уровне штатов, территорий и провинций требования к уровню и объему знаний учащихся, умений и навыков. Стандартизация требований к гражданскому воспитанию представлена на законодательном, организационном и реализационном уровнях. ; The article is devoted to the modern stage of the development of civic education in the USA, Canada, Australia and Great Britain. It describes differences in realization approaches to civic education in all mentioned countries in the decentralized educational systems, it pays attention to the attempts of restricting control over this field of education with the accent on different understanding of the idea on the basis of difference in attitudes to the function of education. Theу article presents diversification in attitudes to civic education on the different levels of the state. It also devoted to the attempts analysis of the standardization in this field of education. In turn, standards are examined on the jurisdictional level, on the level of organization and on the level of realization.

The study of the individual effects of participation has mainly focused on the impact of deliberation on actors' preferences, mostly based on quantitative and experimental research. I argue here that ethnography, based on a praxeologic and process approach, can offer broader results on actors' learning in participatory devices than the cognitive effects generally emphasized. Grounded in a case-study of a participatory budget in Rome, the research shows participation allows learning new skills and civic habits but may also bring about a greater distrust with politics. Explaining the learning process, the paper stresses the different learning potential of participatory institutions. A condition for the durability of the effects observed is that participation be repeated over time. This requires integration within the institution, which happens for only a few; the majority of participants being disappointed stop participating. Speaking the language of the institution, some participants are however integrated enough to acquire further civic skills and knowledge, and even to endure a politicization process. Finally, the study of actors' long-term trajectories allows drawing conclusions on the social conditions of civic bifurcation. Ethnography thereby allows grasping the long-term consequences of civic engagement. ; El estudio de los efectos individuales de la participación se ha centrado sobre todo en la influencia de la deliberación en las preferencias de los actores, basándose principalmente en la investigación cuantitativa y experimental. En este artículo defiendo que la etnografía, mediante una aproximación praxeológica y procesual, puede ofrecer resultados sobre el aprendizaje de los actores en contextos de participación que van más allá de los efectos cognitivos que se suelen destacar. Apoyándonos en un estudio de caso sobre presupuestos participativos en Roma, la investigación demuestra que la participación permite adquirir nuevas aptitudes y hábitos cívicos, si bien puede generar también una mayor desconfianza en la política. Al explicar el proceso de aprendizaje, el artículo acentúa el diferente potencial de aprendizaje de las instituciones participativas. Una condición para que los efectos observados sean duraderos consiste en que la participación se repita a lo largo del tiempo. Ello requiere integración en la institución, lo que solo ocurre en algunos casos, pues la mayoría de los participantes se decepcionan al dejar de participar. Sin embargo, algunos participantes, al manejarse bien en el lenguaje de la institución, están lo bastante integrados como para adquirir nuevas aptitudes y conocimientos cívicos e incluso para asumir un proceso de politización. Por último, el estudio de las trayectorias de los actores a largo plazo permite extraer conclusiones sobre las condiciones sociales de la bifurcación cívica. Por tal motivo, la etnografía permite que se comprendan las consecuencias a largo plazo del compromiso cívico.

В статье рассматривается проблема политической идентичности как общегосударственная идеологическая задача, а также как научный инструментарий в политической науке. ; In the article the problem of political identity as the task of the whole state and as scientific instruments in political science are considered.

It is commonly found that young people tend to adopt the political party choice of their parents. However, far less is known about the applicability of this theory when investigating radical right support. Using the Swiss Household panel data (1999-2007), this study empirically identifies the relationship between parents' preference for the Swiss radical right party SVP and their attitudes toward immigrants and the EU, and their offspring's preference for the SVP. Disaggregating fathers' and mothers' influence reveals that in particular, mothers' SVP support plays a role in SVP support among young people, even after controlling for educational similarities. We also demonstrate that girls are more likely to be influenced by their mothers than are boys. Furthermore, parents' negative attitudes toward the EU exert a positive influence on their children's radical right voting, independent of their voting pattern. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

What are the roots of party identification? Credit (or blame) often falls to parents, who have been shown to play a central role in development of partisan identification in adolescence. Usually in models of parental transmission of partisanship, children are seen as unquestioning recipients of partisan messages. I consider whether this is so, investigating whether differences in young people's levels of political interest, attention, and engagement direct the development of partisan identity. I also explore the effects of factors beyond the household such as the state campaign context in producing partisan instability across a midterm campaign season. I find that the development of adolescent partisanship reflects both the political personality of adolescents and their wider political environment. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

The voluminous participation literature notwithstanding, knowledge is still scarce on how voluntary associations more precisely provide their members with politically significant human and social capital. This article focuses on the capacities of immigrant organisations to promote the political integration of ethnic minority members. Analysing a unique dataset, based on face-to-face interviews with representatives of 106 organisations of four different immigrant groups in Greater Stockholm, the study empirically investigates what the authors refer to as an association's 'political integration potential' (PIP) -- the possibility of a given ethnic association to promote the inclusion of its members in the political community of the host society. As elements of PIP, the article examines associational-level political activity as well as support and mobilisation of individual members, and analyses how the former may be induced by the latter. Furthermore, the article tries to explain why some types of organisations do better than others in these respects. It finds that size and diversification of associations have an important impact on PIP, thus explaining observed differences between associations of the ethnic categories included in this study. Adapted from the source document.

This article seeks to establish a link between two social phenomena of great impact in Colombia: internal forced displacement & the growth of Pentecostalism. The underlying question throughout the article is the following: what role does the Pentecostal community play in the process of resocialization of internally displaced persons in the slums of the big Colombian cities? It will show that small, autonomous Pentecostal congregations, very present in the city slums, adapt particularly well to the specific needs of the displaced population in Colombia: destructed social networks are rapidly reconstructed & identities are rebuilt to the measure. Adapted from the source document.

Many take for granted that children living in impoverished communities are disadvantaged on several social outcomes, including civic knowledge, because of their poverty and the circumstances that go along with this condition. However, most analyses of poor communities are conducted only in urban neighborhoods. In this article, the author examines the paradox of small-town life: On one hand, many rural areas and small towns are just as or even more impoverished than many urban neighborhoods; on the other hand, these same communities are praised as the most civically minded and politically knowledgeable places within the United States. How can two similarly poor community types produce such different outcomes? The author shows that the best explanation for these differences is the social interaction that characterizes small towns and rural areas. Political discussion within smaller towns is beneficial for adolescents'levels of political knowledge, whereas this discussion in urban areas is associated with lower levels of knowledge.