Suchergebnisse

The compromise that was reached between the Tunisian Islamists of Ennahda and old regime players in the fall of 2013 made it possible to adopt a new constitution in early 2014, hold elections by the end of that year, and form a national unity government by February 2015. It also ended a period of intense confrontation in the streets, which had threatened to plunge the country into chaos and civil strife. Yet, protests are liable to rebound, as the parties that have formed the government lack a common vision that could reconcile their mutually hostile grassroots. They have also failed to stem demonstrations for social justice and equitable development in the country's deprived regions. Sustainable stabilization will require that political parties cease to perceive bottom-up mobilization as a tool they can deploy against adversaries, or as a security threat that needs to be contained. Rather, they should recognize its potential to broaden citizens' participation and be a corrective that can lead to more effective governance. (author's abstract)

Aiming to evaluate a macro-level association of vaccination rate as well as booster vaccination rate with the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States and Japan, a cross-sectional study was conducted using data in each jurisdiction. Data on the total number of people who were fully vaccinated as of the end of December 2021, data on the total number of people who have received a booster dose as of the end of March 2022 and data on the cumulative number of confirmed COVID-19 cases were obtained from the website of the national governments. A generalized regression model was used to examine the association. This study showed that a higher vaccination rate was associated with a lower number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per year in 2021 for both the United States and Japan. The number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per 1000 population per year (95% confidence intervals) as a 1% increment of the vaccination rate was −0.74 (−1.29, −0.20), p = 0.007 for the United States and −1.48 (−1.95, −1.00), p < 0.0001 for Japan. A similar association was observed for the booster vaccination rate in 2022, although the association was attenuated in a multivariable model, particularly for the United States. This study provided macro-level evidence that vaccination may reduce the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.

Aiming to evaluate a macro-level association of vaccination rate as well as booster vaccination rate with the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in the United States and Japan, a cross-sectional study was conducted using data in each jurisdiction. Data on the total number of people who were fully vaccinated as of the end of December 2021, data on the total number of people who have received a booster dose as of the end of March 2022 and data on the cumulative number of confirmed COVID-19 cases were obtained from the website of the national governments. A generalized regression model was used to examine the association. This study showed that a higher vaccination rate was associated with a lower number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per year in 2021 for both the United States and Japan. The number of confirmed COVID-19 cases per 1000 population per year (95% confidence intervals) as a 1% increment of the vaccination rate was −0.74 (−1.29, −0.20), p = 0.007 for the United States and −1.48 (−1.95, −1.00), p < 0.0001 for Japan. A similar association was observed for the booster vaccination rate in 2022, although the association was attenuated in a multivariable model, particularly for the United States. This study provided macro-level evidence that vaccination may reduce the number of confirmed COVID-19 cases.

If the importance of one-party dominance as a determinant of the rise of third parties were to be evaluated on the basis of the attention it has already received from political scientists, we would have to conclude that it must not be negligible. Obviously, however, this would not be a proper way of evaluating a theory. Fortunately, its importance rests on other grounds. Apart from my own quantitative and qualitative evidence, there is now Graham White's evidence, presented above in his article "One-Party Dominance and Third Parties," which, as will be seen, I read to be in line with my own. And while André Blais, in "Third Parties in Canadian Provincial Politics," above, concludes that he was "impressed with the number of negative results of the tests [he] used" (I am not!), he nevertheless showed an unusual reluctance to discard the theory and finally maintained that "one-party dominance is not irrelevant," though it is "not a crucial factor." We shall see later that his evidence is far from being that negative. Another critic of the test of the theory at the district level maintained, nevertheless, that the theory itself was very sound ("inattaquable") and that its tests at the provincial level were convincing.

The study investigated the efficacy of the number manipulation strategy (NUMAS) as a model of experiential instruction and interest in arithmetic learning for pupils of lower basic levels. The population of the study consisted of 1205 lower basic III level pupils of the 2018/2019 session in Igbo-Etiti Local Government Area (L.G.A.) of Enugu State. A sample of 121 primary five pupils from 4 schools out of 53 primary schools in the study area was randomly sampled. The 121 pupils were composed of 42 males and 79 females used for the study. The study was guided by four research questions and four hypotheses. The hypotheses were tested at a p<.05 level of significance. The instruments used for the study were Arithmetic Test (ART) and Mathematics Interest Inventory Questionnaire (MIIQ) developed by the researcher. The ART and MIIQ instruments were faces validated by experts and their reliability indexes were 0.85 and 0.79 respectively, established using Cronbach alpha and split-half methods respectively. The data obtained with the instruments were analyzed using mean, standard deviations (SD), t-test and analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) statistics. Mean and SD was used in answering the research questions, while t-test and ANCOVA statistics were used in testing the hypotheses at P<.05 level of significance. The findings of the study showed that NUMAS is effective in teaching arithmetic, especially in enhancing the addition and subtraction skills acquisition of the pupils. Gender was found not to be a significant factor of variance in arithmetic achievement when the teaching of arithmetic is NUMAS based. The use of NUMAS was recommended to teachers, lower basic mathematics textbook authors and stakeholders in education, to ensure that NUMAS is adopted and adapted for use in Mathematics classroom instruction and learning.

Piazza et al. reported a strong correlation between education and approximate number sense (ANS) acuity in a remote Amazonian population, suggesting that symbolic and nonsymbolic numerical thinking mutually enhance one another over in mathematics instruction. But Piazza et al. ran their task using a computer display, which may have exaggerated the connection between the two tasks, because participants with greater education (and hence better exact numerical abilities) may have been more comfortable with the task. To explore this possibility, we ran an ANS task in a remote population using two presentation methods: (a) a computer interface and (b) physical cards, within participants. If we only analyze the effect of education on ANS as measured by the computer version of the task, we replicate Piazza et al.'s finding. But importantly, the effect of education on the card version of the task is not significant, suggesting that the use of a computer display exaggerates effects. These results highlight the importance of task considerations when working with nonindustrialized cultures, especially those with low education. Furthermore, these results raise doubts about the proposal advanced by Piazza et al. that education enhances the acuity of the approximate number sense.

The focus of this research is in the area of the United States death penalty. More specifically, it examines the use of the felony murder rule and the law of parties at both federal and state level. These areas are considered in light of the 8th Amendment as according to the interpretations of the United States Supreme Court. The approach taken in this article is two dimensional: firstly it considers the theoretical approach to the felony murder rule and the law of parties by way of assessing the legislation and precedents at federal level, secondly it examines the law in practice at state level and compares and contrasts them. This article seeks to establish that the law of parties imposing the death penalty on non-triggerman accomplices is arbitrary, inadequate, unjustified and unconstitutional through its violation of the 8th Amendment.

A treatment of party identification, in which three political scientists assert that identification with political parties still powerfully determines how citizens look at politics and cast their ballots. Challenging prevailing views, they build a case for the continuing theoretical and political significance of partisan identities. The authors maintain that individuals form partisan attachments early in adulthood and that these political identities, much like religious identities, tend to persist or change only slowly over time. Scandals, recessions, and landslide elections do not greatly affect party identification; large shifts in party attachments occur only when the social imagery of a party changes, as when African Americans became part of the Democratic Party in the South after the passage of the Voting Rights Act. Drawing on a wealth of data analysis using individual-level and aggregate survey data from the United States and from other countries, this study seeks to offer a new perspective on party identification that will set the terms of discussion for years to come.

: In this article, we shall briefly analyze the extent to which the contemporary political theories (ideologies) are being applied or implemented in parts of the statutes of some political parties in Republic of Macedonia. Here, we shall discuss only about fragments of the statutes of four political parties, two right oriented and two left oriented. To be more precise, we shall discuss about parts of the statutes of VMRO – DPMNE, SDSM, Obedineti za Makedonija (OM) and LEVICA (LV) and the extent to which they apply the theories (ideologies) which they declare that they are based upon. Previously we shall provide two brief explanations about what political theories and political parties indicate, which I believe should be and introduction to the subject we are about to cover. Key words: ideology, aims, members, bodies, organizational structure.

The investigation examines the political competition of parties. In the framework of these issues in more details is discussed the state of research and development problems in the works of foreign and domestic political science. It is proved that competition between political parties for support from the community is an important criterion of democratization of the political process. The attention is focused on the fact that political competition between political parties is an important factor in the legitimization of power by raising the level of political activity of citizens in electoral periods through engaging them in active political activities. The key concept of "political competition of parties" is considered by the author in the context of theories of democracy based on fundamental developments of the theory of political parties, which carried out foreign and domestic researchers of political science. It is noted that the nature of political competition of parties depends on the type of political regime and level of political culture of citizens. It is proved that political competition has a different character in different types of political regimes. In authoritarian and totalitarian political regimes, the relevant preferences have pro-government political parties. In democratic political regimes political parties act in equal conditions. It is noted that for the Ukrainian political process characteristic is the neglect of political and legal norms and the establishment and compliance with the "rules of the game" at which will happen the political competition of parties. In turn, the Ukrainian political elites consider the political and legal norms not through the prism of certain qualitative characteristics and values, but using technical tools, which you can change depending on the specific political situation and the rating of political parties. Political competition of parties in large extent is carried out through informal channels, in which the formal legal rules often become the formal confirmation of the achieved before informal arrangements between the government and the opposition. ; У дослідженні вивчається політична конкуренція партій. В рамках вказаних проблем детальніше розглядається стан наукової розробки проблеми у працях зарубіжної та вітчизняної політичної науки. Обґрунтовано, що конкуренція між політичними партіями за підтримку з боку суспільства є важливим критерієм демократизації політичного процесу. Акцентовано увагу на тому, що політична конкуренція між політичними партіями виступає важливим чинником легітимізації влади завдяки підвищенню рівня політичної активності громадян у виборчі періоди та через залучення їх до активної політичної діяльності. Ключове поняття, «політична конкуренція партій», розглядається автором в контексті теорії демократії на основі фундаментальних розробок теорії політичних партій, які здійснили зарубіжні та вітчизняні дослідники політичної науки. Наголошено, що сутність політичної конкуренції партій залежить від типу політичного режиму та рівня політичної культури громадян. Обгрунтовано, що політична конкуренція носить різний характер у різних типах політичних режимів. В авторитарних і тоталітарних політичних режимах відповідні преференції мають провладні політичні партії. В демократичних політичних режимах політичні партії діють в рівних умовах. Наголошено, що для українського політичного процесу характерним є зневажливе ставлення до політико-правових норм і створенням та дотриманням «правил гри» за якими відбуватиметься політична конкуренція партій. В свою чергу, українські політичні еліти розглядають політико-правові норми не через призму певних якісних характеристик та цінностей, а через технічний інструментарій, який можна змінювати залежно від конкретної політичної ситуації та рейтингу політичних партій. Політична конкуренція партій в значній мірі здійснюється через неформальні канали, при якій офіційні правові норми часто стають формальним підтвердженням досягнутих до цього неформальних домовленостей між владою та опозицією.

The investigation examines the political competition of parties. In the framework of these issues in more details is discussed the state of research and development problems in the works of foreign and domestic political science. It is proved that competition between political parties for support from the community is an important criterion of democratization of the political process. The attention is focused on the fact that political competition between political parties is an important factor in the legitimization of power by raising the level of political activity of citizens in electoral periods through engaging them in active political activities. The key concept of "political competition of parties" is considered by the author in the context of theories of democracy based on fundamental developments of the theory of political parties, which carried out foreign and domestic researchers of political science. It is noted that the nature of political competition of parties depends on the type of political regime and level of political culture of citizens. It is proved that political competition has a different character in different types of political regimes. In authoritarian and totalitarian political regimes, the relevant preferences have pro-government political parties. In democratic political regimes political parties act in equal conditions. It is noted that for the Ukrainian political process characteristic is the neglect of political and legal norms and the establishment and compliance with the "rules of the game" at which will happen the political competition of parties. In turn, the Ukrainian political elites consider the political and legal norms not through the prism of certain qualitative characteristics and values, but using technical tools, which you can change depending on the specific political situation and the rating of political parties. Political competition of parties in large extent is carried out through informal channels, in which the formal legal rules often become the formal confirmation of the achieved before informal arrangements between the government and the opposition. ; У дослідженні вивчається політична конкуренція партій. В рамках вказаних проблем детальніше розглядається стан наукової розробки проблеми у працях зарубіжної та вітчизняної політичної науки. Обґрунтовано, що конкуренція між політичними партіями за підтримку з боку суспільства є важливим критерієм демократизації політичного процесу. Акцентовано увагу на тому, що політична конкуренція між політичними партіями виступає важливим чинником легітимізації влади завдяки підвищенню рівня політичної активності громадян у виборчі періоди та через залучення їх до активної політичної діяльності. Ключове поняття, «політична конкуренція партій», розглядається автором в контексті теорії демократії на основі фундаментальних розробок теорії політичних партій, які здійснили зарубіжні та вітчизняні дослідники політичної науки. Наголошено, що сутність політичної конкуренції партій залежить від типу політичного режиму та рівня політичної культури громадян. Обгрунтовано, що політична конкуренція носить різний характер у різних типах політичних режимів. В авторитарних і тоталітарних політичних режимах відповідні преференції мають провладні політичні партії. В демократичних політичних режимах політичні партії діють в рівних умовах. Наголошено, що для українського політичного процесу характерним є зневажливе ставлення до політико-правових норм і створенням та дотриманням «правил гри» за якими відбуватиметься політична конкуренція партій. В свою чергу, українські політичні еліти розглядають політико-правові норми не через призму певних якісних характеристик та цінностей, а через технічний інструментарій, який можна змінювати залежно від конкретної політичної ситуації та рейтингу політичних партій. Політична конкуренція партій в значній мірі здійснюється через неформальні канали, при якій офіційні правові норми часто стають формальним підтвердженням досягнутих до цього неформальних домовленостей між владою та опозицією.

Conventional wisdom seems to hold that Congress has the power to set, by statute, the number of justices on the United States Supreme Court. But what if conventional wisdom is wrong? In this Dialogue, I challenge the conventional wisdom, hypothesizing that the United States Constitution does not give Congress the power to enact such a statute. Under this hypothesis, the number of justices on the Supreme Court at any given time is to be determined solely by the President and the individual members of the United States Senate in exercising their respective powers of nominating justices and consenting to their appointment. If this hypothesis is correct, the number of justices on the Supreme Court could be increased or decreased without the House and Senate voting to amend the existing statute that purports to set the number of justices on the Supreme Court at nine. Rather, the number of justices on the Court at any time would vary depending on how many individuals, if any, the President chooses to nominate and how many of those, if any, members of the Senate opt to confirm.