Suchergebnisse

Within the context of the broader food sovereignty literature, and with a specific focus on notions of America Indian sovereignty, this article explores how members of thirty-nine different Native American community farming and gardening projects in the United States describe and define food sovereignty, as both concept and method. This article further distinguishes how principles of food sovereignty are being operationalized in the broader goals of promoting community health, sustainability, and local economic systems, and of reclaiming and maintaining tribal culture.

Narratives of innocence are stories born of the dispossession of bodies from lands that continue to serve as vectors of violence, reenacting the scene that created them. The term was introduced by Boyd Cothran to describe the cunning afterlife of conflicts between settler states and indigenous peoples: state violence yields stories that reiterate erasure, weaponizing memory to forget the lessons of colonization. In a situation of violence that produces silence, names resonate as instruments of clarity, cutting through erasure. Genocide is a name historians are now using to describe a process of erasure that created modern California, a process indigenous people have long discussed that narratives of innocence have silenced. Through a reading of Cothran's book Remembering the Modoc War and Benjamin Madley's book An American Genocide against an older literary genre on violence ranging from Dee Brown's Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee to Cormac McCarthy's Blood Meridian, I take California as an emblem of a profound alteration in the way the United States processes the trace memory of indigenous erasure. A historical reckoning is now underway as indigenous people reembody their occupied geographies, returning their stories to the land and, in the process, reconfiguring the national narrative.

The subject of this article is the forgotten works of August Antoni Jakubowski, The Exile's Song and It is weary, discovered on the last pages of a rare 1835 edition of The Remembrances from Auburn. After the November Uprising, Jakubowski, an illegitimate son of Antoni Malczewski, was sent to America, where he became the author of The Remembrances of a Polish Exile – the first publication about Polish history, literature, and education written in English and published in the United States.So far, Jakubowski's short life (ended by suicide), torn between two continents, is shrouded in more mysteries and secrets than confirmed facts. Much has been verified through the research of Przemysław Bloch, a New York-based lawyer, together with the author of this article in the United States. The Exile's Song and It is weary complete the picture of the last American stage of Jakubowski's work. They are a concentrated expression of all his characteristic moods, and testify to the extreme alienation, hopelessness, and despair that he felt. Despite its intimate tone, the work in large measure constitutes a general testimony of the experience of Polish exiles forced to travel across the ocean.

The main goal of this article is to present to the European reader the implications of the crisis of the Chinese banking system, which peaked in August 2015, and triggered a period of high volatility in the U.S. stock market. As a result, trade relations between China and the U.S. have deteriorated, which raises the question of whether the Chinese economic system will implode and contribute to the global crisis, or whether it can be controlled by Beijing?The article assumes two things: that subsidies are at the core of U.S. criticism of Chinese trade priorities; and that to understand recent American-Chinese trade conflicts, we must first review the more general issue of American attitudes towards the subsidizing practices of non-market economies.The article will conclude with the observation that, in discussing the obvious points that China needs more market-oriented reforms and should be more open to U.S. trade priorities, we may overlook some other more important problems, such as differences in the business cultures of both countries. So, rather than forcing uncertain compromises, American and Chinese trade experts must develop better problem solving skills and discuss new fields of collaboration.

This article argues that the concept of multiculturalism, which is an extremely valuable asset, may, in the context of various interpretations, serve to resolve social conflicts. However, it may also generate conflicts. Using examples from several Latin American countries, the text will present some significant elements that drive processes, in which the principles of multiculturalism may be contradictory to the ideal of multiculturalism on which were grounded.

The following article explores the similarities between Polish Indian novels (written mostly in the second half of the 20th century) and modern fantasy fiction in an effort to argue that the former should not be examined–and then criticized–only in terms of their idealized representations of Native American tribes and life in the wilderness. To demonstrate the parallel between these Indian novels and fantasy fiction, this article will first analyze how the works of Polish writers and fantasy narratives are motivated by similar desires. It will then examine the Indian novels in the context of John H. Timmerman's study on the six generic traits of fantasy. This perspective will allow us to circumvent the question of authenticity in representation, and instead acknowledge the significance of the Indian novels for the readers and writers of the People's Republic of Poland.

The institution of the ombudsman is present in the majority of Latin American countries. In spite of differences in nomenclature or structure, it is characterized by several common features. It is a sui generis state authority, enjoying extensive autonomy and independence. Its main objective is to promote and protect human rights, and the assistance it provides is free and easily available. Introduction of the institution in Latin American countries was related to the democratisation processes that began at the end of the 1980s. This article presents a comparative analysis of ombudsmen in El Salvador (a country with a history of long-term internal conflict), Peru (a country that advocates multiculturalism), and Argentina (a country with a history of military dictatorship). Detailed discussion is preceded by general remarks regarding the genesis, typology and characteristics of the institution. Common initiatives and associations of Ibero-American ombudsmen will also be discussed. This analysis and its conclusions will argue that the institution is both a tool for implementing a culture of peace, and a guarantee for the respect of cultural diversity in Latin America.

This study explores the latest changes in Western European immigration to the United States by integrating several large databases: the U.S. census, the American Community Surveys, the European Social Survey, as well as the Human Development Index and Gini index. Findings show that the number of individuals born in Western Europe but with family origins elsewhere who have been immigrating to and settling in the United States is increasing. I divide the Western European population that immigrates to the United States into seven different subpopulations by their ancestries and explore the characteristics of these populations before and after immigrating to the United States. I also examine their relative success in terms of economic and labor outcomes in America, finding, for example, that some of the least advantaged immigrant groups have some of the best economic outcomes in the United States. The different self-selection and assimilation patterns among these immigrants have implications for U.S. public policy, which we identify and begin to explore.

The Chilean artist José Venturelli was a supporter of Maoist China. This article, a brief political biography of Venturelli, shows how he acted on behalf of the People's Republic of China's informal diplomacy among Latin Americans and worked to promote Maoist politics among Latin American revolutionaries. The article also advances the hypothesis that Venturelli represents an archetype of the sort of international actor who was key to the globalization of revolutionary politics during the long 1960s.

As part of the commodities boom that Latin America enjoyed in the first decade of the twenty‐first century, Canadian investments in metal mining expanded there at an extraordinary pace, determined by a larger process of industrial consolidation and long‐term Canadian government policies to support the internationalization of its industry. Their success in Latin America has now induced some observers to believe that Canada is a dominant actor in that region's mining sector, but the specialization of Canadian firms in precious metals, gold and silver, has set up clear boundaries to their regional relevance, rendering Canadian capital necessary but not an essential actor in the Latin American mining boom. In fact, such pattern of specialization has turned the expansion of Canadian mining capital into a significant exposure to Latin American politics that Ottawa's government and diplomacy can affect only marginally.

We are at an historical crossroads. The latest IPCC report gives dire predictions about potential losses from climate change, ranging from high sea levels to deterioration of agricultural production. Although emissions are still concentrated in the North, the most‐rapid growth of emissions is occurring in the South, suggesting the need for major changes in the trajectory of its economic development. Massive aid flows for climate‐change mitigation and adaptation lack any clear framework. We begin the task by examining the evolution of Central American electricity systems, seeking to explain the exceptional ability of several countries wracked by conflict, weak institutions, and struggling economies to move toward renewable fuels. We use first‐person interviews, government documents and websites, and consultant and expert reports to examine the largely unrecognized achievements. The necessity of finding alternative energy is not in question, but how these countries overcame the financial, technical, and policy challenges should be of great interest and could potentially provide valuable lessons for other countries.

Stacy Mitchell's "View from the Shop—Antitrust and the Decline of America's Independent Small Business" is the latest contribution in a string of recent articles and reports calling for a renewal in antitrust policy.

The choice of proportional representation (PR) is rarely included in work on American local politics. Yet we have long known that 24 cities adopted the single transferable vote form of PR from 1915 to 1948. Breaking with a machine–reform dichotomy that dominates the PR historiography, I investigate two partisan hypotheses about PR's origins. One concerns the emergence of third parties. A second involves splits in ruling parties. In at least 15 cases, PR choice involved an alliance of convenience between ruling-party defectors and local minority parties. Evidence includes narratives on the partisanship of elite PR backers, comparison of case history and precinct-level referendum outcomes for three similar cities, and aggregate data on big-city charter change referenda from 1900 to 1950. New in this article is comparison of PR adopters with non-adopters. Party splits in places with sizable out-parties emerge as a distinctly American path to proportional electoral rules.1

AbstractTraditional accounts of the 1948Bogotazo– the riot in Bogotá, Colombia, sparked by the assassination of populist leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán – have overlooked the urban context that explains the extent of the destruction. Preparing to host the 1948 IX Pan-American Conference, Bogotá had undergone aggressive urban reforms that financially burdened and dispossessed residents. More than just a political figure, Gaitán was recognised as an urban advocate for the marginalised. They responded to his death by destroying reform projects and symbols of political authority. Informed by architectural journals, legislation and periodicals, this article shows that Bogotá's elite and dispossessed alike inscribed their political projects onto the urban landscape.

The next American president will encounter a landscape with regard to terrorism, and specifically violent Islamist extremism, that is challenging and also much changed from eight years ago, when President Obama took office. The changes relate to failed and failing states in the Middle East and surrounding region, the terrorist organizations themselves, how the United States has dealt with the problem of terrorism, and how the problem has manifested in Europe. Even if the United States and its allies continue to retake territory from Daesh (or ISIS) and are able to disrupt other terrorist organizations, the problems of violent Islamist extremism and the societal and demographic conditions that enable it will persist. This volume seeks to define the problem and set it in context, and to offer some paths and priorities for the next president and her or his administration, including in the emerging and promising field of countering violent extremism (CVE).