Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Une organisation ayant pour mission le développement économique, rassemblant des acteurs publics et privés d'un territoire, peut-elle conduire sa stratégie en s'appuyant sur le capital social, ses principes et ses théories ? Comme réponse à cette question de recherche, notre contribution a l'ambition de montrer que l'engagement des acteurs locaux joue un rôle déterminant dans le soutien au capital social, à la condition première que la stratégie de développement soit partagée. L'originalité de nos travaux réside dans l'analyse des rapports entre action publique locale et capital social. Le fait que le capital social puisse être considéré comme une ressource liée au territoire nous sert de fil conducteur. En termes de résultats, nous confirmons l'hypothèse que les parties prenantes du développement (collectivités, agences, universités, entreprises) mobilisent, de manière plus ou moins volontaire, les différentes dimensions du capital social pour élaborer et mettre en œuvre une stratégie territoriale activant les proximités.

The outcomes of the transformation of the GDR economy is described in regard to four topics: reproduction of managerial elites, due to functional necessities; short windows of opportunity of reaching a leading position at the top level of companies in the new economic order; fast role taking of the new managerial elites who often had a professional background as cadres in the socialist economy; and an accelerated change of social structure. The results refer to different surveys among entrepreneurs and executive of industrial firms in East and West Germany. The data were collected by the research project A2 "Economic elites in enlarged Europe" of the Collaborative Research Centre 580 at the universities of Halle and Jena, and they can additionally be compared with similar surveys among Polish and Hungarian respondents. The results are assessed in reference to three transformation paths which distinguished countries that have undergone after the collapse of the global socialist economic system. Eventually the relevance of the outcomes is considered for the North Korean case.

France is frequently described as one of the countries with some of the highest taxes in the world. However, another less well-known French reality must also be taken into account: France is also one of the countries with the most developed policies of tax exemption and exemption from social security contributions. In 2011, all social and tax policies related to social protection and employment amounted to a book value of EUR 94 billion (Zemmour 2013). Among these policies, the French employment strategy, which implements a reduction in the cost of labour, plays an important role. Two programmes specifically aim to reduce the labour costs of low-skilled jobs: general exemptions from employer contributions and arrangements for the employment of employees at home. Tax and social security losses under both policies amounted to EUR 2011 27 billion or 1,3 percentage point of GDP. ; La France est fréquemment décrite comme l'un des pays où les prélèvements obligatoires sont parmi les plus élevés du monde. Cependant, une autre réalité française, moins connue, doit aussi être prise en compte: la France est également l'un des pays où les politiques d'exemption fiscale et d'exonération de cotisations sociales sont les plus développées. En 2011, l'ensemble des politiques socio-fiscales ayant trait à la protection sociale et à l'emploi représentait une valeur comptable de 94 milliards d'euros (Zemmour 2013). Parmi ces politiques, la stratégie française pour l'emploi, qui met en œuvre une réduction du coût du travail, occupe une place importante. Deux programmes visent spécifiquement à faire baisser le coût du travail des emplois peu qualifiés : les exonérations générales de cotisations employeur et les dispositifs concernant l'emploi de salariés à domicile. Les pertes de recettes fiscales et sociales au titre des deux politiques représentaient en 2011 27 milliards d'euros soit 1,3 point de PIB.

International audience From the case of a drug that caused serious damage over large populations-diethylstilbestrol-this article offers a sociological analysis of victims legal mobilizations. It is conducted in two aspects: on the one hand, the work produced by victims within and on law, on the other hand the back effects of law on victims, their collective and their causes, through the different stages of legal procedures. We highlight a constant tension between a singular judicial experience, marked by isolation and opacity, and the development of a "DES litigation" which plays a key role in the collectivization and the publicization of a public health cause. ; À partir du cas d'un médicament ayant entraîné des dommages sur de vastes populations – le distilbène-cet article propose une analyse sociologique des mobilisations de victimes sur la scène judiciaire. Elle est menée sous deux aspects : d'une part le travail produit par les victimes avec et sur le droit, d'autre part les effets en retour du droit sur les victimes, leurs collectifs et leur(s) cause(s), aux différentes étapes de l'engagement judiciaire et de la procédure. Nous mettons en lumière une tension permanente entre une expérience judiciaire singulière, marquée par l'isolement et l'opacité, et l'élaboration d'un « contentieux distilbène » qui joue un rôle déterminant dans la collectivisation et la publicisation d'une cause de santé publique.

Trotz mehr als 40 Jahren getrennter Entwicklungen in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik blieb ein Netz an Beziehungen und gegenseitigen Abhängigkeiten über die beiden deutschen Staaten hinweg wirksam. Derartige Verknüpfungen finden sich auf der Ebene der Individuen, ihren Erinnerungen, ihren Gewohnheiten, ihrem alltäglichen Tun, ihren Erwartungen an Dinge, Orte, Situationen oder andere Menschen sowie in Organisationsformen oder in Normierungen. Vor allem von Menschen gestaltete Räume scheinen in ihren Strukturen starke Persistenzen zu speichern. Am Beispiel der Stadtentwicklung im Osten der geeinten Republik wurden auf verschiedenen Ebenen solche nach wie vor geteilten Zusammenhänge und Gemeinsamkeiten sicht- und erfahrbar. Der folgende Beitrag zeichnet die ersten Jahre nach der Wende im Osten der Republik in Bezug auf die ablaufenden Stadtentwicklungsprozesse nach.

This report for the Amadeus network crosses an analysis of the institutional dynamics of participation (or non-participation) with an analysis of a panel of experiences illustrating the power of the inhabitants to act in the city's policy. Institutional dynamics are captured by a summary of literature and a survey of city policy professionals working in large cities or agglomerations. Developed mainly in the same territories, seven experiments give people the 'power to act'. ; Ce rapport pour le réseau Amadeus croise une analyse des dynamiques institutionnelles de participation (ou de non-­participation) avec l'analyse d'un panel d'expériences illustrant le pouvoir d'agir des habitants dans la politique de la ville. Les dynamiques institutionnelles sont appréhendées par une synthèse de la littérature et une enquête auprès des professionnels de la politique de la ville oeuvrant dans des grandes villes ou agglomérations. Principalement développées dans ces mêmes territoires, sept expériences donnent à voir le « pouvoir d'agir » des habitants.

this working document explores the various strategies for access to and retention in employment of home-help for older people who have lost their independence, based on a monograph of an 'employer' association. Two types of policy have mainly influenced the scope of home help. They are the result of a desire to develop a sector while structuring it. In practice, on the one hand, policies for the development of services have been put in place through tax incentives or through state aid, and on the other, policies aimed at attracting a workforce as well as improving the quality of work and service. Between these two ends of the chain, most associations had to adapt to these two developments. The employment of home help is currently mainly based on the voluntary sector, which organises the work and employment of employees, in order to provide services to the public that are made solvent by various mechanisms. This working document looks at the development of home-help workers in terms of their recruitment profile and the structuring of their jobs. Who are these employees? What impact have the attractiveness policies had? How do they organise work and employment in the association (as they are mostly women)? This search is largely based on an association monograph which has made it possible to collect all recruitment data (CVs, motivation letters, recruitment form) and management of the activity (time use, employment contracts, etc.). ; Ce document de travail explore les différentes stratégies d'accès et de maintien dans l'emploi d'aide à domicile pour personnes âgées en perte d'autonomie, à partir d'une monographie d'association " employeur ". Deux types de politiques ont principalement influencé le champ de l'aide à domicile. Elles résultent d'une volonté de développer un secteur tout en le structurant. En pratique, d'un côté, se sont mises en place des politiques de développement des services par incitation fiscale ou par l'intermédiaire d'aides publiques et de l'autre, des politiques visant tout autant à attirer ...

International audience One sector of finance, relatively unfamiliar to the public, has nevertheless been growing fast for the last 30 years. This sector, known as M&A (Mergers and Acquisitions), specialises in the sale or purchase of companies. The middlemen who carry out the transactions are not the owners of the companies they buy or sell. They perform a set of socially divided and organised tasks and possess specific expertise. This article seeks to analyse these financial middlemen as workers, and in particular to understand their professional representation of the companies that they help to buy or sell. We show that the people working in this sector share a commodified, quantitative and abstract representation of the companies bought and sold. Through an analysis of activity, professional rhetoric, socialisation processes and career dynamics, the article shows how the homogeneity of this representation is constructed and maintained ; Un secteur de la finance, peu connu du grand public, a pourtant une activité en forte croissance depuis trente ans. Il est connu sous l'anglicisme « M&A » (Mergers and Acquisitions), ou « fusac » (fusions-acquisitions) en franc ̧ais. Il est spécialisé dans la réalisation d'achat ou de vente d'entreprises. Les intermédiaires accom- plissant ces transactions ne sont pas propriétaires des entreprises qu'ils vendent ou achètent. Ils réalisent un ensemble de tâches socialement divisées et organisées et possèdent des savoir-faire spécifiques. Cet article se propose d'analyser ces intermédiaires financiers, en tant que travailleurs, et en particulier de comprendre leur représentation professionnelle des entreprises qu'ils participent à vendre ou à acheter. Nous montrons que les travailleurs de ce secteur partagent une représentation marchande, quantitative et abstraite des entre- prises vendues et achetées. À travers une analyse de l'activité, de la rhétorique professionnelle, des processus de socialisation ainsi que de la dynamique des carrières, l'article montre comment ...

Where "national security" comes from? From the origins of this extraordinarily ambiguous concept, we do not know much, if not what historical literature has long established, i.e. it is an American product of the early Cold War, inspired by the experience of the global conflict and dictated by confrontation with the Soviet Union, accompanying the integration of what was precisely called the "national security apparatus". Without denying the importance of this pivotal moment, this article aims to open a new track, looking at what is happening discreetly, a quarter of a century earlier, in the two smaller armed forces intelligence services, the Military Intelligence Division (MID) and the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). On the basis of specific lessons learned from the experience of 'modern war', there is a definitive, theoretical and practical break, with four central distinctions in military thinking: war and peace, military and civilian, interior and outside, friend and enemy. Our assumption is that, in doing so, the intelligence services are silently but concretely paving the way for this form of government rationality that will soon be referred to by the concept of 'national security'. ; International audience ; Where "national security" comes from? From the origins of this extraordinarily ambiguous concept, we do not know much, if not what historical literature has long established, i.e. it is an American product of the early Cold War, inspired by the experience of the global conflict and dictated by confrontation with the Soviet Union, accompanying the integration of what was precisely called the "national security apparatus". Without denying the importance of this pivotal moment, this article aims to open a new track, looking at what is happening discreetly, a quarter of a century earlier, in the two smaller armed forces intelligence services, the Military Intelligence Division (MID) and the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI). On the basis of specific lessons learned from the experience of 'modern ...

This paper discusses four problems. (1) Risk and class: why 'class' is too soft a category to capture the explosiveness of social inequality in World Risk Society? (2) Risk and crisis: how do these two concepts relate to each other? (3) Risk and hazards: by hazards I mean material substances that are sources of threat. (4) Risk and cosmopolitan community/solidarity: how do climate risks liberate politics from given rules and enemy images and/or produce new ones? ; Ce papier discute quatre problèmes. (1) Risque et classe : pourquoi la catégorie de " classe " est-elle une catégorie trop molle pour capturer l'explosion des inégalités sociales dans la société mondiale du risque ? (2) Risque et crise : comment ces deux concepts sont-ils liés l'un à l'autre ? (3) Risque et dangers : par dangers [hazards] je vise des éléments matériels qui sont sources de menaces. (4) Risque et communauté/solidarité cosmopolitaine : comment les risques climatiques affranchissent-ils les politiques des règles données et des représentations de l'ennemi et/ou en produisent de nouvelles ?

The question more specifically asked here is how a technical gesture can be regarded as beautiful, and whether that beauty is due to its tangible characteristics — regularity, rhythm, economics, etc. — or to other, more impalpable criteria. To engage further in this debate means looking at the purpose of these gestures before considering their aesthetic dimension. ; International audience ; The question more specifically asked here is how a technical gesture can be regarded as beautiful, and whether that beauty is due to its tangible characteristics — regularity, rhythm, economics, etc. — or to other, more impalpable criteria. To engage further in this debate means looking at the purpose of these gestures before considering their aesthetic dimension. ; La question plus précisément posée ici est celle de savoir en quoi un geste technique peut être considéré comme beau, et si cette beauté tient à ses caractéristiques tangibles – régularité, rythmicité, économie… – ou à d'autres critères plus impalpables. S'engager plus avant dans ce débat suppose de s'intéresser à la finalité de ces gestes avant d'en examiner la dimension esthétique.

the methodology consists of gathering and analysing a corpus of texts, images and speeches that are needed in today's French society, from actors that form the creative elite of society: fashion trend makers, artists, creatives. They have the power to inform social representations and influence people's lifestyles. They deeply irrigate the fashion system and the cultural system more broadly. As artists, they 'materialise the surrounding impalpable spirit' (Maffesoli, 1990). For example, they share a common community of minds, values and imaginations with the whole population and express through their creative capacity the imaginative run-off of society. ; International audience ; the methodology consists of gathering and analysing a corpus of texts, images and speeches that are needed in today's French society, from actors that form the creative elite of society: fashion trend makers, artists, creatives. They have the power to inform social representations and influence people's lifestyles. They deeply irrigate the fashion system and the cultural system more broadly. As artists, they 'materialise the surrounding impalpable spirit' (Maffesoli, 1990). For example, they share a common community of minds, values and imaginations with the whole population and express through their creative capacity the imaginative run-off of society. ; La méthodologie consiste à réunir et analyser un corpus de textes, d'images, de discours qui s'imposent dans la société française actuelle, issu d'acteurs qui constituent l'élite créative de la société : tendanceurs de mode, artistes, créatifs. Ils ont le pouvoir d'informer les représentations sociales et d'influencer les modes de vie des individus. Ils irriguent en profondeur le système mode et plus largement le système culturel. En tant qu'artistes, ils " matérialisent l'impalpable esprit environnant " (Maffesoli, 1990). Ainsi partagent-ils une même communauté d'esprits, de valeurs et d'imaginaires avec l'ensemble de la population et expriment par leur capacité créative les ...

International audience ; In order to provide an overall perspective of the beginning of the First World War in northern Europe, this article proposes to treat this subject by looking at the ensemble of States and provinces that border the Baltic Sea. This analysis shows that both belligerant and neutral States, despite an initial military mobilisation that met their expectations, soon encountered problems that were larger than they had anticipated: the length and the violence of combat, forced migrations, brutal occupations, changes that were often harmful to the economic climate, rising living costs, deepening socialinequalities, and the disillusionment of the population. In fact, the hopes of conservative elites –to take advantage of the war to strengthen the regimes in place and to preserve the status quo of social hierarchies– were quickly dashed. On the contrary, it was the forces of protest that found all theyneeded in the war to ensure their future victories. ; Afin d'offrir une vision globale des débuts de la Première Guerre mondiale dans le nord de l'Europe, cet article se propose d'aborder le phénomène dans le cadre de l'ensemble des États et provinces bordant la mer Baltique. Il essaie de montrer comment les États belligérants ou neutres, malgré une mobilisation militaire répondant initialement à leurs attentes, se sont très vite heurtés à des problèmes beaucoup plus importants que prévu : longueur et violence des combats, migrations forcées, occupations brutales, modifications souvent défavorables du cadre économique, vie chère, creusement des inégalités sociales et désenchantement des populations. En fait, l'espoir qu'avaient les élites conservatrices de profiter de la guerre pour renforcer les régimes en place et préserver les hiérarchies sociales a vite été déçu. Au contraire, ce sont les forces de contestation qui ont trouvé dans le conflit tous les aliments de leurs victoires futures.

Britain's integration model is recurrently held up as the epitome of the multiculturalist model in Europe. Moreover, it tends to be presented as though it was intrinsic to British society and had always existed. This is not the case. In reality the model has passed through successive phases of an ongoing evolution and was constructed through the interaction between British society and the ethnic minorities of immigrant origin who settled in Britain after the Second World War. After a brief period of assimilationism, a race relations paradigm was formulated, followed by the establishment of a multicultural policy. It is often assumed that multicultural policy is a simple continuation of a race relations approach under another name. But this paper argues that this is inaccurate and that each corresponds to distinct policy parameters and to different stages. Moreover, this was not the end of the line. The multiculturalist model has come under a barrage of criticism emanating from various sources and different viewpoints. Nevertheless, this paper maintains that it has not been eliminated but has metamorphosed into a Muslim paradigm. It explores the different stages of integration policies directed at immigrants and how those were constructed. The paradigms were developed through the categorisation of immigrants by majority society and the mobilisation of immigrants as a result of their interaction with British society. The paper draws the contours of each of these stages, examines the fault lines and areas of tension, and explores the underpinnings of the evolution. It argues that policies were forged through and beyond discourses largely by the immigrants themselves. In the main it can be posited that the process started with action that began at local level at the initiative of the immigrants and through immigrants/ethnic minority agency; it subsequently progressed to the national level. This prompted responses and funding programmes from central government. Nonetheless the artisans of those policies in their ...

International audience It is often argued that development aid can and should compensate the restrictions on migration. Such compensation, Shachar has recently argued, should be levied as a tax on citizenship to further the global equality of opportunity. Since citizenship is essentially a "birthirght lottery", that is, a way of legalizing privileges obtained by birth, it would be fair to compensate the resulting gap in opportunities available to children born in rich versus poor countries by a "birthright privilege levy", as Shachar called it. This article sets out a defence of three theses. The first states that equality of opportunity is incompatible with, and cannot be achieved in, segregated territories. The second posits that to believe that material equality compensates the injustice of restrictions on movement is to commit a "sedentarist mistake". The third affirms that any citizenship levy, including the egalitarian and non-sedentarist formula I'm proposing, would be better understood as a penalty rather than a tax.