Suchergebnisse

В статье приведена общая характеристика политической эмиграции начала ХХ в. и первой эмигрантской волны из России 1920-1930х гг., определены различия в целях, задачах и миссии каждого из этапов эмиграции за рубежом. Выделены особенности формирования книжного дела эмиграции во Франции. Определено значение издательского дела для сохранения русской культуры «в изгнании». Особое внимание уделено обоснованию изучения книжной культуры русской эмиграции во Франции в обозначенный период. ; The article describes the general characteristics of a political exile of the early twentieth century and the first wave of Russian emigration of 1920-1930s. The paper identifies differences in the goals, objectives and mission of each stage of emigration abroad. The features of the formation of book industry by the exiled people in France are presented. The value of the publishing industry for the preservation of Russian culture "in an exile" is estimated. Particular attention is given to the justification of the study of literary culture of the Russian emigration in France in that period.

Статья посвящена исследованию экономических проблем при оказании благотворительной и спонсорской помощи. Автором определяются значимость благотворительности и спонсорства, выявляются недостатки современного отечественного законодательства в данной сфере и влияние человеческого фактора непосредственного влияния чиновника на реализацию осуществления процесса благотворительности и спонсорства. Направления совершенствования законодательства, повышение требований к чиновникам, как представителям государства (муниципалитетов) рассматриваются в качестве путей решения экономических проблем благотворительности и спонсорства в сфере услуг. ; The Article is dedicated to study of the economic problems when rendering charitable and спонсорской help. The Author are defined value to charities and sponsorship, are revealled defect modern domestic legislation in given to sphere and influence of the human factor of the direct influence of the official on realization of the realization of the process to charities and sponsorship. The Directions of the improvement legislation, increasing of the requirements to official, as representative state (the municipality) are considered as ways of the decision of the economic problems to charities and sponsorship in sphere of the services.

Цель: Определение механизма защиты прав граждан, вложивших денежные средства в строительство многоквартирных домов, признанных впоследствии самовольной постройкой. Методы: Изучена судебная практика о признании многоквартирных домов самовольной постройкой, выявлены основания признания и субъекты ответственности. Результаты: Сформулированы предложения по совершенствованию законодательства в части возмещения ущерба гражданам, утратившим жилье в результате сноса самовольных построек. Новизна: Научная новизна заключается в исследовании оснований гражданско-правовой ответственности перед собственниками жилых помещений в многоквартирном доме. ; Purpose: To determine the mechanism of protection of the rights of citizens who have invested money in the construction of apartment buildings, subsequently recognized as unauthorized construction. Methods: We have studied jurisprudence on the recognition of houses unauthorized construction, the base recognition and identified subjects of responsibility. Results: The proposals to improve the legislation in terms of redress for citizens who have lost their homes as a result of demolition of unauthorized constructions. Novelty: The scientific novelty of the study lies in the grounds of civil liability to the owners of premises in an apartment building.

__Abstract__ Contemporary researchers of policy implementation make a plea for explaining variation in policy outputs. At the same time still much implementation research, dispersed across the social sciences, entails studies of single cases in which a perceived gap between the intentions and the results of a public policy is analyzed. In this article a case is made for the lasting relevance of studying single policy processes, seen 'from the top', provided that the multi-dimensional character of these processes is taken into account. Empirical material from a study of educational inclusion policy in the United Kingdom shows how public policies may refer to different values (normative dimension), imply ongoing policy formation between a variety of actors, each with particular stakes (political dimension), while policy goals seldom speak for themselves (practical dimension). By consequence, in implementation research the issues of, respectively, what needs explanation (the explanandum), locus specification, and the appropriate unit of observation and analysis need attention.

What activities facilitate the development of disability studies (DS)? What barriers hinder its (multi)disciplinary flourishing? We address these questions focusing on contemporary DS in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland—vibrant but challenging locales for DS. This multidisciplinary field engages intellectuals, activists, and stakeholders to subversively cross disciplinary, institutional, and political divides. Critical DS scholarship relies on collaboration among members of the disability (rights) movement, advocates, and academics to develop its subversive status. Within the academy, despite general barriers to transdisciplinary fields of study and persistent disability discrimination, more positions have been devoted to research and teaching in DS. Intersectionality debates thrive and further disciplines discover the richness that the complex subject of dis/ability offers. The field, recognizing its subversive status and engaging insights from DS worldwide—across language and disciplinary boundaries—could better focus and unfold its critical powers. The potential of DS in the German-speaking countries continues to grow, with diverse conferences, teaching, and publications bolstering the exchange of ideas.

This paper tests the theoretically founded hypothesis that the surge of SWF establishments is determined by three main factors: 1) the existence of natural resources profits, 2) the government structure and 3) the ability to invest usefully in the domestic economy. We test this hypothesis on a sample of 20 countries that established an SWF in the period 1998-2008 by comparing them to the roughly 100 countries that did not set up a fund in the same period. We find evidence for all three factors. The results suggest that SWFs tend to be established in countries that run an autocratic regime and have difficulties finding suitable opportunities for domestic investments. We do not find the net foreign asset position of a country to be similarly related to the explanatory variables, indicating that the establishment of an SWF is distinct from a national accounting result. We argue that our results indicate that it is relevant to study how an SWF interacts with the domestic economy and government policy.

The European Central Bank's Outright Monetary Transactions (OMT) programme was a politically-pragmatic tool to diffuse the euro-area crisis. But it did not deal with the fundamental incompleteness of the European monetary union. As such, it blurred the boundary between monetary and fiscal policy. The fuzziness of this boundary helped in the short-term but pushed political and economic risks to the future. Unless a credible commitment to enforcing losses on private creditors is instituted, these conundrums will persist. The German Federal Constitutional Court has helped by insisting that such a dialogue be conducted in order to achieve a more durable political and economic solution. A study of the European Union Court of Justice's Pringle decision (Thomas Pringle v Government of Ireland, Ireland and The Attorney General, Case C-370/12, ECJ, 27 November 2012) suggests that the ECJ will also not rubber-stamp the OMT - and, if it does, the legal victory will not resolve the fundamental dilemmas.

In my opening comments during the conference "The Everyday Life of Islam: Focus on Islam in China," held at Cornell University on April 27 and 28, 2012, I proposed a number of themes, tensions, and conflicts on which we might focus our discussion of the papers. This epilogue will summarize some of the conversations that ensued and note areas of particular interest that emerged from revisions to the five essays presented in this special issue of Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review. Some conference participants attempted to make generalizations at national and transnational levels, while others stuck tenaciously to local details. Our discussions sometimes strayed from "everyday life," but rarely from diverse, sometimes divisive, solutions to the everyday problem of "being Muslim and being Chinese" and its macrocosmic projection, "Islam in China/China in Islam," or, in Rian Thum's contribution, Islam not in China. The essays here, influenced by conversations and debates during the conference, suggest future agendas for study of Islam in China and research on Muslim minorities and comparative religion and politics.

This article discusses the perilous legitimacy and professional vulnerability of the foreign-born Spanish instructor in the U.S. First, it examines the academic goals of language and in particular Spanish departments regarding the development of language proficiency, the study of cultural values of the Spanish-speaking world, and the place of broad principles of humanistic inquiry and critical thinking skills in language teaching. Next, it considers the general approach to culture and Latin American politics in Spanish textbooks to then highlight the implications of discussing highly sensitive political issues in Spanish classes, namely U.S.-Latin American relations, which may compromise the legitimacy of foreign-born Spanish instructors. Finally, drawing from experience and outcomes, I propose a framework that could make discussing U.S.-Latin American relations possible between foreign-born Spanish instructors and students while upholding the academic goals outlined above in order to foster learners' critical awareness of political developments so essential to the understanding of modern Latin America.

Since its introduction, social support theory has received generally consistent empirical support. Tests of social support theory have, however, mostly been cross-sectional and restricted to U.S. and Western European analyses. Measures of social support have tended to be inconsistent across studies and narrowly operationalized. The present project offers a longitudinal test of Cullen's (1994) social support theory using a more broadly defined measure of social support that is comparable across both Eastern and Western European countries. Using data gathered by Eurostat, this study applies 'hybrid' regression panel analysis to test the effects of social support on homicide rates across European regions for 2000, 2005 and 2009. Results provide evidence for an effect of social support on homicide between Western and Eastern European regions and within those regions over time. The analyses also indicate that social support moderates the effect of economic deprivation on homicide across Western European regions, though not Eastern European regions. Adapted from the source document.

'The Palestinian Prisoners-Shalit Swap' was a major issue in the media coverage in the Middle East for almost five years. This issue refers to an agreement between Israel and Hamas, the dominant political party governing the Gaza Strip, to release the captivated Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit in exchange for 1,027 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli prisons. Both the Arab and Israeli media played a role in portraying the image of the released Palestinian Prisoners versus the Israeli soldier to the readers worldwide. The study aimed to identify the online media coverage of the Swap by Aljazeera English and Ha'aretz in terms of the manipulation of language to identify the discursive strategies and the linguistic means of self-justification of both news agencies towards this issue .The results of the critical discourse analysis using the Halliday's Transivity Theory revealed that both news agencies employed material process, verbal processes and relational processes differently to highlight certain characters and actions of the Swap from their viewpoint.

Enslaving and victimising the poor by criminals within and outside governments of underdeveloped countries is gaining attention of academics in the social sciences. This article clarifies inter-relationships among modern slavery and trafficking in girls/women for sexual exploitation. It also shows how vulnerability of people victimised by the crime has been increased by policies deriving from neo-liberalism. To facilitate explication of the variables/issues, the study was based on the theoretical/doctrinal and political aspects of neo-liberalism, coinciding with scenarios of declining welfare, increasing susceptibility/vulnerability of Nigeria's poor (non-elite) and massive unemployed youth to out-migration and traffickers in persons. The explicated issues include modern slavery (generally and trafficking in Nigerian girls/women for sexual exploitation abroad) as well as the relationships among treasury looting and stashing of the loot in the banks of the global North. It is explained how declining welfare (i.e. multiple-dimensional adversities e.g. unemployment) provokes desires in the unemployed to out-migrate and increases their susceptibility to trafficking in persons. Finally, the article is concluded.

The article illustrates the competition in politics which takes place in two parallel dimensions, i.e. during regular electoral campaigns and during the period of debating the final version of the legislation. One of the ways to the appropriate treatment of competition in politics is focusing research efforts on the analysis of political entrepreneurs behavior. It involves obtaining an advantage over players aiming to achieve identical objectives through the use of various instruments which exert influence on the preferences of political consumers as well as public decision of politicians and bureaucrats. The author argues that these behaviors are an adjustment to the conditions in which competition takes place on the political market. The methodology adopted in the study based on the hypothesis that individuals make public choices thus affecting the final outcome of the political process, and a direct relationship between the private cost and private benefit, which is a fundamental feature of the market selection, can be transferred to the analysis of public sphere.

Some scholars view the internet as a place of democracy, where free speech leads to sincere dialogue. Others see it as a place which, instead of endorsing dialogue, actually promotes the offline social order and creates even more animosity between different groups. This paper explores the option of online dialogue in the media of YouTube. It is done so by addressing the rather heated issue of Islamophobia, through the case study of a YouTube video titled Three Things About Islam.The ideology behind the video seems to support the notion of Islam as a threat and its presentation of Islam is closed-minded and tends to generalize. In this case the participatory culture of the media in which the video was presented, YouTube, created a dialogue between anti-Islamists and supporters of Islam. This dialogue, like many dialogues, might not change the opinions of either side, but the mere fact that the online sphere embraces and promotes religious dialogue is an important phenomenon.

Solving collective action problems, such as poverty reduction or climate change, depends on interactions between governments' and voters' preferences regarding pro-social actions. This paper examines whether the overall direction of change in pro-social public policy precedes public value-change, rather than the other way around. We examine change in the public's pro-social values in six European countries, as measured by the European Social Survey (ESS) during 2002-2012. In these countries, we conducted an expert survey to rate governmental policy that expresses these values over the same period, thereby examining value-change in governmental policy. The chronological comparison of value-change of the public with that of respective governments suggests that changes in pro-social government policies may drive public value-change rather than vice versa. This complements previous studies focused on the opinion-policy connection. Possible political implications are discussed. The promising findings of this initial study point to the importance of conducting larger-scale future studies.