Suchergebnisse

Las elecciones anticipadas al Parlamento Catalán de 2012 tuvieron un resultado inesperado. Por una parte, el predicho incremento del voto de los partidos nacionalistas (catalanes), tomados conjuntamente, no tuvo lugar. Por otra parte, en lo concerniente a las preferencias sobre la cuestión del nacionalismo hubo un desplazamiento hacia posiciones más militantes, a ambos lados del espectro. Como efecto de ambas componentes, la gobernante coalición CiU que había convocado las elecciones anticipadas sufrió una severa decepción. Las encuestas y las expectativas transmitidas por los medios de comunicación fallaron manifiestamente. En este artículo investigamos la dinámica entre las elecciones de 2010 y 2012, utilizando un procedimiento estadístico indirecto. La lengua resulta ser un factor clave. El hecho de que el apoyo a los partidos nacionalistas haya permanecido constante entre 2010 y 2012 es consecuencia de que este apoyo ha crecido entre los catalanohablantes y disminuido entre los castellanohablantes. Las dos organizaciones políticas que han dominado la política catalana, CiU (centro-derecha) y PSC (centro-izquierda), afrontan retos a sus papeles centrales. The 2012 snap election for the Catalan Parliament had a rather unexpected result. On the one hand, the predicted increase of the (Catalan) nationalist parties (taken together) did not take place. On the other hand, in the nationalist preferences dimension there was a shift towards more militant positions on both sides of the spectrum. All in all, the (Catalan) nationalist coalition in government calling the snap election suffered a harsh disappointment. Opinion polls and expectations conveyed by the media failed glaringly. In this paper we investigate the dynamic between the 2010 and 2012 elections, using an indirect statistical procedure. Language turns out to be a key factor. The fact that the support of nationalist parties has remained constant between 2010 and 2012 results from this support increasing among Catalan speakers and decreasing among Spanish speakers. The two political organizations that have dominated Catalan politics, CiU (centre-right) and PSC (centre-left), face challenges to their pivotal roles.

Societal responses to mitigating climate change have so far been governed with market-based practices. The Kyoto Protocol was the first agreement institutionalising this approach. The Russian Federation, one of the key net emitters participated in this framework mostly through project-based JI mechanism that subordinates concrete actions for business. The investigation through a neo-Gramscian political economy lens on climate governance will show that the mechanism preserved the position of the carboniferous historical bloc consisting of Russian elite interests that are dependant on the use of fossil fuels. The focus is on how the global agreement is translated into domestic institutional development and how corporations and non-governmental organisations try to stabilise the new politico-economic field based on the trade of carbon credits. The process is studied with the use of argumentative discourse analysis, as it links actors and the storylines they pursue with organisational aspects of power. The key sources for the analysis are media articles and expert interviews. In terms of media, the Russian business newspaper Kommersant , news agency Ria Novosti, and international carbon market specific journal Point Carbon are the key sources. As the JI is a highly expert-based sphere, six interviews with Russian and foreign experts on carbon trading provide a more comprehensive picture. The investigation shows that debate was mostly centered between the discourses of nation and market civilisation that may interact together, but may also be in conflict with one another, especially when the perceived economic benefits are high. The research conducted shows that a small coalition mostly of business actors and environmental organisations, and some civil servants in Russian government emerged during the JI process that advocates for climate change mitigation with the use of market-based mechanisms. The JI projects did not provide a significant incentive towards a low carbon economy neither for Russian governmental or business actors, but rather it mostly preserved the priviledges of carboniferous historical bloc. The most remarkable change in corporate activities mostly occurred in the discursive sphere in terms of branding and marketing.

ABSTRACT: The following article studies the dynamic configuration of an Embodied Sensitive Regime unveiled through Reflexive Body Practices deployed in Medellin since the 1980s. Using a genealogical and ethnographic approach, the materialsymbolic ground of these practices is unveiled, as well as their underlying modes of appropriation and consumption, constituting traits of an esthetic-political regime that uses the embodied sensory experience to stimulate processes of subjectivation, while producing an order of perception in the recent history of Medellin. This regime motivates processes of subjectivation and control that pass through forms of perception and the body. The construction of sensitive bodies is a process that combines forms of individual autonomy with forms of life government related to welfare, social urbanism, productivity and health. The contribution to the study of the history of the body in Medellín, is to go beyond discourse to analyze bodily practices as performances, including the experience of practitioners as a way to show the constitution of corporeality in the production of knowledge and in the individual and social experience. ; RESUMEN: Se presenta el modo de configuración y dinámica de un régimen sensible corporizado develado a través de prácticas corporales reflexivas desplegadas en Medellín desde la década de 1980. A partir de un acercamiento genealógico y etnográfico se estudia la matriz material-simbólica de las prácticas estudiadas, así como sus modos de introducción, apropiación y consumo que configuran los rasgos de un régimen estésico-político. Este régimen estimula procesos de subjetivación como de control que pasan por la percepción y el cuerpo. Se trata de la construcción de cuerpos sensibles que conciertan formas de autonomía individual con formas de gobierno de la vida relacionadas con el bienestar, el urbanismo social, la productividad y la salud. El aporte a los estudios de la historia del cuerpo en Medellín, consiste en ir más allá de los discursos para analizarlo, a partir de las mismas prácticas corporales como performances, incluyendo la experiencia de los practicantes, como una manera de mostrar el carácter constitutivo y constituyente de la corporalidad en la producción de conocimiento como de la experiencia individual y social.

This thesis outlines the Chinese laws, judicial interpretations, scholarly views and government policies relating to contractual formality for land sale contracts in their historical and modern settings. The thesis also employs a comparative methodology to critically evaluate the Statute of Frauds literature in some selected Common Law jurisdictions such as the United States, Australia and England. This investigation includes English legal history, the development of the Statute of Frauds legislation, associated scholarly views and judicial interpretations. These positions and arguments are compared and contrasted with their counterpart in mainland China and other Civil Law jurisdictions such as Germany and Taiwan, including Chinese legal history, the principle of freedom of contract and the Chinese version of Healing Theory.The most important original contribution is the examination and integration of the functions of formality (particularly writing) in both Sino-Civilian (mainland China, Germany and Taiwan) and Anglo-American literature which forms the theoretical framework of the thesis. Formality is also examined against the theory of freedom of contract in mainland China. Additionally, the thesis compares and contrasts the contractual consequences where the statutory writing obligation is not observed, as well as the legal techniques to address oral land sale contracts across the selected Common Law and Civil Law jurisdictions.Arising out of this, the thesis proposes a legal reform measure for mainland China and argues for a clear requirement of writing for real property sale contracts in modern mainland China. The reform recommendation also includes contractual consequence for lack of writing and the legal techniques to address the informal and sale contracts. This reform has legal, political, economic and social significance. The reform increases legal certainty and clarity in land sale contracts, one of the most important dealings in Chinese society, and could be integrated into China's unified Civil Code in the making. The reform also addresses some of the essential issues outlined by the Central Committee of Communist Party of China. Furthermore, the reform underpins the issues relating to the real property industry which constitutes a significant portion of the Chinese national economy.

Introducción: El dopaje es lo contrario a la esencia misma del espíritu deportivo. Este fenómeno es de tal importancia que todos los responsables tanto a nivel educativo, deportivo como político-sanitario, están en la obligación de intentar evitar que se produzca, con el objetivo de proteger la salud de los jóvenes. Material y Método: Revisión bibliográfica de los posibles efectos positivos que tiene la práctica de la Educación Física sobre los jóvenes a la hora de conseguir rechazar el fenómeno del dopaje y en segundo lugar, de la legislación vigente y las diferentes entidades encargadas de controlar el dopaje. Resultados y Discusión: En primer lugar se pueden observar los diferentes estudios que demuestran la capacidad por parte de la Educación Física de influir en los jóvenes de forma positiva a la hora de tomar ciertas decisiones morales y en segundo lugar se puede apreciar la existencia de obligaciones a los Estados por parte del ordenamiento jurídico en lo que se refiere a la lucha contra el dopaje en las aulas. Conclusión: El dopaje debe erradicarse partiendo de un sistema educativo en el que se contemple la labor de los profesores de Educación Física en este ámbito. ; Introduction: Doping is the opposite the sportsmanship essence. This fact is so important that every sport and educative heads or political and health heads must to try to avoid it happen. Protecting teen health is their goal. Methods: Bibliographic review of the possible positive effects that the Physical Education which can take place in young people when they reject doping and in second place, a recap of the current legislation and the different institution which are responsible for controlling doping. Results & Discussion: Firstly, it can be stared the different researches which prove the Physical Education capacity to influence positively young people when they make several moral decisions. Secondly, it can be appreciated the existence of obligation of government in legal systems to fight against doping at classrooms. Conclusion: Doping must be eradicated due to an educative system where teachers of P.E. task in this field.

La proscripción del peronismo constituyó una de las manifestaciones más visibles de exclusión política. En la provincia de Río Negro creada en 1955, la construcción de la memoria histórica se relacionó estrechamente con la necesidad de justificar la proscripción peronista. La memoria como interpretación colectiva de los hechos del pasado que se quiere salvaguardar, es un componente importante del sentimiento de continuidad, cohesiona grupos, define lugares y oposiciones. En Río Negro, la memoria sobre el pasado peronista fue resignificada poniendo el centro en sus aspectos más negativos como parte de una historia a superar. En este recorte de la memoria histórica, ocuparon un rol fundamental los objetivos de la autodenominada "Revolución Libertadora", que perduraron en el tiempo y fueron avalados discursivamente por los primeros gobiernos constitucionales rionegrinos. De este modo, el perfil de la nueva provincia se cimentó sobre una matriz excluyente sostenida por la deconstrucción de la memoria histórica, una de las posibles claves interpretativas de la emergencia de una democracia débil y atravesada por una conflictividad persistente. ; The proscription of Peronism was one of the most visible strategies of political exclusion in Argentina. Created in 1955, the province of Rio Negro, built its historical memory close to the need to justify the Peronist proscription. Memory, as a collective and protected interpretation of past events, is an important component of the sense of social continuity. It represents groups, defines places and antagonisms. In Rio Negro, the memory of the Peronist past was signified as a negative period, as part of a history to overcome. This cut in the historical memory was related to the objectives of the self-proclaimed "Revolución Libertadora". The same meanings lasted over time and were discursively endorsed by the first constitutional governments. Thus, the profile of this new province was cemented on exclusionary matrix sustained by this particular historical memory, which leads to one possible interpretative key of the emergence of a weak and conflictive democracy. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

In this research project, I have analyzed the current contemporary Iranian painting and its evolution composed of periods of oppression in one hand and periods of progression on the other hand. This analyze is based on historical, political, social and cultural events in Iran. As long as one can remember, this country and its people has been invaded and exploited by foreign countries and even local governments which at all time, they have used resources and cultural treasure of Iran. For all these reasons, a national philosophy has taken place in the country, which pushes Iranian to think less about the future by trying to appreciate the present. The young generation of Iranian artist knows that it has to consider and to use its own roots and culture to get the opportunity to join the world-wide art. ; Dans ce travail de thèse, j'ai dressé un tableau de la situation actuelle de la peinture contemporaine iranienne pour montrer dans quelles conditions celle-ci a évolué : tantôt elle a été opprimée et condamnée, tantôt elle s'est relevée et a continué sa progression vers l'avant. J'ai analysé la situation générale de la peinture contemporaine iranienne en tenant compte du contexte historique, politique, social et culturel de l'Iran. L'histoire et la culture ancienne de ce pays, et la vie quotidienne des iraniens sont soumises à un certain nombre d'événements qui pèsent sur la vie du peuple. Les invasions étrangères et l'arrivée des puissances qui gouvernaient le pays tout en convoitant ses ressources et ses richesses, ont fait que les Iraniens ne se soucient guère de l'avenir et qu'ils essaient plutôt de saisir le présent ! L'attachement profond des iraniens aux traditions, aux valeurs, aux relations humaines et surtout à l'image que les autres se font d'eux, les a souvent amenés à se donner qu'une place secondaire par rapport aux autres. Consciente de cet état d'esprit, la jeune génération d'artistes iranien est bien avisée, et sait parfaitement que pour rejoindre l'art mondial, elle doit se nourrir principalement ...

This dissertation tracks the operations of Hassan Jalloh, once a commander in Sierra Leone's devastating civil war, now self-proclaimed "King of West Africa Mystical Power and Culture." Jalloh served in the Civil Defense Forces, a pro-government militia that mobilized the imagery and practices of village hunter traditions in pursuit of local legitimacy and esoteric defense maneuvers including disappearance, metamorphosis, and bullet-proofing. Faced with disarmament and doubtful reintegration at the end of the decade-long war, Jalloh turned to Allah for guidance, then redeployed his troops as the touring Warrior Cultural and Mystical Power Dance Troupe. Through the virtuosic fusion of acts that might variously appear as fearsome masked dancing, military pageantry, bloody self-mutilation, and sleight-of-hand hocus-pocus, Jalloh publicly demonstrates the abilities he acquired in wartime and expounds on themes ranging from Islamic doctrine and cultural reconstruction to nationalism and HIV/AIDS prevention.Building from more than eighteen months of research employing participant observation, oral histories, archival records, and critical videography, I follow Hassan Jalloh's Warriors and other troupes as they travel throughout the Mende regions of Sierra Leone and across numerous sites at which spectacle is used to manifest, marshal, and mitigate violence. I use Jalloh's program of acts as a thematic link between performances of militias, herbalists, subcultures, and initiatory societies, bringing their shared logics and aesthetics into focus. Each case exemplifies how Sierra Leonean individuals and institutions currently exploit public spectacle to navigate and influence unstable transitions between physical violence of open conflict, memories of violence, and the structural violence of consolidations of political power. Rather than unidirectional transmission from the spectated to the spectator, these performances hinge on a living interface, a relationship summed up in Jalloh's onstage axiom, "I am seeing you seeing me." Spectacles in Sierra Leone are events at which extraordinary visuality conjures crowds for many ends: to judge, to heal, to educate, to manifest invisible forces, and-most importantly in the postwar context-to effect personal and social transformations.

The search for and the development of an Afrikaner identity are not novel manifestations. These are practices that have manifested for centuries, finding their roots in the 18th century when Dutch speaking colonists deliberately flaunted Dutch East India Company regulations to cross colonial borders into unchartered territory to hunt and trade with the Xhosa of Southern Africa. These trekboere laid the foundations for what is understood to be Afrikaner identity. As socio-political circumstances changed, these foundations have been interpreted and re-interpreted. While in its simplest form "Afrikaner" refers to an Afrikaans-speaking South African of European descent, what constitutes an Afrikaner identity is considerably more complex. Firstly, not all Afrikaans-speaking people classify themselves as Afrikaners. Secondly, Afrikaans has been stigmatised through its association with apartheid (Verwey & Quayle, 2012). Thirdly, external symbols of Afrikaner identity are purposefully and methodically being removed by the current South African government (Orman, 2008). It is within this context that this paper explores the notion of Afrikaner identity, stigma and the discourse surrounding it. It focuses, amongst others, on a recent art exhibition entitled Jong Afrikaner ('Young Afrikaner') and an article on Afrikaner identity published in the newspaper Rapport. Applying Goffman's (1991) notion of the construction of a stigma theory, the analysis shows that Afrikaner identity's association with "whiteness" and the Afrikaans language are under dispute. There is polarisation in the debate on Afrikaans identity whereby each party stigmatises the opposing party through applying terms such as "libtards" (liberal retard). The paper argues that the latter activities represent a measured attempt not only to silence opposing views but to create a state of hegemony. It further argues that stigma theories surrounding Afrikaner identity are not limited to social media discussions but can be found in the discourse of traditional media. It concludes that stigmatisation undermines the constructive re-interpretation of Afrikaner identity by fashioning an unsympathetic environment that silences those identifying themselves as being Afrikaners.

Scholars have long debated the role for courts with respect to governmental action that responds to crisis. Most of the crises analyzed, however, are exogenous to the political process; the courts' role in response to politically endogenous crises has received less attention. We evaluate the role of the judiciary in a subset of those endogenous crises: the judicial treatment of governmental efforts to resolve the crisis facing underfunded public pensions. Assessing institutional competence schematically with reference to an institution's democratic accountability and fact-finding ability, we argue that, where institutions function properly, judicial intervention in politically endogenous economic crises should be close to nonexistent. But when they must occur – and, consistent with doctrines of justiciability, some adjudication of governmental action in the fiscal context will be inevitable – we argue that such intervention should respect the judiciary's comparative institutional incompetence by treading lightly, constitutionally speaking: where the relevant law allows discretion, and where a non-constitutional determination is possible, courts addressing the state's fiscal policy-making apparatus should avoid constitutional pronouncements entirely. After developing a preliminary framework for assessing this decision rule, we apply it to a hard case (where the statute and contract is silent as to whether executory pension contracts are subject to constitutional protection against modification) and an easy case (where there is a reservation of rights for that very modification). Unfortunately, courts have erred in both the hard and easy cases; our framework explains why the law is not only consistent with our decision rule, but why comparative institutional competence compels the result. In both the easy and the hard cases, the point is not to promote or demote the interests of a single class or faction active within the fiscal policy-making process – whether bondholders, public unions, taxpayers, or the government – but to locate that policy-making process within the most democratically responsive and empirically competent institutions. With this framework, we evaluate the recent effort of the San Jose Superior Court to address these issues. We conclude that the court got the easy case exactly wrong.

Within the principality of Morea, founded after the Fourth Crusade by Frankish knights in the territories of the former Byzantine Empire, men and women of the Latin elite ruled for nearly two and a half centuries. Drawing on new research trends, such as the study of individuals in prosopography, the history of representations and of women's power, this monograph highlights the place, role and power of the ladies of Frankish Morea, from the 13th to the 15th century. Going beyond the commonplace, mostly male, perpectives reflected in medieval thinking, it will analyze the involvement of women in family alliances, in the transmission and management of feudal holdings, and in the political, economic and social life of the principality. Presented in three parts, this work first examines the representation of women in the Latin and Byzantine sources, then considers the place of women in the family and marriage strategies, and concludes by studying the role and power of women in Moreote feudal and government structures. ; Au sein de la principauté de Morée, fondée à la suite de la quatrième croisade par quelques chevaliers francs dans les territoires de l'ancien empire byzantin, hommes et femmes de l'élite latine participent au maintien de la domination pendant près de deux siècles et demi. S'inspirant des nouvelles tendances de la recherche telles que l'étude des individus par la prosopographie, l'histoire des représentations et du pouvoir des femmes, cette monographie s'attache tout particulièrement à mettre en évidence la place, le rôle et le pouvoir des dames de la Morée franque, du XIIIe au XVe siècle. Au-delà des lieux communs fournis par la pensée médiévale, essentiellement masculine, il s'agira d'analyser l'implication des dames dans les alliances familiales, dans la transmission et la gestion du patrimoine féodal ou encore dans la vie politique, économique et sociale de la principauté. Organisé en trois parties, ce travail examine d'abord la représentation du féminin dans les sources latines et byzantines, puis il considère la place des dames au sein des familles et des stratégies matrimoniales, enfin il étudie le rôle et le pouvoir de ces femmes dans la féodalité moréote et le gouvernement de la principauté.

Based on the fact of economic transition from a planned economy to a free market economy with internal, but external and every day more are more obedient than fiscal policy which defines the state (government) have an orientation of economic development, or determining the direction of development of a country, as well as a determining factor of the withdrawal of foreign investment. Western Balkans almost two decades now being attacked by the reality of transition, and the inability of building sustainable fiscal policies, to make proper orientation, as well as to attract foreign investors (The case of Kosovo). The Western Balkan countries are currently in a similar horizon in this journey, where all states are performance and successive challenges, in the same sectors as in the economic, legal and political, which all make an effort to come out this isolation transitive, towards a light, economic stabilization. Kosovo now has an interest, to begin economic stability, but with a perfect start, economic, with a vision and interest provided by the EU, and the many lessons learned by neighboring countries, that are pass, and have, passed, through these economic phases. Therefore we must be as vigilant in adopting and commitment of making the best economies, the experiences of European and Balkan countries, needs a clear cohesion, and doing some medium and long term policies, the economic path of interest Kosovo, for a sustainable economic development This is a reality that provided us with the opportunity to improve but that can never leave without facing directly. Reforms should be modeled taking into account these special features which I think are very long term:1. Investment security, adequate legislation and security, to be implemented straight with the legislation. 2. Attractive Building (attractive) fiscal policy. 3. Transparent privatization of SOEs. 4. Clear procedures and elimination of public administration through byrokracive. Kosovo can be attractive for foreign investors due to the fact that there is a very young population where the average age of the population is 26 years. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p990

In 1911, Mexico held the Second National Congress of Primary Education, which continued the spirit of centralist government of the second half of the nineteenth century. With the creation of the Secretariat of Public Instruction and Fine Arts in 1095, the national education system was promoted that spurred for human readability, education for life and the experience of democracy. In 1911, fear of political centralization prompted delegates from commissions charged with discussing the advantages of federalization of teaching, the effectiveness of mandatory education, and the role of the Educating State to bluntly reject the federalization of teaching. The central arguments were that federalization hindered the exercise of a sound pedagogy, in the country the obligatory of teaching was not yet fully fulfilled and that the State did not provide adequate conditions for the Magisterium to fully exercise its professional work and did not exercise a firm hand on particular campuses. ; En 1911, en México se celebró el Segundo Congreso Nacional de Educación Primaria, que daba continuidad al espíritu de gobierno centralista de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Con la creación de la Secretaría de Instrucción Pública y Bellas Artes en 1095, se impulsó el sistema educativo nacional que pugnó por la perfectibilidad humana, la educación para la vida y la vivencia de la democracia. En 1911, el temor a la centralización política provocó que los delegados de las comisiones encargadas de debatir las ventajas de la federalización de la enseñanza, la efectividad de la obligatoriedad en la educación y el papel del Estado Educador rechazaran de forma contundente la federalización de la enseñanza. Los argumentos centrales fueron que la federalización entorpecía el ejercicio de una sana pedagogía, en el país aún no se cumplía cabalmente la obligatoriedad de la enseñanza y que el Estado no propiciaba condiciones adecuadas al magisterio para ejercer con plenitud su quehacer profesional y no ejercía mano firme en los planteles particulares. ; Producción Científica de la Universidad Autónoma de Zacatecas UAZ

В статье рассматриваются вопросы, связанные с идеей создания однородного (гомогенного) общества. Его формирование является целью не только для политических режимов тоталитарного типа, но и для авторитарных режимов. Демократическое общество, при всей приверженности к многообразию взглядов, в определенных, прежде всего экстремальных для общества, ситуациях также стремится к формированию общественного консенсуса, к определенной идеологической однородности, по крайней мере, в отношении внешнего врага. Анализируя государственную политику с точки зрения стремления власти к созданию гомогенного общества, объединенного единой идеей (национальной, социальной или любой другой), можно достаточно ярко выявить тенденции к формированию в данном обществе (государстве) элементов тоталитаризма. Показано, что в качестве своеобразной идеальной модели общественной структуры идеологами тоталитаризма предлагается образ армии с ее четкостью действий и строгой иерархией. Отмечается, что милитаризация общественной жизни в тоталитарном обществе нашла отражение и в системе образования, и в культуре. Перечисляются другие признаки тоталитарных обществ как гомогенных обществ закрытого типа. Подчеркивается кратковременность их существования. ; The article discusses the problems related to the idea of creating a uniform (homogeneous) society. Its formation is the aim not only for political totalitarian regimes, but for authoritarian regimes. Democratic society, with all commitment to diversity of views, in particular, especially in extreme situations also seeks to build the public consensus to a certain ideological uniformity, at least in relation to an external enemy. Analyzing the state policy from the point of view of the government desire to create a homogeneous society, united by a common idea (national, social or any other), we can identify the trends to the formation in a given society (state) the elements of totalitarianism. It is shown that as a kind of ideal model of the social structure the army with its clarity of actions and strict hierarchy is proposed by the totalitarian ideology. It is noted that the public life militarization in a totalitarian society is reflected in the education system and culture. The list of other signs of totalitarian societies as homogeneous societies is proposed. The brevity of their existence is emphasized.

Рассматривается политика Италии, направленная на сохранение под своей властью Додеканесских островов, оккупированных Италией в ходе войны с Османской империей 1911-1912 гг. Показано, что в то же время Греция стремилась к включению Додеканесских островов в состав своих владений, так как абсолютное большинство населения островов составляли этнические греки. Итальянское правительство предприняло попытку договориться напрямую с Грецией. Однако компромиссного решения найти не удалось. Греческая сторона не желала отступать, поскольку ей оказывали поддержку США, Великобритания и Франция. В течение года после окончания Парижской конференции обстановка в Европе на политической арене изменилась. Греция постепенно теряла поддержку со стороны великих держав, а вместе с этим и свои позиции. Это в значительной степени способствовало усилиям итальянской дипломатии, которой удалось добиться определённого успеха. Острова были официально признаны итальянским владением в результате договоров, подписанных по итогам Парижской (1919) и Лозаннской (1923) конференций. В дальнейшем вопрос о принадлежности Додеканесских островов поднимался неоднократно. Тем не менее в период между мировыми войнами Италия сумела отстоять свои права на владение островами. ; Italian policy aimed at preserving their power under the Dodecanese islands occupied by Italy during the war with the Ottoman Empire in 1911-1912 is considered. It is shown that at the same time Greece aspire to include the Dodecanese islands in its possessions, as the absolute majority of the population of the islands were ethnic Greeks. The Italian government attempted to negotiate directly with Greece. However, a compromise solution was not found. The Greek part did not want to recede, as it was supported by the United States, Britain and France. Within a year after the Paris Conference the situation in Europe in the political arena changed. Greece gradually lost the support of the great powers, and with it, its positions. This contributed significantly to the efforts of Italian diplomacy, that achieved some success. The islands have been officially recognized as the Italian possession as a result of agreements signed up during the Paris (1919) and Lausanne (1923) conferences. In the future, the problem of ownership Dodecanese raised repeatedly. Nevertheless, in the interwar period, Italy was able to assert its rights to possess the islands.