Suchergebnisse

The issue of sexuality and human rights has generated increasing international attention in recent years. This is particularly the case in societies emerging from chronic ethnonationalist conflict, where scholarly debates on the impact of ethnonationalism on sexual rights, such as abortion and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender people (LGBT), generate much controversy and division. It is with this disagreement in mind that this paper focuses on the influence of ethnonationalism on attitudes towards the legalisation of same-sex marriage and abortion. Using nationally representative data from Northern Ireland, the results suggest that while ethnonational identity is a significant positive determinant of attitudes towards same-sex marriage within both the Catholic population and among supporters of their main political party (Sinn Féin), it is also a key negative predictor of attitudes to abortion, albeit solely among Sinn Féin supporters.

In this article, I place qualitative audience research in conversation with theories of affect. Informed by participant data from two qualitative audience studies I have conducted with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) audiences in the United States, I illustrate how cultural representations can make significant demands on one's emotional and affective life, requiring practices of rest, rebuilding, and reclamation. I call this process resilient reception, or the strategies audiences employ to manage the affectively turbulent power of media and communications technologies. I examine two examples of resilient reception that the participants in my studies practiced: orientation devices (how audiences oriented toward and away from media) and practices of immersion (how audiences immersed themselves in empowering interpersonal communities and media fare). Ultimately, I argue that theories of affect can complement ideological understandings of media audiences by offering a more embodied and dynamic optic.

This article examines the 2017 German national election through
the lens of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) interests. It
depicts the ways in which sexual minorities articulated their policy preferences,
the degree to which these positions were taken up in party platforms
and electoral discourse, and the extent to which the resulting coalition agreement
pledged to address queer citizens' concerns. I argue that, as a result of
what Sarah Childs and Mona Lena Krook call a critical actor, this election
provided sexual minorities with a high degree of responsiveness on one core
issue: marriage equality. Other issues of interest to LGBTI voters, however,
remained largely invisible. The conclusions here are based on analysis of primary
documents including interest group statements, party platforms, and
coalition agreements, as well as on German-language news coverage of the
election campaign.

In the United States, the twentieth century gave rise to numerous social movements which inevitably intertwined with one another. During the Vietnam War, both Asian and lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) Americans mobilized to protest warfare and imperialism. Gay liberation groups were inspired by anti-war organizations, and anti-war organizations drew influence from these LGBT groups. The two minority groups combatted the labeling of their communities as sexually deviant and challenged the notion that being gay or Asian was inherently un American. This paper addresses these overlooked movements between the Asian and LGBT communities, and it provides insight into their complex and interwoven histories. In instances where the importance of race or sexual orientation were forgotten, these movements found conflict. Overall, while their interactions have not followed a rigid protocol of unity or disunity, the two movements have gained social and political power from their intersectionality.

Now months into the already turbulent presidency of Donald Trump, and in the wake of both the Obama presidency and Moonlight's awkward ceremonial win for "Best Picture" at the 2017 Academy Awards, what are the meanings of Moonlight? We contend that the film's polysemy both reproduces and challenges the continuing fight for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer; racial; class; and gender equality and representational struggles of marginalized peoples on the silver screen. With complexity, the film trades in and tests racial stereotypes and understandings of black families; relishes in the heterogeneity of black and Latinx identities; displays cultural contradictions at the heart of racism, heteronormativity, and hegemonic masculinity; and refuses to shy away from topics of love, lust, and loss. Together, the film is an epic—a sweeping homage to social transformation and to the nobility and negativity of the human condition.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to develop a cross-level conceptual model of organizational- and individual-level outcomes of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)-supportive policies for all workers regardless of their sexual orientation.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper based on an integration of propositions from perceived organizational support and organizational justice theories.FindingsThe model suggests that LGBT-supportive policies should be related to perceptions of organizational support directly and indirectly through diversity climate and perceptions of distributive, procedural, and interactional justice.Practical implicationsThe model implies that employees should feel more supported and more fairly treated among firms with LGBT-supportive policies and practices, and that these feelings will be reciprocated.Originality/valueThis is the first paper to develop propositions about the outcomes of LGBT-supportive policies for all workers, and advances the literature by developing a multi-level model of outcomes of these policies.

Is violence an intrinsic part of modern queer culture? This book presents compelling new research on how homophobia, suicide, gender violence, abuse, racism, and the impact of war and colonialism shaped the emergence of modern homosexual rights activism. It examines forgotten writings by Magnus Hirschfeld, the influential sexologist who is best known today for his homosexual activism and foundational transgender work. In 1919 he opened the world's first Institute of Sexual Sciences in Berlin. Attracting international visitors including doctors, artists, writers and political activists, it was destroyed by the Nazis in 1933. Attacks against queer life play a formative role in modern same-sex culture. Yet remembering the victims is only part of the task of queer history. The Hirschfeld Archives attends to the queer dead and injured, but it also demonstrates that the development of homosexual rights politics in the West had gendered and racialized limits.

Islam prohibits Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender because of ignoring the human nature. Thus, on Jinayah perspective (Islamic Criminal Law) the LGBT behaviors are categorised as Jarimah (Criminality), and the subjects of LGBT should be punished legally ('uqubah). Furthermore, the classification of law on LGBT to create the justice related to Islam as a religion (hifdz al-dī), genetic issue (hifdz an-Nasl), intelligence (hifdz al-'aql), soul (hifdz an-Nafs) and poverty (hifdz al-māl). Furthermore, based on Jinayah perspective, homosexual (al-Liwaṭh/as-Sihaq) is classified as jarimah zina so the subjects would be whipped a hundred times and isolated for one year (if the doer is ghairu muhshan). Then, if the subject is muhshan, he/she would be thrown by stones until death. Meanwhile, the bisexual people would be sanctioned by ta'zir; the government (uli al-'amr) would decide the punishment.

Research on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movements has accelerated in recent years. We take stock of this literature with a focus on the United States. Our review adopts a historical approach, surveying findings on three protest cycles: gay liberation and lesbian feminism, queer activism, and marriage equality. Existing scholarship focuses primarily on oscillations of the movement's collective identity between emphasizing similarities to the heterosexual mainstream and celebrating differences. We contrast earlier movement cycles mobilized around difference with efforts to legalize same-sex marriage. Our review highlights the turning points that led to shifts in protest cycles, and we trace the consequences for movement outcomes. Scholarship will advance if researchers recognize the path-dependent nature of social movements and that sameness and difference are not oppositional, static, or discrete choices. We conclude by recommending directions for future research.

Qualitative methods open analytical pathways and present specific challenges, particularly for early career scholars forging a path in a field dominated by quantitative inquiry. However, for many scholars, qualitative methods reflect a particular ontological point of view, which tends toward privileging the experiences of groups that are often marginalized in research. Given this point of view, qualitative methodologies provide an opportunity to reframe the participant's en vivo description of their own experience. In so doing, qualitative methods invite scholars to create new analytical pathways. This paper highlights the work of social work scholars using qualitative methods to forge new paths in studying emergent phenomena, e.g., Internet gang banging, transgender perspectives on aging, etc. The paper also explores the use of qualitative methods to develop new analytical perspectives on experiences of historic and contemporary trauma related to the Tuskegee Syphilis Study and in child welfare settings.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) youth and young adults are known to have compromised physical and mental health, and family rejection has been found to be an important risk factor. Yet few studies have examined the positive role that support from parents, friends, and the community have for LGBT young adults. In a cross‐sectional study of 245 LGBT non‐Latino White and Latino young adults (ages 21–25) in the United States, sexuality‐related social support was examined in association with measures of adjustment in young adulthood. Family, friend, and community support were strong predictors of positive outcomes, including life situation, self‐esteem, and LGBT esteem. However, family acceptance had the strongest overall influence when other forms of support were considered. Implications for the unique and concurrent forms of social support for LGBT youth and young adult adjustment are discussed.

The 'It Gets Better Project' (IGBP) is an online anti-homophobic bullying initiative directed at lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender youth. To date, 50,000 user-generated IGBP videos have attracted over 50 million views. In this critical discourse analysis of IGBP videos in the "Faith" category, I note how the projected ideologies therein overlap with and depart from conservative Christian rhetoric in surprising ways. I ask what gets better, for whom, and how that might happen. I then compare messages uploaded by laypeople and spokespeople of religious institutions. I argue that neoliberal assumptions are frequently evident in laypeople's emphases on individualism, economic success, urban spaces and heteronormative conceptions of time. Spokespeople, conversely, tend to emphasize community-based opposition to homophobia in the here and now. This ideological struggle highlights barriers to "it getting better" in the present but also creates space for politics of redistribution and an unexpected queering of societal norms.

The New Black is a documentary that tells the story of how the African American community is grappling with the gay rights issue in light of the recent gay marriage movement and the fight over Civil Rights. The film documents activities, families and clergy on both sides of the campaign to legalize gay marriage and examines homophobia in the Black community's institutional pillar, the Black church, and reveals the Christian right wing's strategy of exploiting this phenomenon in order to pursue an anti-gay political agenda. Following the film, we will hear from one of the main characters, Sharon Lettman-Hicks. Sharon is the Executive Director and Chief Executive Officer of the National Black Justice Coalition, a Civil Rights organization dedicated to empowering Black lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. ; Queer People of Color @ VT and Multicultural Programs and Services ; Division of Student Affairs ; Virginia Tech. University Libraries

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.

Approximately 66,000 LGBT workers in South Carolina are vulnerable to employment discrimination absent state legal protections. Four localities in South Carolina prohibit public sector employment discrimination against LGBT people. Only 18% of the state's labor force works in those localities, and only a small proportion of those workers are employed by their local governments. Currently none of South Carolina's LGBT-inclusive local ordinances prohibit discrimination in private employment. Findings from the South Carolina report are consistent with national data. A 2013 Pew Research Center survey found that 21 percent of LGBT respondents had been treated unfairly by an employer in hiring, pay, or promotions. In 2010, 78 percent of respondents to the largest national survey of transgender people to date reported having experienced harassment or mistreatment at work, and 47 percent reported having been discriminated against in hiring, promotion, or job retention because of their gender identity.