The thirteenth government of the Palestinian Authority (PA) presented in August 2009 a program entitled Palestine: ending the occupation, establishing the state (hereafter referred to as the program) that lays out the vision, foundational principles, and national goals for the future Palestinian state, as well as institution-building and sector priorities. This report will therefore begin by discussing recent trends in the economic restrictions imposed by the Government of Israel (GoI) on West Bank and Gaza (WB&G). The next section will focus on an analysis of economic and fiscal developments, highlighting the fact that WB&G experienced in 2009 a third consecutive year of economic growth and rising per capita GDP, driven by large inflows of external assistance and a relatively stable security situation. Despite the growth, however, the recurrent deficit rose from roughly US$1.3 billion in 2008 to US$1.6 billion on a commitment basis in 2009, mostly as a result of emergency spending in Gaza in the aftermath of Israel s military operation (operation cast lead, December 27, 2008, January 18, 2009) as well as arrears brought forward from 2008 and recognized as commitments in 2009. Given this finding, the discussion in remainder of the report is particularly relevant, focusing on the reform areas of fiscal strengthening and improved public financial management and the important role played by local governments in this regard.
2006/2007 ; Inventario dei luoghi di culto della zona falisco-capenate. Sunto. La raccolta delle fonti relative alla vita religiosa della zona falisco-capenate è stata finalizzata, in primo luogo, all'individuazione di luoghi di culto sicuramente identificabili come tali. Dove questo non fosse stato possibile, soprattutto in presenza di documenti epigrafici isolati e di provenienza non sempre determinabile, si è comunque registrata la presenza del culto. Attraverso la documentazione raccolta si intende cercare di delineare una storia dei culti dell'area considerata, a partire dalle prime attestazioni fino all'età imperiale. La zona presa in esame, inserita nella Regio VII Etruria nel quadro dell'organizzazione territoriale dell'Italia augustea, è compresa entro i confini naturali del lago di Bracciano e del lago di Vico a ovest, del corso del Tevere a est, mentre i limiti settentrionale e meridionale possono essere segnati, rispettivamente, dai rilievi dei Monti Cimini e dei Monti Sabatini. I centri esaminati sono quelli di Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri e Nepi. La comunità capenate occupava la parte orientale del territorio, un'area pianeggiante, dominata a nord dal massiccio del monte Soratte, e delimitata a est dall'ansa del Tevere. Il suo fulcro era costituito dall'abitato di Capena, l'odierno colle della Civitucola, cui facevano capo una serie di piccoli insediamenti, ancora poco indagati, dislocati in posizione strategica sul Tevere, o in corrispondenza di assi stradali di collegamento al fiume. Il principale di essi risulta essere localizzabile nel sito della moderna Nazzano, occupato stabilmente a partire dall'VIII sec. a.C., e posto in corrispondenza dell'abitato sabino di Campo del Pozzo, sull'altra sponda del Tevere. Il comparto falisco si articola, invece, attraverso una paesaggio di aspre colline tufacee, incentrato attorno al bacino idrografico del torrente Treia, affluente del Tevere, che percorre il territorio in direzione longitudinale. Lungo il corso del fiume si svilupparono i due più antichi e importanti centri falisci di Falerii Veteres e Narce, un sito nel quale la più recente tradizione di studi tende a riconoscere, sempre più convincentemente, la Fescennium nota dalle fonti, l'altro abitato falisco, oltre a Falerii, di cui sia tramandato il nome; lungo affluenti del Treia sono ubicate Nepi e Falerii Novi. Pur nella specificità culturale progressivamente assunta da Falisci e Capenati, la collocazione geografica del territorio da essi occupato lo rende naturalmente permeabile a influenze etrusche e sabine, rilevabili attraverso la documentazione archeologica, e rintracciabili in alcune notizie delle fonti antiche, rivalutate dalla più recente tradizione di studi. Una posizione differente era, invece, maturata dopo le prime indagini condotte nella regione, tra la fine dell''800 e l'inizio del '900, che avevano portato a enfatizzare i caratteri culturali specifici delle popolazioni locali, sottolineando la sostanziale autonomia di queste rispetto agli Etruschi, soprattutto sulla base delle strette analogie tra la lingua falisca e la latina. Tale percezione fu dominante fino alla seconda metà degli anni '60 del '900, quando la pubblicazione dei primi dati sulle necropoli veienti mise in luce gli stretti rapporti con le aree falisca e capenate, tra l'VIII e il VII sec. a.C. Gli studi sul popolamento dell'Etruria protostorica condotti a partire dagli anni '80 del '900 hanno sempre più focalizzato l'attenzione su un coinvolgimento di Veio nel popolamento dell'area compresa tra i Monti Cimini e Sabatini e il Tevere nella prima età del Ferro, trovando conferma anche dalle recenti analisi dei corredi delle principali necropoli falische, che hanno evidenziato, nell'VIII e all'inizio del VII sec. a.C., importanti parallelismi con usi funerari veienti, ma anche aspetti specifici della cultura locale. Il corpus di iscrizioni etrusche proveniente dalle necropoli di Narce dimostra, per tutto il VII e VI sec. a.C., la continuità stanziale di etruscofoni, che utilizzano un sistema scrittorio di tipo meridionale, riconducibile a Veio, di cui Narce sembra costituire un avamposto in territorio falisco. Già dall'inizio del VII sec. a.C., tuttavia, si fanno evidenti i segni di una più specifica caratterizzazione culturale delle aree falisca e capenate, anche attraverso la diffusione di un idioma falisco, affine a quello latino, documentato epigraficamente per il VII e VI sec. a.C. soprattutto a Falerii Veteres. Un ulteriore elemento di contatto culturale col mondo latino è rappresentato, in questo centro, dal rituale funerario delle inumazioni infantili in area di abitato. Tale uso, che trova numerosi confronti nel Latium vetus, mentre risulta estraneo all'Etruria, è documentato a Civita Castellana, in località lo Scasato, da due sepolture di bambini, databili tra la fine dell'VIII e la prima metà del VII sec. a.C. A Capena sono state rilevate, a partire dal VII sec. a.C., notevoli influenze dall'area sabina, soprattutto attraverso la documentazione archeologica fornita dalle necropoli, mentre, da un punto di vista linguistico, un influsso del versante orientale del Tevere è stato colto, in particolare, attraverso un'analisi del nucleo più nutrito delle iscrizioni epicorie, che risale al IV-III sec. a.C. La ricettività nei confronti degli apporti delle popolazioni limitrofe e la capacità di elaborazioni originali, attestate archeologicamente sin dalle fasi più antiche della storia dei popoli falisco e capenate, possono offrire un supporto documentario alla percezione che già gli scrittori antichi avevano dell'ethnos falisco, trovando riscontro, in particolare, nelle tradizioni che definivano i Falisci come Etruschi, oppure come ethnos particolare, caratterizzato da una propria specificità anche linguistica, un dato, quest'ultimo, che tradisce il ricordo di contatti col mondo latino. Un terzo filone antiquario, che si intreccia a quello dell'origine etrusca, rivendica ai Falisci un'ascendenza ellenica, e più propriamente, argiva, e sembra, invece, frutto di un'elaborazione erudita maturata in un momento successivo. La notizia dell'origine argiva risale, per tradizione indiretta, alle Origines di Catone, e si collega a quella della fondazione di Falerii da parte dell'eroe Halesus, figlio di Agamennone, che avrebbe abbandonato la casa paterna dopo l'uccisione del padre. Ovidio e Dionigi di Alicarnasso attribuiscono all'eroe greco l'istituzione del culto di Giunone a Falerii, il cui originario carattere argivo sarebbe conservato nel rito celebrato in occasione della festa annuale per la dea. L'importanza accordata al culto di Giunone nell'ambito di tale tradizione ha portato a ipotizzare che questa possa essersi sviluppata proprio a partire dal dato religioso della presenza a Falerii di una divinità assimilabile alla Hera di Argo. Dall'esame linguistico del nome del fondatore, il quale non ha combattuto a Troia e non ha avuto alcun ruolo nel mondo ellenico, si è concluso che dovesse trattarsi di un eroe locale, e che la formazione dell'eponimo sia precedente alla metà del IV sec. a.C., quando è documentata l'affermazione del rotacismo in ambiente falisco. L'elaborazione della leggenda di Halesus deve essere collocata, dunque, in un momento precedente a questa data, che, si è pensato, possa coincidere con la presenza a Falerii di maestranze elleniche o ellenizzate, attive nel campo della ceramografia e della coroplastica, a partire dalla fine del V sec. a.C. Questa tradizione si collega a quella sull'origine etrusca attraverso la notizia di Servio, secondo cui Halesus sarebbe il progenitore del re di Veio Morrius. Il ricordo di una discendenza dalla città etrusca è comune anche a Capena, dove, secondo una notizia di Catone, riportata da Servio, i luci Capeni erano stati fondati da giovani veienti, inviati da un re Properzio, nel cui nome, peraltro, è stata ravvisata un'origine non etrusca, ma italico-orientale. A livello storico, l'accostamento tra Veio, Falisci e Capenati sarà documentato dalle fonti attraverso la costante presenza dei due popoli, al fianco della città etrusca, nel corso degli scontri con Roma tra la seconda metà del V e l'inizio del IV sec. a.C. Di tale complesso sistema di influenze partecipa anche la sfera religiosa dell'area in esame. È interessante notare, a questo proposito, che la massima divinità maschile del pantheon falisco-capenate, il dio del Monte Soratte, Soranus Apollo, costituisca l'esatto corrispettivo dell'etrusco Śuri, come da tempo dimostrato da Giovanni Colonna. La particolarità del culto del Soratte, tuttavia, è determinata dalla cerimonia annua degli Hirpi Sorani, che camminavano indenni sui carboni ardenti e il cui nome, nel racconto eziologico sull'origine del rito, tramandato da Servio, è spiegato in relazione a hirpus, il termine sabino per indicare il lupo, in perfetta coerenza col carattere "di frontiera" di questo territorio. Di origine sabina è la divinità venerata nell'unico grande santuario noto nell'agro capenate, il Lucus Feroniae. La diffusione del culto a partire dalla Sabina, già sostenuta da Varrone, è largamente accolta dalla critica recente, sia sulla base dell'analisi linguistica del nome della dea, sia per la presenza, in Sabina, dei centri principali del culto (Trebula Mutuesca, Amiternum), da cui questo si irradia, oltre che presso Capena, in Umbria e in area volsca. Le attestazioni di Feronia in altre zone, come la Sardegna, il territorio lunense, Aquileia, Pesaro sono generalmente da collegare con episodi di colonizzazione romana. Il carattere esplicitamente emporico del Lucus Feroniae, affermato da Dionigi di Alicarnasso e Livio, che lo descrivono come un luogo di mercato frequentato da Sabini, Etruschi e Romani già dall'epoca di Tullo Ostilio, rende perfettamente conto della varietà di frequentazioni e di influenze, che caratterizzano il santuario almeno dall'età arcaica. Pur in assenza di documentazione archeologica relativa alle fasi più antiche, sembra del tutto affidabile la notizia della vitalità del culto capenate già in età regia. Feronia, infatti, a Terracina, risulta associata a Iuppiter Anxur, divinità eponima della città volsca, il che sembra far risalire l'introduzione del suo culto all'inizio della presenza volsca nella Pianura Pontina, cioè ai primi decenni del V sec. a.C., fornendo, inoltre, un possibile indizio di una provenienza settentrionale, da area sabina, dell'ethnos volsco. È ipotizzabile, dunque, che la dea fosse venerata nel santuario tiberino, prospiciente la Sabina, ben avanti il suo arrivo nel Lazio tirrenico. Al di là della semplice frequentazione del luogo di culto e del mercato, un ruolo di primo piano rivestito dalla componente sabina presso il Lucus Feroniae, in epoca arcaica, sembra suggerito dall'episodio del rapimento dei mercanti romani, riferito da Dionigi di Alicarnasso. I rapitori sabini compiono una ritorsione nei confronti dei Romani, che avevano trattenuto alcuni di loro presso l'Asylum, tra il Capitolium e l'Arx, il che fa pensare che i Sabini esercitassero una sorta di protettorato sul santuario tiberino, e avessero, su di esso, una capacità di controllo analoga a quella che i Romani avevano sull'Asylum romuleo. La vocazione emporica del Lucus Feroniae è naturalmente legata alla sua collocazione topografica, nel punto in cui i percorsi sabini di transumanza a breve raggio attraversano il Tevere, tra i due grandi centri sabini di Poggio Sommavilla e Colle del Forno, per dirigersi verso la costa meridionale dell'Etruria. La dislocazione presso il punto di arrivo dei principali tratturi dell'area appenninica, popolata da genti sabelliche, è, peraltro, una caratteristica comune ai più antichi luoghi di culto di Feronia, come Trebula Mutuesca e Terracina, che condividono col Lucus Feroniae capenate anche la collocazione all'estremità di un territorio etnicamente omogeneo. È stato osservato come, in questi santuari, l'attività emporica marittima si intrecciasse con quella legata allo scambio del bestiame, e, nell'ottica di un'apertura verso l'economia pastorale dei Sardi, è stata inquadrata la fondazione romana, nel 386 a.C., di una Pheronia polis in Sardegna, presso Posada. Da questa località proviene, inoltre, una statuetta bronzea, databile tra la fine del V e i primi decenni del IV sec. a.C., raffigurante un Ercole di tipo italico, divinità di cui è noto il legame con la sfera dello scambio, anche in rapporto agli armenti. L'epoca dell'apoikia sarda ha portato a ipotizzare un collegamento col Lucus Feroniae capenate, dato che già tra il 389 e il 387 a.C. nel territorio di Capena erano stanziati coloni romani, misti a disertori Veienti, Capenati e Falisci. La filiazione del culto sardo da quello tiberino sembra, inoltre, perfettamente compatibile con le pur scarne attestazioni relative a una presenza di Ercole nel santuario capenate. A questo proposito è interessante notare che su una Heraklesschale, ancora sostanzialmente inedita, proveniente dalla stipe del santuario, il dio è rappresentato con la leonté e la clava nella mano sinistra, e lo scyphus di legno nella mano destra. Questi due ultimi attributi di Ercole erano conservati nel sacello presso l'Ara Maxima del Foro Boario, a Roma, e lo scyphus, usato dal pretore urbano per libare nel corso del sacrificio annuale presso l'ara, compare anche nella statua di culto di Alba Fucens, nella quale, per vari motivi, si è proposto di riconoscere una replica del simulacro del santuario del Foro Boario. Il richiamo iconografico a questi elementi, in un santuario-mercato ubicato lungo percorsi di transumanza, come era il Lucus Feroniae, non sembra casuale, ma potrebbe, in un certo senso, evocare il culto dell'Ara Maxima, e, in particolare, un aspetto fondamentale di esso, rappresentato dal collegamento con le Salinae ai piedi dell'Aventino. Queste, ubicate presso la porta Trigemina, e dunque prossime all'Ara Maxima, erano il luogo di deposito del sale proveniente dalle saline ostiensi, e destinato alla Sabina, e, in generale, alle popolazioni dell'interno dell'Italia centrale, dedite a un'economia pastorale. L'Ercole del Foro Boario, che tutelava le attività economiche collegate allo scambio del bestiame, sovrintendeva anche all'approvvigionamento del sale, e in questo senso va spiegato anche l'epiteto di Salarius, attestato per il dio ad Alba Fucens, dove, come è stato visto, il santuario di Ercole aveva la funzione di forum pecuarium. La dislocazione di santuari-mercati lungo i tratturi garantiva, dunque, ai pastori, dietro necessario compenso, la possibilità di rifornirsi di sale, e lo stesso doveva verificarsi presso il Lucus Feroniae. Questo sembra confermato dal fatto che, come è stato di recente dimostrato, la via lungo cui sorge il santuario, l'attuale strada provinciale Tiberina, vada, in realtà, identificata con la via Campana in agro falisco, menzionata da Vitruvio, in relazione a una fonte letale per uccelli e piccoli rettili. Il nome della via va spiegato, infatti, in relazione al punto di arrivo, costituito dal Campus Salinarum alla foce del Tevere, dove erano le saline. Nel comparto falisco, l'analisi della documentazione relativa ai luoghi di culto ha evidenziato una più marcata influenza di Veio rispetto all'area capenate. Questa risulta particolarmente rilevante in un centro come Narce, segnato, sin dall'inizio della sua storia, da una netta impronta veiente, e il cui declino coinciderà con gli anni della conquista della città etrusca. Per limitarci alla sfera del sacro, già da un primo esame dei materiali rinvenuti nel santuario suburbano di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, di cui si attende la pubblicazione integrale, è stata segnalata, dall'inizio del V sec. a.C., epoca in cui comincia la frequentazione dell'area sacra, la presenza di prototipi veienti, che sono all'origine di una produzione locale di piccole terrecotte figurate. A un modello veiente sono riconducibili le cisterne a cielo aperto, che affiancavano l'edificio templare in almeno due dei principali santuari di Falerii Veteres, quello di Vignale e quello dello Scasato I, da identificare entrambi come sedi di un culto di Apollo. Più problematico risulta, invece, l'accostamento ad esse degli apprestamenti idrici rinvenuti presso un'area sacra urbana, recentemente individuata presso la moderna via Gramsci, nella parte meridionale del pianoro di Civita Castellana, e solo da una vecchia notizia d'archivio della Soprintendenza sappiamo di un'analoga cisterna rinvenuta presso Corchiano all'inizio del '900. Nei casi meglio documentati di Vignale e dello Scasato, tali impianti idrici risultano coevi alla fase più antica del santuario, e rispondono a uno schema che, a Veio, ricorre presso il santuario di Apollo al Portonaccio, presso il tempio a oikos di Piazza d'Armi, nel santuario di Menerva presso Porta Caere, e nel santuario in località Casale Pian Roseto. Non è facile determinare l'esatto valore da attribuire, di volta in volta, a tali cisterne, ma l'enfasi topografica ad esse accordata nell'ambito dei santuari non pare permetta di prescindere da un collegamento con pratiche rituali. Per gli impianti di Falerii si è pensato a un collegamento col santuario del Portonaccio, anche sulla base della corrispondenza cultuale incentrata sulla figura di Apollo, e la piscina è stata spiegata, dunque, in relazione a rituali di purificazione, legati a un culto oracolare. Dopo la sconfitta di Veio Falerii si trovò non solo a tener testa a Roma sul piano militare, ma dovette dimostrarsi non inferiore anche per prestigio e capacità autorappresentativa, essendo l'altro grande centro della basse valle del Tevere. Questo aspetto è stato colto, in particolare, sulla base della decorazione templare della città falisca, che conosce, intorno al secondo-terzo decennio del IV sec. a.C., un rinnovamento generalizzato, dovuto alla nascita di un'importante scuola coroplastica, la cui attività si riconosce anche nel frammento isolato di rilievo fittile rappresentante una Nike, da Fabrica di Roma. Una diversa reazione alla presa di Veio è attestata per l'altro importante centro falisco, quello di Narce, anche attraverso la documentazione fornita dal santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote. Il luogo di culto continua a essere frequentato anche dopo la crisi dell'insediamento urbano, riscontrata attraverso una consistente contrazione delle necropoli a partire dal IV sec. a.C., ma nella prima metà del III sec. a.C. è attestata una contrazione del culto in vari settori del santuario, contestualmente all'introduzione di nuove categorie di ex-voto, quali i votivi anatomici, i bambini in fasce, le terrecotte raffiguranti animali. Questi mutamenti sono stati messi in relazione con la vittoria romana sui Falisci nel 293 a.C., mentre un secondo momento di contrazione del culto sembra coincidere con la definitiva conquista romana del 241 a.C. Dall'inizio del III sec. a.C. anche nei depositi di Falerii vengono introdotti nuovi tipi di votivi, cui si è fatto cenno precedentemente, e, come anche nel santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, si registra la presenza di monetazione di zecca urbana, che entra a far parte delle offerte. Tale dato diventa ancora più eloquente, se si considera l'assenza di monetazione locale nei contesti di epoca preromana, che sembra tradire l'indifferenza delle popolazioni falische verso tale tipo di offerta. È evidente, dunque, anche per Falerii, un'influenza del mercato romano dopo gli eventi bellici che segnarono la vittoria di Spurio Carvilio sui Falisci. La città, tuttavia, sembra fronteggiare la crisi, tanto da non mettere in pericolo le sue istituzioni, come dimostrano le dediche falische poste, nel Santuario dei Sassi Caduti, a Mercurio, dagli efiles, l'unica carica attestata per la città. Del resto, anche con la costruzione del nuovo centro di Falerii Novi, la documentazione relativa alla sfera religiosa attesta la conservazione, a livello pubblico, della lingua e della grafia falisca, tramite la dedica a Menerva posta dal pretore della città, nella seconda metà del III sec. a.C. (CIL XI 3081). Quanto sappiamo sui culti di età repubblicana di Capena e del suo territorio si limita al santuario di Lucus Feroniae, dove praticamente quasi tutti i materiali e le fonti epigrafiche sono inquadrabili nel corso del III sec. a.C., e a un paio di dediche di III sec. a.C. La capitolazione di Capena subito dopo la presa di Veio (395 a.C.) rende, in questa fase, la presenza romana ormai stabile da circa un secolo, dunque non sorprende che le iscrizioni sacre utilizzino un formulario specificamente latino, anche con attestazioni piuttosto precoci di espressioni che diventeranno correnti nel corso del II sec. a.C. Uno dei primi esempi attestati di abbreviazione alle sole iniziali della formula di dedica d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) è in CIL I², 2435, provenente dalla necropoli capenate delle Saliere. La documentazione archeologica più antica riguardo alla vita religiosa dell'area presa in esame proviene da Falerii Veteres. In ordine cronologico, la prima divinità attestata epigraficamente è Apollo, il cui nome compare inciso in falisco su un frammento di ceramica attica dei primi decenni del V sec. a.C. dal santuario di Vignale. È notevole che si tratti in assoluto della più antica attestazione conosciuta del nome latinizzato del dio, che indica la sua precoce assimilazione nel pantheon falisco, dove, già da quest'epoca, bisogna riconoscere come avvenuta l'identificazione con Apollo del locale Soranus. Il culto del dio del Soratte, attestato per via epigrafica solo in età imperiale, attraverso due dediche a Soranus Apollo, può essere coerentemente collocato tra le più antiche manifestazioni religiose del comprensorio falisco-capenate, e probabilmente la sede cultuale del Monte Soratte doveva fungere da tramite tra le due aree. Nel territorio falisco la presenza del dio lascia tracce più consistenti, attraverso la duplicazione del culto di Apollo a Falerii Veteres, e una dedica di età repubblicana da Falerii Novi, mentre sembra affievolirsi in area capenate, dove ne resta traccia solo in due dediche ad Apollo della prima età imperiale da Civitella S. Paolo, e in una controversa notizia di Strabone, che, apparentemente per errore, ubica al Lucus Feroniae le cerimonie in onore di Sorano, che si svolgevano, invece, sul Soratte. Anche questa notizia, tuttavia, si inserisce in un sistema di corrispondenze cultuali, che associa a una dea ctonia, della fertilità, un paredro di tipo "apollineo", cioè una divinità maschile, giovanile, con aspetti inferi e mantici. Non sembra casuale, in questo contesto, che il santuario per cui è attestata una più antica frequentazione a Falerii Veteres sia quello di Giunone Curite, una divinità che sembra rispondere allo schema di dea matronale e guerriera (era una Giunone armata, ma anche protettrice delle matrone) per la quale, pure, è attestata l'associazione cultuale con un giovane dio, della stessa tipologia di Sorano. Anche se non sono attestati direttamente rapporti tra Iuno Curitis e Sorano Apollo non sembra da trascurare il dato che l'unica statuetta di Apollo liricine, di IV sec. a.C., rinvenuta a Falerii Veteres provenga proprio dal santuario della dea; inoltre quando essa fu evocata a Roma dopo la presa di Falerii nel 241 a.C., insieme al suo tempio, in Campo, fu costruito quello di Iuppiter Fulgur, una divinità parimenti evocata dal centro falisco, e per la quale, pure, si possono istituire dei parallelismi con Soranus, attraverso l'assimilazione con Veiove. Nell'agro falisco, come in quello capenate, le più antiche attestazioni cultuali si riferiscano, dunque, a una coppia di divinità che, pur nelle differenze maturate in aspetti specifici del culto, sembra rispondere a esigenze cultuali piuttosto omogenee. Con l'età imperiale, infine, il panorama dei culti della zona considerata sembra diventare più omogeneo, inserendosi, peraltro, in una tendenza piuttosto generale. La manifestazione più appariscente è costituita, naturalmente, dal culto imperiale, attestato molto presto in Etruria meridionale. Da Nepi proviene la più antica testimonianza nota in Etruria, costituita da una dedica in onore di Augusto da parte di quattro Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'iscrizione è databile al 12 a.C., anno della fondazione del collegio di Nepi, e dell'istituzione, a Roma, del culto del Genius di Augusto e dei Lares Augusti, venerati nei compita dei vici della città. Altri esempi di una piuttosto precoce diffusione del culto imperiale vengono da Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, databile tra il 2 a.C. e il 14 d.C.; CIL XI, 3076, età augustea); da Lucus Feroniae, dove intorno al 31 d.C. è attestato per la prima volta l'uso della formula in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295). Il fatto che la diffusione del culto imperiale in agro falisco-capenate avvenga praticamente negli stessi anni che a Roma, sembra legato anche ai rapporti che legarono Augusto e la dinastia giulio-claudia a questo territorio. Dopo Anzio veterani di Ottaviano ottennero terre nell'Etruria meridionale, lungo il corso del Tevere, e non è un caso che l'Augusteo di Lucus Feroniae, l'unico in Etruria meridionale, che sia noto, oltre che epigraficamente, anche attraverso i suoi resti, sia stato eretto tra il 14 e il 20 d.C. da due membri della gens senatoria, filoagustea, dei Volusii Saturnini. Augusto stesso e membri della dinastia parteciparono direttamente alla vita civile dei centri della regione: Augusto fu pater municipii a Falerii Novi, Tiberio e Druso Maggiore furono patroni della colonia a Lucus Feroniae, tra l'11 e il 9 a.C. Inoltre la presenza, nel territorio capenate, di liberti imperiali incaricati dell'amministrazione del patrimonio dell'imperatore, fa pensare all'esistenza di fundi imperiali. La documentazione di età imperiale è costituita, inoltre, da una serie di iscrizioni che difficilmente possono farci risalire a specifici luoghi di culto, e dalle quali, in molti casi, si evince soprattutto una richiesta di salute e di fertilità alla divinità, come avveniva in età repubblicana, tra il IV e il II sec. a.C., attraverso l'offerta nei santuari di votivi anatomici. Sono note anche alcune attestazioni di culti orientali (Mater Deum e Iside, anche associate, da Falerii Novi e dal suo territorio; una dedica alla Mater Deum da Nazzano, in territorio capenate), che rientrano nell'ambito della devozione privata, tranne nel caso del sacerdozio di Iside a Mater Deum attestato a Falerii Novi. ; Inventaire des lieux de culte de la zone falisco-capenate. Résumé. Le recueil des sources historiques relatives à la vie religieuse de la zone falisco-capenate a eut comme but, tout d'abord, la localisation des lieux de culte identifiables avec certitude comme tels. Lorsque cela s'est avéré impossible, particulièrement en présence de documents épigraphiques isolés et d'origine incertaine, on a tout de même enregistré l'existence du culte. On veut reconstruire, au moyen de la documentation récoltée, une histoire des cultes de la zone considérée depuis les premières apparitions jusqu'à l'âge impérial. La zone considérée, insérée dans la Regio VII Etruria dans le cadre de l'organisation territoriale de l'Italie augustéenne, est comprise dans les limites naturelles du lac de Bracciano et du lac de Vico à l'ouest, du cours du Tibre à l'est, tandis que les limites septentrionale et méridionale sont délimitées, respectivement, par les reliefs des Monts Cimini et des Monts Sabatini. Les centres examinés sont ceux de Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri et Nepi. La communauté capenate occupait la partie orientale du territoire, un zone de plaine, dominée au nord par le massif du Mont Soratte, et délimitée à l'est par l'anse du Tibre. Son centre était constitué par l'habitat de Capena, l'actuel Col de la Civitucola, dont dépendaient une série de petits sites, encore peu étudiés, disséminés en position stratégique sur le Tibre, ou en correspondance d'axes routiers de liaison au fleuve. Le principal de ces derniers est localisé sur le site de l'actuelle Nazzano, occupé de manière permanente à partir du VIIIème siècle av. J.-C., et situé en correspondance de l'habitat sabin de Campo del Pozzo, sur l'autre rive du Tibre. La zone falisque s'articule, par contre, sur un paysage d'âpres collines de tuf, disposées autour du bassin hydrographique du torrent Treia, affluent du Tibre, qui parcourt le territoire en direction longitudinale. Le long du cours d'eau se développèrent les deux plus antiques et importants centres falisques de Falerii Veteres et Narce, un site que les plus récentes recherches tendent à reconnaître, et de manière toujours plus convaincante, comme la Fescennium connue dans les sources historiques, le deuxième habitat falisque, outre à Falerii, dont on reporte le nom; le long d'affluents du Treia sont situées Nepi et Falerii Novi. Malgré la spécificité culturelle progressivement développée par falisques et capenates, la situation géographique du territoire occupé le rend naturellement perméable aux influences étrusques et sabines, aspect relevé par la documentation archéologique et par quelques informations dans les sources antiques, réévaluée par les plus récentes études. Une position différente s'était par contre imposée après les premières recherches effectuées dans la région entre la fin du XIXème et le début du XXème siècle : celles-ci avaient mis l'accent sur les caractères culturels spécifiques des populations locales, en soulignant la substantielle autonomie de ces populations par rapport aux Etrusques, surtout sur la base des grandes similitudes entre les langues falisque et latine. Une telle perception fut dominante jusqu'à la deuxième moitié des années Soixante du Vingtième siècle, lorsque la publication des premières données sur les nécropoles de Véies mirent en lumière les rapports étroits avec les zones falisque et capenate entre le VIIIème et le VIIème siècle av. J.-C. Les études sur le peuplement de l'Etrurie protohistorique, conduites à partir des années '80 du XXème siècle ont focalisé l'attention sur une implication de Véies dans le peuplement de la zone comprise entre les Monts Cimini et Sabatini d'une part et le Tibre d'autre part, et cela au début de l'Âge du Fer, études confirmées par les récentes analyses des trousseaux des principales nécropoles falisques, qui ont prouvé qu'il existait au VIIIème et au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. d'importants parallèles avec les habitudes funéraires de Véies, bien que certains aspects spécifiques de la culture locale y fussent conservés. Le corpus d'inscriptions étrusques provenant de la nécropole de Narce démontre, pour tout le VII et le VIème siècle ac. J.-C., la présence continue de populations parlant la langue étrusque, qui utilisent un système d'écriture de type méridional, reconductible à Véies, dont Narce semble avoir constitué un avant-poste en territoire falisque. Déjà au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. cependant, on remarque les signes évidents d'une plus spécifique caractérisation culturelle des zones falisques et capenates, et cela au travers, entre autre, de la diffusion d'un idiome falisque, semblable au latin, documenté par des épigraphes au VIIème et au VIème siècle av. J.-C., surtout à Falerii Veteres. Ultérieur élément de contact culturel avec le monde latin est représenté, dans ce centre, par le rituel funéraire des inhumations infantiles dans la zone habitée. Une telle habitude, qui trouve de nombreuses comparaisons dans le Latium vetus, est étrangère à l'Etrurie, alors qu'elle est documentée à Cività Castellana, en localité «lo Scasato», par deux sépultures d'enfants datables entre la fin du VIIIème siècle et la première moitié du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. A Capena a été remarqué, à partir du VIIème siècle av. J.-C., une grande influence provenant de l'aire sabine, surtout à travers la documentation archéologique fournie par les nécropoles, tandis que du point de vue linguistique un influence du versant oriental du Tibre a été remarquée, en particulier par une analyse du noyau plus consistant des inscriptions relatifs aux nouveaux-nés, qui remonte au IV – IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La réceptivité vis-à-vis des nouveautés des populations limitrophes et la capacité d'élaborations originales, prouvées archéologiquement déjà depuis les phases les plus antiques de l'histoire des peuples falisques et capenates, peuvent offrir une aide documentaire à la perception que les écrivains antiques avaient de l'ethnos falisque, en trouvant un équivalent dans les traditions qui définissaient les Falisques comme des Etrusques, ou bien comme un peuple à soi, caractérisé par une spécificité propre, aussi linguistique. Cette dernière donnée trahit la mémoire de contacts avec le monde latin. Un troisième filon antique, qui se mêle à celui d'origine étrusque, revendique pour les falisques une ascendance grecque, plus précisément de l'Argolide et semble le fruit d'une construction d'érudits élaborée successivement. L'information de l'origine argolide remonte, par tradition indirecte, aux Origines de Caton, et se relie à celle de la fondation de Falerii de la part du héros Halesus, fils d'Agamemnon, qui aurait abandonné la maison paternelle après l'assassinat de son père. Ovide et Denys d'Halicarnasse attribuent au héros grec l'institution du culte de Junon à Falerii, dont le caractère originel argolide serait conservé dans le rite célébré en occasion de la fête annuelle de la déesse. L'importance accordée au culte de Junon au sein d'une telle tradition a amené à supposer que celui-ci se soit développé précisément à partir de la donnée religieuse de la présence à Falerii d'une divinité semblable à Héra d'Argos. Grâce à l'examen linguistique du nom du fondateur, qui n'a pas combattu à Troie et qui n'a eut aucun rôle dans le monde grec, on a conclu qu'il devait s'agir d'un héros local, et que la formation de l'éponyme ait été précédent à la moitié du IVème siècle av. J.-C., lorsque l'affirmation du rhotacisme est documenté dans la culture falisque. L'élaboration de la légende de Halesus doit donc être située à un moment précédent cette date qui, comme on l'a pensé, puisse coïncider avec la présence à Falerii d'artistes grecs ou hellénisés, actifs dans la céramographie et dans la choroplastique, à partir de la fin du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cette tradition se relie à celle sur l'origine étrusque, par l'information de Servius, selon lequel Halesus serait le grand-père du roi de Véies Morrius. Le souvenir d'une descendance de la ville étrusque est commune aussi a Capena où, d'après une nouvelle de Caton, rapportée par Servius, les luci Capeni avaient été fondés par des jeunes de Véies, envoyés par un roi Properce, dans le nom duquel a été identifié une origine non étrusque, mais bien italico-orientale. Du point de vue historique, le rapprochement entre Véies, falisques et capenates sera documenté dans les sources par la présence constante des deux peuples au flanc de la ville étrusque au cours des luttes contre Rome entre la deuxième moitié du Vème et le début du IVème siècle av. J.-C. D'un tel système complexe d'influences participe aussi la sphère religieuse de la zone en question. Il est intéressant de noter, à ce propos, que la principale divinité masculine du panthéon falisco-capenate, le dieu du Mont Soratte, Soranus Apollon, constitue le correspondant exact de l'étrusque Śuri, comme l'a démontré Giovanni Colonna. La particularité du culte de Soratte, toutefois, est déterminée par la cérémonie annuelle des Hirpi Sorani, qui marchaient indemnes sur des charbons ardents et dont le nom, dans le récit étiologique sur l'origine du rite transmis par Servius, est expliqué en relation à hirpus, le nom sabin pour «loup», parfaitement cohérent avec la caractéristique frontalière de ce territoire. D'origine sabine est aussi la divinité vénérée dans le seul grand sanctuaire connu dans le territoire capenate, le Lucus Feroniae. La diffusion du culte à partir de la Sabine, version soutenue déjà par Varron, est largement acceptée par la critique récente, sur la base d'une part de l'analyse linguistique du nom de la déesse et d'autre part vu la présence sur le territoire sabin des principaux centres de culte (Trebula Mutuesca, Aminternum), d'où ceux-ci se diffusent, outre à Capena, vers l'Ombrie et le territoire volsque. Les attestations de Feronia dans d'autres zones, comme en Sardaigne, en territoire de Luni, à Aquilée et à Pesaro sont généralement à mettre en relation avec des épisodes de colonisation romaine. Le caractère explicitement commercial du Lucus Feroniae, affirmé par Denys d'Halicarnasse et par Tite-Live, qui le décrivent comme un lieu de marché fréquenté par les sabins, les étrusques et les romains déjà à l'époque de Tullius Ostilius, rend parfaitement compte de la variété des fréquentations et des influences qui caractérisent le sanctuaire à partir de l'Âge archaïque. Bien que n'ayant pas de documentation archéologique relative aux phases les plus antiques, l'information sur la vitalité du culte capenate déjà à l'époque royale semble fiable. Feronia, en effet, est couplée, à Terracina, à Iuppiter Anxur, divinité éponyme de la ville volsque, ce qui semble faire remonter l'introduction de son culte au début de la présence volsque dans la plaine pontine, c'est-à-dire vers les premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cela fournit, en plus, un indice possible d'une provenance septentrionale de l'ethnos volsque depuis la zone sabine. Il est donc envisageable que la déesse ait été adorée dans le sanctuaire tibérien, en face de la Sabine, bien avant son arrivée dans le Latium tyrrhénien. Au-delà de la simple fréquentation du lieu de culte et du marché, un rôle de premier plan joué par l'élément sabin pour le Lucus Feroniae en époque archaïque semble suggéré par l'épisode de l'enlèvement de marchants romains relaté par Denys d'Halicarnasse. Les ravisseurs sabins effectuent une rétorsion contre les romains, qui avaient enfermé certains des leurs sur l'Asylum, entre le Capitole et l'Arx, ce qui fait penser que les sabins exerçaient une sorte de protectorat sur le sanctuaire tibérien et qu'ils avaient sur celui-ci une capacité de contrôle semblable à celui que les romains avaient sur l'Asylum romuléen. La vocation commerciale du Lucus Feroniae est naturellement liée à son emplacement topographique, à l'endroit où les parcours sabins de transhumance à courte distance traversent le Tibre, entre les deux grands centres sabins de Poggio Sommavilla et Colle del Forno, pour se diriger vers la côte méridionale de l'Etrurie. La dislocation près du lieu d'arrivée des principaux sentiers de la zone apennine, habitée de peuplades sabelliques, est, en outre, une caractéristique commune aux plus anciens lieux de culte de Feronia, comme par exemple Trebula Mutuesca et Terracina, qui partagent avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate l'emplacement à l'extrémité d'un territoire ethniquement homogène. Il a été observé combien, dans ces sanctuaires, l'activité commerciale maritime était liée à l'échange du bétail et il faut prendre en compte l'ouverture à l'économie pastorale sarde pour comprendre la fondation romaine en 386 av. J.-C. d'une Pheronia polis en Sardaigne, près de Posada. De cette localité provient, en outre, une statuette en bronze, datable entre la fin du Vème et les premières décennies du IVème siècle av. J.-C., qui représente un Hercule de type italique, divinité dont on connaît le lien avec la sphère de l'échange, et surtout son rapport avec les troupeaux. L'époque de l'apoikia sarde a amené à envisager une relation avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate, vu que déjà entre 389 et le 387 av. J.-C. dans le territoire de Capena des colons romains s'étaient établis, unis à des déserteurs provenant de Véies, Capena et Falerii. La filiation du culte sarde à partir du culte tibérien semble, en outre, parfaitement compatible avec les rares attestations relatives à une présence d'Hercule dans le sanctuaire capenate. A ce sujet il est intéressant de remarquer que sur une Heraklesschale, encore inédite, provenant du dépôt votif du sanctuaire, le dieu est représenté avec la leonté et la massue dans la main gauche, et le skyphos en bois dans la main droite. Ces deux derniers attributs d'Hercule étaient conservés dans le sacellum près de l'Ara Maxima du Forum boarium, à Rome, et le skyphos, utilisé par le préteur urbain pour faire les libations au cours du sacrifice annuel auprès de l'Ara, apparaît aussi dans la statue de culte d'Alba Fucens, dans laquelle, en raison de nombreuses similitudes, on a proposé de reconnaître une réplique du simulacre du sanctuaire du Forum boarium. La répétition iconographique de ces éléments dans un sanctuaire-marché situé le long des voies de la transhumance, comme était le Lucus Feroniae, ne semble pas un hasard et pourrait d'ailleurs, dans un certain sens, évoquer le culte de l'Ara Maxima et en particulier un aspect fondamental de celui-ci, représenté par la liaison avec les Salinae aux pieds de l'Aventin. Celles-ci, situées près de la porta Trigemina, et donc proches de l'Ara Maxima, étaient le lieu de dépôt du sel provenant des salines d'Ostie destiné à la Sabine, et en général aux populations établies à l'intérieur de l'Italie centrale et vouées à l'économie pastorale. L'Hercule du Forum boarium, qui protégeait les activités économiques liées aux échanges de bétail, gouvernait aussi à l'approvisionnement du sel, et c'est en ce sens que doit aussi s'expliquer l'épithète de Salarius, attesté pour le dieu à Alba Fucens où, comme on l'a vu, le sanctuaire d'Hercule avait la fonction de forum pecuarium. La dislocation de sanctuaires-marchés le long des voies de transhumance garantissait donc aux pasteurs, après compensation nécessaire, la possibilité de se pourvoir en sel, et la même chose devait advenir au Lucus Feroniae. Ceci semble confirmé par le fait que, comme il a été démontré récemment, la route le long de laquelle se dresse le sanctuaire, l'actuelle route provinciale Tiberina, doive en réalité être identifiée comme la via Campana en territoire falisque, mentionné par Vitruve, en relation avec une source mortelle pour les oiseaux et les petits reptiles. Le nom de la route s'explique, en effet, en relation à son point d'arrivée, le Campus Salinarum situé à l'embouchure du Tibre, où se trouvaient les salines. Dans la zone falisque, l'analyse de la documentation relative aux lieux de culte a mis en évidence une influence majeure de Véies par rapport à la zone capenate. Cela résulte particulièrement important dans un centre comme Narce, marqué, depuis le début de son histoire, par une nette influence de Véies, et dont le déclin coïncidera avec les années de la conquête de la ville étrusque. Pour nous limiter à la sphère du sacré, déjà à partir d'un premier examen du matériel retrouvé dans le sanctuaire suburbain de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, dont on attend la publication intégrale, on a signalé, à partir du Vème siècle av. J.-C., époque à laquelle commence la fréquentation de l'aire sacrée, la présence de prototypes provenant de Véies, qui sont à l'origine d'une production locale de petites terre cuites figurées. A un modèle de Véies sont reconductibles les citernes à ciel ouvert, qui flanquaient l'édifice templier dans au moins deux des principaux sanctuaires de Falerii Veteres, celui de Vignale et celui de Scasato I, tous deux à identifier comme lieux de culte dédiés à Apollon. Plus difficile est par contre le rapprochement de celles-ci aux citernes fermées retrouvées proche d'une aire sacré urbaine, récemment identifiée dans la moderne rue Gramsci, dans la partie méridionale du plateau de Civita Castellana, tandis que c'est seulement grâce à une vieille note des archives de la Surintendance que nous savons de l'existence d'une citerne semblable retrouvée près de Corchiano au début du Vingtième siècle. Dans les cas mieux documentés de Vignale et de Scasato, de tels systèmes hydrauliques résultent contemporains à la phase la plus antique du sanctuaire, et correspondent à un schéma qui revient à Véies dans le sanctuaire d'Apollon au Portonaccio, proche du temple à oikos de la Piazza d'Armi, dans le sanctuaire de Menerva près de la Porta Caere, ainsi que dans le sanctuaire situé en localité Casale Pian Roseto. Il n'est pas facile de déterminer la valeur exacte à attribuer, selon les cas, à de telles citernes, mais l'emphase topographique qu'on leur accorde dans le cadre des sanctuaires ne semble pas permettre de pouvoir exclure une relation avec les pratiques rituelles. Pour le site de Falerii on a pensé à une relation avec le sanctuaire de Portonaccio, entre autre sur la base d'une correspondance des cultes centrée sur la figure d'Apollon, et la piscine a ainsi été expliquée en relation à des rituels de purification liés à un culte oraculaire. Après la défaite de Véies, Falerii dut faire face non seulement à Rome du point de vue militaire, mais elle dut aussi se montrer non inférieure par prestige et capacité d'autoreprésentation, étant l'autre grand centre de la basse vallée du Tibre. Cet aspect a été noté, en particulier, sur la base de la décoration des temples de la ville falisque, qui connaît vers la deuxième – troisième décennie du IVème siècle av. J.-C. un renouveau général dû à la naissance d'une importante école choroplastique, dont l'activité se reconnaît aussi dans le fragment isolé de relief d'argile représentant une Nike, provenant de Fabrica di Roma. Une autre réaction à la prise de Véies est attestée dans l'autre important centre falisque, celui de Narce, aussi grâce à la documentation fournie par le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote. Le lieu de culte continue à être fréquenté après la crise de la ville, comme le démontre une consistante contraction des nécropoles à partir du IVème siècle av. J.-C., mais dans la première moitié du IIIème siècle une ultérieure réduction du culte est prouvée dans de nombreux secteurs du sanctuaire, en parallèle à l'introduction de nouvelles catégories d'ex-voto, comme les ex-voto anatomiques, les nouveaux-nés enveloppés dans des bandes, les terre cuites représentant des animaux. Ces changements ont été mis en relation avec la victoire romaine sur les Falisques en 293 av. J.-C., alors qu'un deuxième moment de contraction du culte semble coïncider avec la définitive conquête romaine de 241 av. J.-C. Depuis le début du IIIème siècle av. J.-C., on assiste aussi dans les dépôts votifs de Falerii à l'introduction de nouveaux types d'ex-voto, dont on a parlé précédemment, et, comme pour le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, on enregistre la présence de pièces de monnaie romaines, qui commencent à constituer des offrandes. Une telle donnée devient encore plus éloquente lorsqu'on considère l'absence de monnaies locales dans les contextes préromains, qui semble trahir l'indifférence des populations falisques envers un tel type d'offrande. Il est donc évident aussi pour Falerii une influence du marché romain après les évènements belliqueux qui marquèrent la victoire de Spurius Carvilius sur les Falisques. La ville semble toutefois réussir à affronter la crise, au point de ne pas mettre en danger ses institutions, comme le démontrent les dédicaces falisques adressées à Mercure, dans le Sanctuaire dei Sassi Caduti, par les efiles, seuls magistrats attestés en ville. Par ailleurs, aussi avec la construction du nouveau centre de Falerii Novi, la documentation relative à la sphère religieuse prouve la conservation, au niveau public, de la langue et de la graphie falisque, par exemple dans la dédicace à Menerva effectuée par le préteur de la ville, pendant la deuxième moitié du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. (CIL XI 3081). Ce que nous savons sur les cultes de l'époque républicaine se limite au sanctuaire de Lucus Feroniae, où pratiquement tout le matériel et les sources épigraphiques peuvent être situés durant le IIIème siècle av. J.-C., et à deux dédicaces du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La capitulation de Capena immédiatement après la chute de Véies (395 av. J.-C.) rend, à cette période, la présence romaine stable depuis environ déjà un siècle, et on ne se surprend donc pas du fait que les inscriptions sacrées utilisent un formulaire spécifiquement latin, avec même une présence plutôt précoce d'expressions qui deviendront courante au cours du IIème siècle av. J.-C. Un des premiers exemples attestés d'abréviations aux seules initiales de la formule de dédicace d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) se trouve dans CIL I, 2435, et provient de la nécropole capenate de Saliere. La plus antique documentation archéologique sur la vie religieuse de la zone prise en examen provient de Falerii Veteres. En ordre chronologique, la première divinité présente épigraphiquement est Apollon, dont le nom apparaît gravé en langue falisque sur un fragment de céramique attique remontant aux premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C., qui provient du sanctuaire de Vignale. Il est intéressant de noter qu'il s'agit dans l'absolu de la plus antique attestation connue du nom latinisé du dieu, ce qui indique son assimilation précoce dans le pantheon falisque où, déjà à partir de cette époque, il faut reconnaître comme déjà effectuée l'identification entre Apollon et le dieu local Soranus. Le culte du dieu de Soratte, attesté épigraphiquement seulement à l'époque impériale, à travers deux dédicaces à Soranus Apollo, peut être situé de manière cohérente parmi les plus antiques manifestations religieuses du territoire falisco-capenate, et probablement le centre du culte du Mont Soratte devait servir de point de jonction entre les deux zones. Dans le territoire falisque la présence du dieu laisse des traces plus consistantes, à travers la duplication du culte d'Apollon à Falerii Veteres et une dédicace d'époque républicaine venant de Falerii Novi, tandis qu'elle semble s'affaiblir dans l'aire capenate, où on en trouve trace seulement dans deux dédicaces à Apollon, datant de la première époque impériale à Civitella S. Paolo, et dans un passage controversé de Strabon qui, apparemment par erreur, situe au Lucus Feroniae les cérémonies en l'honneur de Sorano, qui étaient au contraire célébrées sur le Mont Soratte. Cette information toutefois s'insère dans un système de correspondances cultuelles qui, associées à une déesse chtonienne, de la fertilité, et à un parèdre de type « apollinien », c'est-à-dire une divinité masculine, jeune, d'aspect infernal et mantique. Ce n'est pas un hasard, dans ce contexte, que le sanctuaire pour lequel est attestée une plus antique fréquentation à Falerii Veteres soit celui de Iuno Curitis, une divinité qui semble répondre au schéma de déesse matronale et guerrière (il s'agissait d'une Junon armée, mais aussi protectrice des matrones) pour laquelle, en outre, on a la preuve de l'association cultuelle avec un jeune dieu, de la même typologie que celle présente à Sorano. Même si on n'a pas d'attestations directes de l'existence de rapports entre Iuno Curitis et Sorano Apollo, il semble qu'il ne faille pas délaisser le fait que l'unique statuette d'Apollon jouant de la lyre, du IVème siècle av. J.-C., retrouvée à Falerii Veteres provienne justement du sanctuaire de la déesse; en outre lorsqu'elle fut évoquée à Rome après la prise de Falerii en 241 av. J.-C., en même temps que son temple situé in Campo, un autre temple fut construit, celui de Iuppiter Fulgur, une divinité du centre falisque pareillement évoquée, et pour laquelle on peut établir des parallèles avec Soranus, au travers de l'assimilation avec Veiove. Dans le territoire falisque comme dans celui capenate, les plus anciennes attestations cultuelles se réfèrent donc à un couple de divinités qui, tout en ayant des différences dans des aspects spécifiques du culte, semblent répondre à des exigences cultuelles plutôt homogènes. Durant l'époque impériale, enfin, le panorama des cultes de la zone considérée semble devenir plus homogène, en suivant par ailleurs une tendance générale. La manifestation plus évidente est formée, naturellement, par le culte impérial, présent très tôt en Etrurie méridionale. Le plus antique témoignage du culte impérial connu en Etrurie provient de Nepi, et il est constitué d'une dédicace en l'honneur d'Auguste de la part de quatre Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'inscription est datable à 12 av. J.-C., année de la fondation du collège de Nepi et de l'institution à Rome du culte du Genius d'Auguste ainsi que des Lares Augusti, vénérés dans les compita des vici de la ville. D'autres exemples d'une diffusion plutôt précoce du culte impérial viennent de Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, datable entre 2 av. J.-C. et l'an 14 ; CIL XI, 3076, époque augustéenne); de Lucus Feroniae, où vers 31 av. J.-C. l'usage de la formule in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295) est documenté pour la première fois. Le fait que la diffusion du culte impérial dans le territoire falisco-capenate ait commencé pratiquement dans les mêmes années qu'à Rome semble aussi lié aux rapports qu'eurent Auguste et la dynastie julio-claudienne avec ce territoire. Après Anzio les vétérans d'Octave obtinrent des terres en Etrurie méridionale, le long du cours du Tibre, et ce n'est pas un hasard si l'Augusteum de Lucus Feroniae, le seul en Etrurie méridionale connu outre que de manière épigraphique aussi grâce à ses vestiges, ait été érigé entre 14 et 20 apr. J.-C. par deux membres de la gens sénatoriale, filo-augustéenne, des Volusii Saturnini. Auguste lui-même et des membres de la dynastie participèrent directement à la vie civile des centres de la région: Auguste fut pater municipii à Falerii Novi, Tibère et Druse Majeur furent les patrons de la colonie à Lucus Feroniae, entre 11 et 9 av. J.-C. La présence, en outre, d'affranchis impériaux sur le territoire capenate, chargés de l'administration du patrimoine de l'empereur, fait penser à l'existence de fundi impériaux. La documentation d'époque impériale est formée d'une série d'inscriptions qui difficilement peuvent nous faire remonter à des lieux de cultes bien précis, et desquelles dans de nombreux cas, on déduit surtout une demande de santé et de fertilité à la divinité, comme il était fréquent à l'époque républicaine, entre le IV et le IIème siècle av- J.-C., qui s'exprime au moyen d'offrandes d'ex-voto anatomiques dans les sanctuaires. On connaît aussi quelques attestations de cultes orientaux (Mater Deum et Isis, parfois associées, provenant de Falerii Novi et de son territoire ; une dédicace à la Mater Deum de Nazzano, en territoire capenate), qui entrent dans le cadre d'une dévotion privée, sauf dans le cas du sacerdoce d'Isis à Mater Deum présent à Falerii Novi. ; The list of documentary sources concerning the religious life of the falisco-capenate area aim at findings the places of worship that can be identified with certainty. Whenever this has not been possible we have signalled the worship anyway. Through these documents we intend to reconstruct the history of the cults of the area examined, from its beginning to imperial age. The examined area, included in the Regio VII Etruria of the territorial organisation of Augustean Italy, is enclosed within the natural limits of the Bracciano lake and Vico lake at west, of the Tiber at east; the northern and southern limits are marked, respectively, by the Cimini mounts and Sabatini mounts. The sites considered are Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutrium et Nepet. ; XIX Ciclo ; 1977
The difficulty of pursuing a conventional market-oriented development strategy in the Palestinian territories led in the early part of the 2000s to a second-best reliance on public sector employment and wage bill expansion to boost aggregate demand. The main objective of this Programmatic Public Expenditure Review (PER) is to inform policy and institution-building efforts of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and its donor partners about improving the sustainability of public expenditures and the efficacy and efficiency in the provision of essential public services.In particular, this PER aims to provide an assessment of public revenue and expenditure policies offering specific policy and institutional measures to reduce the size of the Palestinian territories fiscal deficit and make it more sustainable.The fiscal situation of the Palestinian Authority is not sustainable.The difficult fiscal situation facing the Palestinian Authority today results from a unique confluence of challenges.As this report will argue, there is considerable further scope for reforms that would raise additional tax revenues, and reduce expenditures without compromising the quality of public services or negatively impacting public welfare.However, the PER notes that there are limits to what can be achieved by PA fiscal policy alone.The PER is organized as follows: Chapter one provides an overview of recent macroeconomic and fiscal developments; it also contains a brief assessment of priority fiscal policy issues facing the PA, and serves as an introduction to the in-depth analysis of the issues that follow in subsequent chapters. Chapter two analyzes the factors driving the size of the PA's wage bill, and shows how these can be tackled. Chapter three reviews expenditures in the public health sector. Chapter four analyzes the Palestinian public pension system, and looks into how its sustainability can be assured. Chapter five assesses the quality of intergovernmental fiscal transfers, including net lending transfers. Chapter six reviews the way in which public investment projects are planned and implemented, and identifies steps to improve investment quality. Further details on health and pensions are provided in the annexes.
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2012/2013 ; There is an increasingly widespread acknowledgement among all active actors in the development co-operation sector that the Public Private Partnership (PPP) can be a new important tool, not only to build important infrastructure (public works) but also to provide services to the citizens at central and local level as well as to have a strategic value in the Cross-Border Co-operation (CBC) in the next future. The European Commission defines PPPs in a rather broad and general way without giving a proper legal definition of this partnership. For the EU PPP is a form of cooperation between public authorities and economic operators concerning design, funding, execution, renovation or exploitation (operation and maintenance) of public infrastructure, or the provision of public utility service. However, there is not a uniform, common definition of this form of partnership. Considering the present global economic and financial crisis affecting almost all the regions of the world and bearing in mind that the public resources destined on development cooperation are decreasing more and more, building partnerships and synergies between these two ranges of actors is not only a great possibility but a compelling necessity in order to continue to sustain the development cooperation sector. This is also a good chance for both public and private sector, not only to mutually reinforce each other but also to learn lessons and best practices from one another. The PPPs, in fact, if applied correctly, enable a reduction in total costs, better distribution of risks, a more rapid execution of public services and activities, as well as a better quality of offered services and implemented activities. Not to mention the fact that the overcoming of the rigid distinction between public and private opens the possibility to find solutions and to respond to questions that the public administration itself is not able to answer independently. In international cooperation and in particular in the cross-border cooperation, more and more public administrations in beneficiary and donor countries are acknowledging the subsidiary role of civil society and private sector in the activities of general interest, and therefore, also in the delivery of public functions and services. Considering the extensive work experience in the international development cooperation sector with the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other International Organizations in different areas in the world, i.e. OSCE, believing on the utility and potentiality of this instrument and directly verified that it could be more utilized in the international cooperation, it was decided to analyse the use of PPPs in this sector with a special focus on IPA CBC Programme. In fact, the scope of the dissertation and of the implementation of its conclusions is steaming from the author interest and working ties. Indeed, the author is living and working in Albania and has a huge experience on it due to the fact that she was the Albania Desk Officer for the Italian Development Cooperation for several years. She is also studying the Albanian language and she is very fascinated from the history of this small country so close, not only geographically speaking, to Italy. The focus on Macedonia as neighbour country is due simply to the fact that to collect information on this IPA CBC Programme was easier than others similar financial instruments. Building on extensive field experience, this dissertation will try to answer the following question: 'Which is the winner strategy to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?'. The thesis overall objective is to identify a set of strategies that can enhance the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument, beyond specific cross-border project interventions that until now have mainly been carried out though institutional channels and implemented through European projects and programs. The strategies that the conclusion of the dissertation draws are based on the SWOT analysis of five projects funded by the EU through the IPA CBC Albania – Macedonia during the 2007-2013 programming period and the consequent elaboration of the results. These strategies would hence open up new possibilities for the development of CBC's activities applicable in the ambit of the EU's regional policy 2014-2020, without necessarily relying upon more EU financial means. This is also in line, with the EU auspices for the CBC not to be just another way to access funding but rather to become a model of cross-border cooperation sustainable on its own devise. The dissertation is based on collection and analysis of data available within the existing legal-institutional framework and will make use of the investigative qualitative method with the aim of verifying the hypothesis mentioned above. The thesis envisages a number of working phases chronologically distinct and mutually supportive and it is based on the utilisation of a number of diverse theoretic constructs and methodologies. The dissertation makes use of different sources such as for instance existing literature, statistics, on line documentation available and its content is conducted on the various official documents and projects documentation obtainable. The results are cross referenced and presented based on a SWOT analysis and process of data/results interpretation. As far as the structure of the work is concerned, the first Chapter, after an analysis of the theoretical tools supporting PPP, presents a background and an overview of the PPP in Europe, and the way it is applied in the context of international cooperation and cross-border cooperation; this is to understand how it was established and what its original objectives were, and to explain its evolution up to now. In particular, the chapter after shows that PPP was born in '30s mostly linked to the energetic and mining sectors, it presents that PPPs are growing and are seen as an important instrument of economic and social development also in the international and cross-border cooperation. It is seen that an instrument which opens the way to potential PPPs is the Inter-Municipal Cooperation Instrument (IMC) which permits to bridge the gaps in the municipalities and make them stronger also in applying to donor funds. Through this instrument established by the Council of Europe (CoE) the municipalities can also sub-contract a private company or creating an IMC entity constitutes a viable market attracting private investors. PPP is also encouraged by United Nations (UN) since 1999 through the 'Global Compact' project and different are the example of PPP around the world established by various UN Agencies. It can be affirmed that PPP is considered useful in the public sector also because can contribute in solving difficulties caused from public balance cuts as well as to overcome the bureaucratic and the scarcity of technical and management competencies of the public administration. The PPP is therefore an actual, innovative and complementary instrument to promote development, reforms as well as investments, policies and good practises in different sectors including the development cooperation also at trans-border level. Therefore, thanks to PPP it can be affirmed that the private sector also has become at all its effects a privileged actor of the international development cooperation. The second Chapter of the dissertation analyses the European Policies interconnecting PPP and their related instruments, as well as more in detail how these policies have applied PPPs in the cross-border cooperation as well as how CBC became more explicit in the EU context and in particular in the context of the stabilisation and association processes. In fact, starting from the 1950 Schuman Declaration, the chapter introduces the founding EEC Treaty, examines the Single European Act and analyses the European Cohesion Policy (or Regional Policy). In addition the chapter views the European Enlargement Policy (Pre-accession Policy) analysing the three membership criteria established during the Copenhagen European Council in 1993, the various stages of the membership process and the reasons for further enlargement taking into consideration the historic enlargement of 2004, the different strategic objectives involved in it and its new approach in view of the so-called Arab Spring. In addition, the chapter analyses the European Neighbourhood Policy (Proximity Policy) as well as its related instruments, with regard to both its partner countries and candidate states. Moreover the chapter identifies the possibilities of PPP within the EU's financial instruments that are currently being concluded. Even where those policies do not provide explicitly the adoption of PPP instrument, it is however not excluded. This means that the policies at issue give valuable support to the adoption and use of PPP. The dissertation is interested in to give evidence of the strong points of PPP application, and shows that, when there is a lack of applied PPP framework, as it is the case of the country cases (Albania and Macedonia) under analysed, the CBC component of IPA programme may be due not to give envisaged results to achieve the objectives. After having looked into the European policies intersecting PPPs and CBC, the third Chapter introduces a brief analysis of the concept of border, not only in the physical administrative sense, due to the fact that this concept is a key element to understand the cross-border co-operation processes existing in the EU and in general all over the world. With this aim in mind, after studying the main theoretical approaches on this domain, the analysis focuses on the cross-border co-operation not only in its theoretical dimension but also in its deriving pragmatic aspects. The analysis of the border concept and of the border and peripheral area, as well as the general theory of the system applied to the general theory of boundaries, is essential to anticipate the concept of the cross-border cooperation and its practical application. After this analysis, the chapter describes the legal institutional framework in order to analyse the effectiveness of the various legal instruments that have been put in place to encourage and facilitate forms of cooperative engagement across borders. Starting with the European Outline Convention of Transfrontier Co-operation between territorial communities or authorities (Madrid Convention 1980), a central instrument for the CBC that was born in the frame of CoE, the chapter introduces the three protocols of the Madrid Convention. The additional Protocol essentially gives the possibility to create an organism for cross-border cooperation; the second Protocol (no 2) provides above all a legal framework for the inter-territorial cooperation between the parties; and the third Protocol (no 3) concerns the possibility of forming the ECG by creating the legal status, the institution and the functioning of such Groups. In addition, in view of how cross-border cooperation has acquired more importance through time, the chapter explains the functioning of European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) institution, its modality of action and its fields of applications. The EGTC has come to be a new legal/financial instrument that integrates the Madrid Convention and the relevant Protocols. The chapter also touches upon the various aspects of cross-border co-operation and in particular some milestones from the EU experiences, and presents the European Macro-Regional Strategy and its related legislative framework as an example. In addition the chapter shows the Baltic, the Danube and the Adriatic – Ionian Macro-Region and describes the main differences between EGTs and Macro- Regions. In addition, the chapter considers appropriate to present the steps that have been taken from the EU with regard to the cross-border cooperation which, more particularly, have consisted of making available important financial instruments such as INTERREG that supports from the top to the bottom the Strategy of Macro-Regions. Following the fourth Chapter describes the 2014-2020 EU's Regional Policy as the context of application of the PPP and its change with respect to the 2007-2013 EU's Regional Policy. In particular after introducing the EU programming period 2007-2013 and the changes intervened in the following programming period also having a political/historical nature like the Arab spring and the interests to further develop economic interactions between the EU and the Middle Eastern partners, the chapter analyses the useful instruments for the realization of the cross-border cooperation; especially the European Regional Development Found (ERDF). In addition, this chapter, will identify the possibilities of PPP within the financial instruments that are about to be activated in the new European Programming Cycle. To this regard it is important to mention that, in general, all the EU policies must contribute to the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy that in order to fulfil its ambitious objectives identified as key instrument the instrument of partnership, among which that with the private sector. Here it is worth to emphasize that, generally, the overall objectives of the regional policy, both at national and European level, are all of an economic nature, i.e. increasing the national economy by attenuating and eliminating economic disparities between different development levels of the regions. In particular, the European Policies aim to improve the investment climate through public investment in the regions presenting some gaps and to manage the local regional resources in a more efficient way. The dissertation shows how in both cases, PPPs can help in the achievement of these important aims. In addition, the chapter observes that there are changes in various aspects and procedures of the implementation of the new regional policy as well as in the legal frame, and examines the IPA instrument and the ENPI instrument in the two seven-years programming periods because they are closely related to the European Territorial Cooperation (ETC). Between this two latter instruments IPA is a more relevant for this dissertation. For this reason, after on overview of the Albanian context considering some economic, demographic, social and political aspects, including the criteria Albania has to fulfil to receive the candidate status from the EU as well as a brief introduction to the Albanian Law on PPP, the fifth Chapter presents its relations in the region, especially with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and stresses the IPA CBC Albania – FYROM related to 2007-2013 and 2014-2020 programming periods. In addition, the chapter presents the main differences between these two programming periods focussing mainly on the Albanian part. With the aim to focus on the Albanian opportunities in the new programming period, it will be stressed what will change in the next future and which are the positive effects on PPP considering also the concept of Social Corporate Responsibility and the UN Global Compact initiative already mentioned in the first Chapter. All this to introduce the last Chapter which, through the analysis of the methodologies used during the various phases of this work, and especially through the explanation of the SWOT analysis, aims to identify a set of winning strategies to increase the effectiveness of the Cross-border cooperation through the use of the PPP instrument. The first part of the dissertation made use of several documentary sources, most notably and especially in the early stage the work will carry out what it is commonly defined as a secondary analysis, in particular this was articulated through: collection and review of existing literature and of the official documentation and statistics available mainly on-line but also with the Albanian Ministries and national institutes, i.e. the Albanian National Institute of Statistics, as well as with the various donors and international organisation in the Country, and especially with the Delegation of the European Commission to Albania. Instead, the second part of the dissertation focuses on the analysis of the IPA CBC program in general, and IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particular. To this end it was decided to proceed with the analysis of specific projects activated in the context of this program to highlight the role of actual or potential PPP projects in developing virtuous CBC. Although the PPP is not explicitly defined among the tools used in the implementation of these projects, it was decided to identify the prodromal factors present in some PPP projects with the end purpose of assessing their potentials, especially in view of the next programming period of the EU (2014-2020). The detailed information on the projects carried out or that are in progress are not publicly available as they are under the 'ownership' of the Delegation of the European Commission in Albania and of the Managing Authority of the program. In order to collect the necessary materials to identify the most relevant projects and, subsequently, to proceed to their analysis, it has proved necessary to proceed through in-depth interviews with qualified actors. Given that, interviews have been conducted with interlocutors, mainly from the European Commission in Albania, the Albanian Ministry of Integration and of Austrian Cooperation. Through these interviews, specific information relating to five concluded projects, in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, has been added to the data relating to the context and to the program. The information gathered has been structured so as to proceed to a qualitative analysis of the data through the development of a SWOT analysis of these five projects funded by the IPA CBC Albania - FYROM - First Call for Project Proposals. Finally, this work presents the results of this analysis through a process of data interpretation. After this presentation, and before starting the SWOT analysis, the chapter presents the Annual Work Programme for Grants 2009 of the DG Enlargement related to the first Call for Proposals and the Guidelines related to the CBC Programme Albania - FYROM which aims is to facilitate the cooperation between the two countries to improve living conditions in the target area. The Programme in fact, already mentioned in the fifth Chapter, it aims to fostering cross-border economic, environmental and social development and includes three different measures and for each measure a list of potential activities for projects. Furthermore, the chapter analyses - through the SWOT analysis above mentioned - five projects funded by the EU within the IPA I CBC Albania – FYROM first call. In particular, in this dissertation, the SWOT analysis is the tool to identify the strengths (S), weakness (W), opportunities (O) and threats (T) that characterize projects which are analysed in relation to PPPs. In other words, it seeks to identify the strengths and internal resources of projects capably to push the development of PPPs (strengths), as well as the internal project limitations and weaknesses that impede PPP development in the relevant area (weaknesses), the external project opportunities that can be developed to overcome identified weaknesses (opportunities) and external factors that may hamper the future development of PPPs (threats). Considering that there is no project where the applicant is a PPP, although an analysis of the guidelines of the Call for Proposals relative to IPA Albania - FYROM CBC Programme found an explicit reference to PPPs, it has been choose to make a screening of projects in which the instrument of the PPP was present at least in embryonic form, in other words having the private sector as a direct or indirect beneficiary. As already mentioned, Macedonia was chosen as an example because of the availability of information related to projects. So, on these terms, 5 projects were selected out of 15 under review. The projects are the following: • Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism, • Business without borders, • Cross-border Civil Society Forum, • Promoting business women enterprises in the cross-border area, • Borders without boundaries. The dimensions chosen for the analysis are: • related to the internal context to identify strengths and weaknesses: objectives, actors and target, • related to the external context to identify opportunities and threats: actors, target and expected results. After the SWOT analysis, the chapter finally presents the key results of the dissertation proposing some possible actions that could improve the CBC through the use of the PPP emerged from the initiatives analysed. The conclusion reviews the major points of the dissertation showing the main results such as the strategies, which may result from the conclusions, thus potentially establishing an alternative approach aiming at opening up new possibilities for the development of better, more effective and sustainable CBC project/programs/activities, without necessarily relying upon more EU funds. For what above mentioned and to answer to the question 'Which are the winner strategies to increase the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP?', it is possible to affirm that to present more successful projects in the future increasing the effectiveness of the CBC projects through the use of PPP, the development strategies are essentially the enhancement strategy and the overcoming strategy. In particular, to reinforce the internal and external positive aspects and factors in the cross border area and to mitigate and/or dissipate internal negatives as well as to attenuate the external ones, the recommended actions referred to the public and private sectors are: • to organize jointly regular meetings in which they can know each-other, exchange information and best practices in either of the neighbouring countries, so that there can be discussions on the potentials of development and the new economic undertakings and new instruments to be employed, such as the PPP. Tourism can serve as a pilot sector in which it can be started with the actualization of gender policies facilitating in some way the inclusion of women in business activities, • jointly organize awareness campaigns on PPPs and training courses, which could serve to overcome the lack of ability to establish efficient PPPs for both public and private sector, • to organize, for the numerous actors present in the territory, specific courses and/or informative events related to the revision processes of normative policies that could facilitate and reinforce both the cooperation between different stakeholders and the capacity of doing business and create PPPs, • to enhance the existing networks and creates new ones through continuous meetings between different stakeholders with the aim of overcoming the threats considering that the improved and expanded relations between the various actors could bring an improvement in raising needed funds. Finally, it is important to mention that there are also some actions recommended only to the public sector. These are: • (especially at local level) institutions such as the municipalities can organize meetings, inviting the traditional and non-traditional private actors, in order to facilitate communication. Through this communication there could be achieved the introduction between various stakeholders interested in the PPP instrument, by at the same time laying the basis for the foundation of a network. This would be useful for increasing the credibility of each other and also to contributing to the overcoming of the lack of cooperation problem. These meetings could be used for an exchange of best practices in the sectors that are present in the certain areas. By employing a participatory methodology, these meetings could also serve to the construction of a sort of roadmap (lines of action during a defined time) that could enable the definition of the obstacles to be overcome in order to effectively and efficiently realize this type of partnership, • the authorities should first change their national optics and then transform their national policies into regional ones, starting from the cross-border policies with neighbouring countries, in which PPP should be promoted as a development instrument. In addition, when necessary, they should review the legal framework in order to facilitate the establishment of PPP. After this, they should organize meetings between the different stakeholders, and more generally between citizens living in the border areas of the neighbouring countries, with the end objective of promoting the necessary knowledge for overcoming the prejudices and for opening way to partnerships and cooperation activities, • to implement policies for purposes of facilitating investments in diversified sectors, taking an advantage of the actors from different sectors and directing them to training courses to gain knowledge in areas of investment that are different from their traditional ones. ; Vi è un riconoscimento sempre più diffuso tra tutti gli attori attivi nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo che il partenariato pubblico privato (PPP) può essere un importante nuovo strumento, non solo per costruire grandi infrastrutture (quindi per il settore dei lavori pubblici), ma anche per offrire servizi ai cittadini sia a livello centrale, sia locale e avere, in un prossimo futuro, un valore strategico nella cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC). E' stato visto come la Commissione Europea definisca il PPP in un modo piuttosto ampio e generico, senza dare una definizione giuridica adeguata di questo partenariato. Infatti, per l'Unione Europea il PPP è una forma di cooperazione tra le autorità pubbliche e gli operatori economici riguardante la progettazione, il finanziamento, la realizzazione, il rinnovamento o lo sfruttamento (funzionamento e manutenzione) delle infrastrutture pubbliche, così come la fornitura di un servizio di pubblica utilità (CIT). Tuttavia, non vi è un'uniforme, comune definizione di questa forma di partenariato. Considerando che l'attuale crisi economica e finanziaria globale ha colpito quasi tutte le regioni del mondo e tenendo presente che le risorse pubbliche stanno diminuendo sempre più, tra cui soprattutto quelle destinate alla cooperazione allo sviluppo, costruire partenariati e sinergie tra il settore pubblico e privato non è solo una grande possibilità ma una necessità che diventa impellente se si vuole continuare a sostenere gli interventi di cooperazione. Inoltre, questo tipo di partenariato è una buona occasione per entrambi i settori in quanto aiuta non solo a rafforzare i rapporti reciproci, ma anche a scambiare le reciproche esperienze e le migliori pratiche. Si è visto come se applicato correttamente, il PPP consenta una riduzione dei costi totali, una migliore distribuzione dei rischi, un'esecuzione più rapida dei servizi e delle attività pubbliche, nonché una migliore qualità dei servizi offerti e delle attività prodotte. Senza contare che il superamento della rigida distinzione tra pubblico e privato apre la possibilità di trovare soluzioni e di rispondere alle domande a cui la pubblica amministrazione non è in grado di rispondere autonomamente. Si sottolinea come nella cooperazione internazionale ed in particolare nella cooperazione transfrontaliera, sempre più spesso le amministrazioni locali dei paesi beneficiari e donatori stiano riconoscendo il ruolo sussidiario della società civile e del settore privato nelle attività d'interesse generale e quindi anche nell'erogazione di servizi e funzioni pubbliche. Considerando la vasta esperienza di lavoro nel settore della cooperazione allo sviluppo con il Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano in diverse aree del mondo così come con altre organizzazioni internazionali, da ultimo con l'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), credendo sull'utilità e le potenzialità dello strumento del PPP e verificato direttamente che potrebbe essere utilizzato maggiormente nella cooperazione internazionale, l'autore ha deciso di analizzare l'uso di tale partenariato in questo settore focalizzandosi in particolare sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Infatti, lo scopo di questa tesi e della potenziale applicazione delle sue conclusioni deriva dall'interesse personale e dall'attività lavorativa dell'autore. Infatti, vive e lavora in Albania e ha una grande esperienza del paese perché è stato per diversi anni responsabile per la Cooperazione Italiana dei progetti che questa ha realizzato nello stesso. Inoltre, sta anche studiando la lingua albanese ed è molto affascinato dalla storia di questo piccolo paese così vicino all'Italia, non solo geograficamente parlando. L'attenzione per la Macedonia come paese confinante, invece, è dovuta semplicemente al fatto che è stato più facile reperire informazioni sul programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia rispetto agli strumenti finanziari simili. Sulla base di una ricca esperienza sul campo, questa tesi cercherà di rispondere alla seguente domanda: "Quali sono le strategie vincenti per aumentare l'efficacia dei progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP?". L'obiettivo generale della tesi è di individuare, infatti, le strategie che possono migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso di tale partenariato, al di là di specifici interventi che fino ad ora sono stati principalmente effettuati attraverso canali istituzionali e attuati attraverso progetti e programmi europei. Le strategie che la conclusione della tesi identifica si basano sull'analisi SWOT di cinque progetti e la conseguente elaborazione dei dati/risultati. Questi cinque progetti sono stati selezionati tra quelli finanziati dall'UE tramite l'IPA I CBC Albania/Macedonia durante il periodo di programmazione 2007 - 2013, in quanto presentanti il PPP almeno in fase embrionale. Tali strategie potrebbero aprire nuove possibilità per lo sviluppo di attività di CBC applicabili nell'ambito della politica regionale 2014 - 2020 dell'Unione Europea, senza necessariamente fare affidamento su ulteriori mezzi finanziari della stessa. Questo è anche in linea con gli auspici dell'UE che crede che la CBC non sia solo un altro modo per accedere ai finanziamenti, ma possa piuttosto diventare un modello di cooperazione sostenibile di per sé. La tesi si basa sulla raccolta e l'analisi dei dati disponibili nell'ambito del quadro giuridico-istituzionale esistente e fa uso del metodo qualitativo di ricerca con l'obiettivo di verificare l'ipotesi di cui sopra. La tesi prevede una serie di fasi di lavoro cronologicamente distinte e reciprocamente sostenibili e si basa sull'utilizzo di diversi costrutti teorici e varie metodologie avvalendosi di diverse fonti come ad esempio la letteratura esistente, le statistiche effettuate e più in generale la documentazione disponibile soprattutto in internet. Il suo contenuto deriva quindi dal reperimento e dall'analisi di varia documentazione ufficiale e di cinque documenti progettuali, così come verrà maggiormente esplicato qui di seguito. Seguendo la struttura della tesi, si può affermare che il primo capitolo presenta il quadro normativo e finanziario dei PPP in Europa, così come il modo in cui questo strumento viene utilizzato nel contesto della cooperazione internazionale e della cooperazione transfrontaliera, al fine di comprendere quando è nato questo tipo di partenariato e quali siano i suoi obiettivi e le evoluzioni che ha avuto fino ad oggi. Nello specifico, il capitolo mostra come il PPP sia nato negli anni '30 soprattutto collegato al settore energetico e minerario e come, pur non avendo ancora una comune definizione a livello europeo, oggi sia in crescita e venga visto come un importante strumento di sviluppo economico e sociale anche nel settore della cooperazione internazionale e transfrontaliera. Il capitolo, inoltre, presenta la cooperazione inter-municipale (IMC) come uno strumento che può aprire buone potenzialità all'applicazione del PPP in quanto permette di colmare le deficienze delle municipalità. Attraverso questo strumento, stabilito in seno al Consiglio d'Europa (CoE), le municipalità possono infatti anche sub-contrattare imprese private o creare un'entità nuova (IMC) per poter attrarre investitori e donatori. Il capitolo inoltre mostra come lo strumento del PPP venga incoraggiato anche dalle Nazioni Unite (UN) fin dal 1999 - anno in cui viene creato il progetto 'Global Compact' - e come vi siano diversi esempi di PPP nel mondo realizzati da Agenzie UN. E' importante sottolineare che il PPP è considerato utile dal settore pubblico anche perché può contribuire a risolvere difficoltà causate dai tagli di bilancio così come dalla burocrazia e dall'insufficiente capacità tecnica e manageriale che spesso caratterizza la pubblica amministrazione. Il PPP è quindi uno strumento attuale, innovativo e anche complementare capace di promuovere sviluppo, riforme ed investimenti oltre a promuovere politiche e buone pratiche in diversi settori tra cui quello della cooperazione allo sviluppo anche a livello transfrontaliero. Grazie al PPP si può quindi affermare che il settore privato è diventato a tutti gli effetti un attore privilegiato della cooperazione allo sviluppo internazionale. Il secondo capitolo della tesi analizza le politiche dell'Unione Europea e i relativi strumenti che presentano una connessione con i PPP. Più nel dettaglio, viene visto come attraverso queste politiche sia stato applicato il partenariato in parola nella cooperazione transfrontaliera e come la stessa sia divenuta più esplicita a livello europeo, soprattutto nel contesto del processo di stabilizzazione ed associazione. Infatti, partendo dalla Dichiarazione di Schumann del 1950, il capitolo introduce il Trattato istitutivo della CEE del 1957, esamina l'Atto Unico Europeo, per poi prendere in considerazione la politica di coesione o regionale. Proseguendo, il capitolo analizza la politica di allargamento o pre-accessione inclusi i tre criteri necessari per l'adesione stabiliti durante il Consiglio Europeo di Copenaghen nel 1993, i vari stadi del processo di adesione e le ragioni per cui l'Unione Europea promuove l'allargamento, considerando le diverse tappe di tale processo tra cui quella storica del 2004 e le sue prossime sfide. Dopo aver inoltre analizzato il quadro delle negoziazioni e gli strumenti previsti in ambito della strategia di pre-adesione, si è finito per affrontare la politica di vicinato o prossimità prendendo in analisi i suoi relativi strumenti, i suoi diversi obiettivi strategici e il suo nuovo approccio in seguito alla primavera araba. Dopo aver identificato come queste politiche presentino un'intersezione con la cooperazione transfrontaliera, è stata analizzata la loro intersezione con il PPP con il risultato di sottolineare che anche laddove tali politiche non prevedono esplicitamente il ricorso a questo tipo di partenariato, non lo escludono. Questo significa quindi che esse forniscono validi supporti all'uso di tale strumento, elemento importante per la tesi che è infatti volta a mettere in evidenza i punti di forza di tali politiche per l'applicazione dei PPP e a mostrare al contempo che vi è una mancanza applicazione degli stessi. Questo verrà evidenziato nel corso della tesi dal caso preso in esame di IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia. Il terzo capitolo presenta come prima cosa il concetto di confine. E' importante sottolineare come questo concetto viene esplicitato non solo da un punto di vista fisico-amministrativo ma in un senso più ampio, tenendo conto di come il concetto di confine sia un elemento chiave per capire la cooperazione transfrontaliera. Infatti, è solo partendo dall'analisi di questo concetto e da questo a quello di frontiera e area periferica, passando anche alla teoria generale dei sistemi applicata alla teoria generale dei confini, che si può pervenire alla nascita del concetto di cooperazione transfrontaliera e della sua applicazione pratica. Per tale motivo si è ritenuto necessario esplicare i concetti sopra menzionati secondo le definizioni di vari studiosi di varie discipline, per poi presentare i principali strumenti legali che regolano e facilitano la cooperazione transfrontaliera a livello europeo così come i meccanismi ad hoc che la implementano. Si è partiti da quelli nati in seno al CoE e precisamente dalla Convenzione di Madrid del 1980, strumento quadro per il tipo di cooperazione oggetto di questa tesi in quanto introduce per la prima volta la possibilità di cooperare e concludere accordi ad enti di Paesi contigui geograficamente. Vengono poi presentati i suoi 3 Protocolli: il Protocollo aggiuntivo, che dà essenzialmente la possibilità di creare un organismo di cooperazione transfrontaliera ad essa preposto, il secondo Protocollo che fissa soprattutto un quadro giuridico della cooperazione interterritoriale tra le parti e il terzo Protocollo che concerne la possibilità di istituire i Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione (GEC) dotati di personalità giuridica. Inoltre, a dimostrazione di come la cooperazione transfrontaliera nel tempo abbia acquistato sempre più importanza, si è ritenuto opportuno illustrare l'istituzione dei Gruppi Europei di Cooperazione Territoriale (GECT), le loro modalità di azione e i loro ambiti di applicazione. Tali Gruppi, che si rivelano quindi essere un nuovo strumento giuridico/finanziario che integra la Convenzione di Madrid ed i relativi Protocolli, sono stati creati al fine di facilitare la cooperazione transfrontaliera e superare gli ostacoli incontrati fino ad allora. Il capitolo continua focalizzandosi sui passi compiuti dall'UE in relazione a questo tipo di cooperazione che in particolare consistono nella messa a disposizione di importanti strumenti finanziari quali per esempio INTERREG. Il terzo capitolo si conclude quindi affrontando anche la Strategia delle Macroregioni che, pur non avendo una loro definizione ufficiale in ambito europeo, forse anche a causa della loro recente istituzione e pratica, si dimostra essere veramente utile nel contribuire a realizzare la politica di coesione e più nello specifico il suo obiettivo n. 3 (Cooperazione Territoriale Europea). Considerando che all'interno di questa politica vi è una programmazione settennale, nel quarto capitolo vengono presentate sia quella appena terminata 2007-2013, sia la nuova 2014 - 2020 per verificarne i cambiamenti nel contesto di applicazione dei PPP. Viene infatti introdotta la programmazione dell'UE 2007-2013 per comprendere maggiormente cosa sarebbe cambiato nel settennio successivo, anche a causa di avvenimenti storico/politici avvenuti durante gli ultimi anni come la cosiddetta primavera araba e l'interesse a sviluppare maggiormente l'integrazione economica tra l'Unione Europea e i partner orientali. Si prosegue con l'analisi più dettagliata degli strumenti utili per la realizzazione della cooperazione transfrontaliera (CBC) nel nuovo settennato e le possibilità di applicazione del PPP all'interno di questi. A tale riguardo è importante sottolineare come in generale tutte le politiche europee, tra cui quella regionale ha un ruolo centrale, dovrebbero contribuire al raggiungimento degli obiettivi della Strategia Europa 2020. Si sottolinea come questa strategia, che ha portato alla definizione della nuova programmazione 2014-2020, sia molto ambiziosa e abbia individuato come uno degli strumenti chiave per la sua realizzazione quello del partenariato, tra cui anche il partenariato con il settore privato. Qui è importante evidenziare che gli obiettivi generali della politica regionale, sia a livello europeo, sia a livello nazionale, sono principalmente di natura socio-economica per es. orientati ad attenuare le disparità esistenti tra regioni aventi diverso livello di sviluppo. In particolare, le politiche europee hanno l'obiettivo di migliorare l'ambiente/contesto per attrarre investimenti al fine di incrementare investimenti in lavori pubblici nelle regioni che presentano maggiori necessità e migliorare la gestione delle risorse regionali locali in maniera più efficiente ed efficace. La tesi mostra come in entrambi i casi, lo strumento del PPP può essere di aiuto nel raggiungere questi importanti obiettivi. Inoltre, il capitolo in parola, dopo aver osservato che nella nuova programmazione settennale vi sono diversi cambiamenti dovuti al nuovo quadro legislativo e alle nuove modalità di attuazione della nuova politica regionale, esamina i due strumenti collegati alla CTE, IPA ed ENPI, nei due settenni di programmazione sopra menzionati. Il quinto capitolo invece, dopo una presentazione generale del contesto Albanese che prende in considerazione alcuni aspetti economici, demografici, sociali e politici del paese, includendo anche i criteri che questo deve soddisfare per poter ricevere lo status di candidato dall'Unione Europea, presenta brevemente la legge albanese sui PPP. In seguito, descrive le relazioni tra l'Albania e la Macedonia e il relativo Programma IPA CBC in relazione ai due periodi di programmazione suddetti 2007 - 2013 e 2014 - 2020 per presentarne le principali differenze. Concentrandosi sulle opportunità che l'Albania potrà avere nel prossimo futuro, viene sottolineato cosa cambia nel nuovo periodo di programmazione e con quali effetti positivi sul PPP, tenendo in considerazione anche il concetto di Responsabilità Sociale e l'iniziativa 'Global Compact' delle Nazioni Unite già menzionata precedentemente. Tutto questo per introdurre l'ultimo capitolo che, attraverso un'analisi della metodologia usata nelle varie fasi di preparazione della presente tesi, tra cui la SWOT analisi, identifica le strategie considerate vincenti per accrescere e migliorare l'efficacia della cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso dello strumento di PPP. Nello specifico, la prima parte della tesi si è avvalsa di diverse fonti documentarie. Specialmente nella sua fase di inizio, il lavoro è stato definito attraverso ciò che è comunemente chiamata 'analisi secondaria'. E' stata effettuata infatti la ricerca e analisi della letteratura esistente e della documentazione ufficiale disponibile on-line e nei Ministeri albanesi così come nell'Istituto Nazionale di Statistica albanese. E' stata inoltre reperita e analizzata la documentazione in possesso di diversi donatori e organismi internazionali presenti nel paese e in particolare della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania. La seconda parte della tesi si è concentrata sull'analisi del programma IPA CBC in generale ed IPA CBC Albania - Macedonia in particolare. A tal fine si è voluto procedere con l'analisi di progetti specifici attivati e conclusi nel contesto di tale programma per evidenziare il ruolo effettivo o potenziale del PPP nello sviluppo virtuoso di progetti di CBC. Sebbene il PPP non venga esplicitamente definito tra gli strumenti utilizzati nell'attuazione di queste iniziative, si è scelto di individuare i fattori prodromici del PPP presenti in alcuni progetti al fine di valutarne le potenzialità soprattutto nell'ottica del prossimo periodo di programmazione europea (2014-2020). Le informazioni dettagliate relative ai progetti realizzati o in fieri non sono pubblicamente disponibili essendo 'proprietà' della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania e dell'Autorità di Gestione del programma. Per raccogliere dunque il materiale necessario ad identificare i progetti più rilevanti e, successivamente, a procedere alla loro analisi si è dimostrato necessario procedere attraverso interviste in profondità con attori qualificati. Sono state così condotte interviste con interlocutori principalmente della Delegazione della Commissione Europea in Albania, del Ministero dell'Integrazione albanese e della Cooperazione Austriaca. Attraverso queste interviste, ai dati relativi al contesto ed al programma si sono quindi aggiunte informazioni specifiche relative a cinque progetti in cui lo strumento del PPP fosse presente almeno in forma embrionale. Le informazioni raccolte sono state strutturate in modo da procedere ad un'analisi qualitativa e ad un incrocio dei dati attraverso lo sviluppo di una SWOT analisi dei suddetti cinque progetti finanziati da IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia al fine di presentare i risultati di tale analisi attraverso un processo di interpretazione dei dati. Prima di iniziare la SWOT analisi, il capitolo presenta anche il programma annuale per i fondi 2009 della Direzione Generale Allargamento dell'Unione Europea che specifica anche gli obiettivi della CBC tra i due paesi presi in esame che consistono essenzialmente nella promozione dell'economia transfrontaliera e dello sviluppo sociale e ambientale. Il quinto capitolo, così come sopra detto, analizza quindi attraverso una SWOT analisi, cinque progetti finanziati dall'UE all'interno del programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando. In particolare, in questa tesi, la SWOT analisi, è lo strumento che permette di identificare i punti di forza (S), di debolezza (W), di opportunità (O) e di minacce (T) che caratterizzano i progetti che verranno analizzati in relazione al PPP. In altre parole quali sono i punti forza/risorse interne ai progetti che possono favorire lo sviluppo di tale partenariato e quali le loro limitazioni/punti di debolezza che lo possono ostacolare, così come le opportunità/fattori positivi esterni al progetto che possono, del caso, essere sviluppati per superare i punti di debolezza individuati e quali le minacce/fattori negativi esterni che derivano dal contesto locale e che impediscono lo sviluppo del PPP nell'area di interesse. Basandosi sulle informazioni ottenute non essendoci progetti in cui i candidati sono formati da un PPP, anche se da un'analisi delle linee guida del bando ('Call for Proposal') relative al Programma IPA I CBC Albania - Macedonia primo bando, è stato rilevato che non vi è un riferimento esplicito a questi, è stato scelto di fare uno screening dei progetti verificando quelli che nel loro interno presentavano almeno come beneficiari diretti e/o indiretti il settore privato. Così come sopra illustrato, tra i paesi confinanti l'Albania è stata scelta la Macedonia a titolo esemplificativo. Tra i 15 progetti presi in considerazione, i 5 progetti selezionati sono: 1. 'Cross-border shared integrated alternative tourism' (Turismo transfrontaliero alternativo integrato e condiviso), 2. 'Business without borders' (Impresa senza confini), 3. 'Cross-border Civil Society Forum' (Forum transfrontaliero della società civile), 4. 'Promoting business women enterprises in the cross border area' (Promozione dell'impresa femminile nell'area transfrontaliera), 5. 'Borders without boundaries' (Confini senza limiti). Queste le dimensioni scelte e di volta in volta da verificare per ogni progetto selezionato: • relativamente al contesto interno, al fine di identificare i punti di forza e di debolezza, sono obiettivi, attori e beneficiari, • relativamente al contesto esterno, al fine di identificare le opportunità e le minacce, sono attori, beneficiari e risultati attesi. Dopo la SWOT analisi, il capitolo da ultimo presenta i risultati chiave della tesi proponendo le strategie che potrebbero migliorare la cooperazione transfrontaliera attraverso l'uso del PPP. Le considerazioni conclusive della tesi riprenderanno tali strategie ripercorrendo inoltre i punti principali del lavoro svolto. Per rispondere alla domanda che sottende questa tesi, le strategie identificate come approcci alternativi che si possono applicare al fine di consentire ai programmi/progetti di cooperazione transfrontaliera di essere sviluppati in misura maggiore e in maniera più sostenibile, efficace ed efficiente utilizzando lo strumento del PPP e senza usare necessariamente ulteriori strumenti finanziari europei sono quelle cosiddette del 'rafforzamento' e del 'superamento'. In particolare, per rafforzare gli aspetti e i fattori positivi nell'area transfrontaliera e per mitigare e/o dissipare quelli negativi emersi dall'analisi effettuata, le azioni raccomandate sia al settore pubblico, sia al settore privato, possono essere così riassunte: • organizzare congiuntamente degli incontri regolari nei quali i diversi attori possano conoscersi meglio reciprocamente così come scambiare informazioni e migliori pratiche relativamente ai paesi vicini in modo che la discussione possa vertere man mano sul potenziale sviluppo in particolare dell'economia attraverso l'impiego di nuovi strumenti come il PPP, iniziando magari da un settore pilota quale il turismo, • organizzare congiuntamente campagne di informazione sul PPP e corsi di formazione che potrebbero servire al superamento della comune mancanza di capacità di istituire efficienti PPP, • organizzare per i numerosi attori presenti sul territorio dei corsi o eventi finalizzati ad informare sui processi di revisione normativa utile a facilitare e rafforzare la cooperazione tra i diversi attori, la capacità di fare impresa e creare PPP, • rafforzare congiuntamente le reti esistenti e crearne delle nuove attraverso continui incontri capaci di mettere assieme i diversi attori aventi l'obiettivo di superare gli ostacoli/minacce e consideranti il rafforzamento delle relazioni un valore aggiunto atto a migliorare anche la capacità di reperire i fondi necessari. Le azioni invece che si raccomandano solo al settore pubblico sono: • (specialmente a livello locale) gli attori istituzionali quali le municipalità potrebbero organizzare delle riunioni invitando il settore privato, tradizionale e non, al fine di facilitare la comunicazione tra i partecipanti introducendo al contempo il PPP e facilitando l'istituzione di partenariati, • le autorità istituzionali dovrebbero cambiare la loro ottica trasformando le loro politiche nazionali, a partire da quelle transfrontaliere relative ai paesi confinanti, in modo da promuovere il PPP quale strumento di sviluppo agevolandone l'istituzione attraverso le modifiche del quadro normativo laddove necessarie, • realizzare delle politiche aventi l'obiettivo di facilitare gli investimenti diversificando i settori degli stessi e organizzando al contempo dei corsi di formazione professionale per dare l'opportunità alla popolazione in età attiva di diversificare le loro conoscenze e capacità. ; XXIV Ciclo ; 1970
This article is part of a research conducted as part of the Support Program for Doctoral Studies of Shota Rustaveli Georgian National Science Foundation.Name of the research – "Interdisciplinary analysis of the complex system of the Abkhazian conflict by the method 4D-RAV-17 (grant number – PHDF–18–1147).As part of the study, the task was to assess those political technologies that were not used in the process of resolving the Abkhazian conflict. The study identified that such a peacemaking resource as the recognition by the conflicting parties of "common threats" and the consolidation of common efforts to prevent or eliminate them, was not used to an adequate extent. Based on this, the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) were formulated and presented as a methodological basis for reinforcing the Security Community Theory created by Karl Deutsch.CACTS was described in the article "Abkhazian crisis: from the Concept of Awareness of Common Threats to the Building of an "Abkhazian Security Community"" published in the Scientific and Theoretical Almanac "Grani", Volume 23 №3, 2020.As a basis for creating an initial level of trust between the parties to the conflict, we take their policy of recognizing the system of common threats and identifying ourselves (and each other) with possible victims of these threats. The level of trust can grow as both parties gain satisfaction from the process of cooperation.In this article, which is the second of a series of articles devoted to the recognition of common threats and the construction of a security community by the parties to the conflict, we present one of the practical possibilities for strengthening the modeling process of a new multidimensional peacemaking format.In particular, this is the development of cooperation between the participants in the Abkhazian political crisis to reduce nuclear and radioactive threats. The research drew attention not only to physical, but also to psychological dangers posed by nuclear and radiation threats. Based on the analysis, a number of specific initiatives were identified for the possible development of cooperation between participants in the multidimensional Abkhazian political crisis.Particular attention in the article is paid to the role of scientific diplomacy in the positive transformation of the crisis and the integration into the peacemaking process representatives of natural sciences, in particular physicists, power engineers and ecologists.As one of the resources of the peace process, the prospects of cooperation between civil society institutions expressing the interests of victims of nuclear and radiation disasters from different sides of the conflict community are considered.The article focuses on the creation of common approaches on energy policy for the countries of the Caucasus region, especially, regarding nuclear energy. Despite the fact that the initiative is aimed at resolving the Abkhazian conflict, the measures to bring the parties closer, presented in the framework of this project, could positively affect the development of the level of trust in other conflicts of the post-Soviet space.The work is based on a holistic approach, which involves revising the reductionist approach that dominates the scientific and political discourses, distorting the real picture of the conflict and reducing its image to the quasi-scientific concept of the "Abkhaz-Georgian" resolution. Our vision of the complex and multidimensional structure of the Abkhazian political crisis is given in the first article of the mentioned cycle.The structure of this article consists of three main parts.The first part of the article is an introduction, which presents the idea of anti-nuclear and anti-radiation consolidation of participants in the Abkhazian political crisis on the basis of the Concept of Awareness of the Common Threat System (CACTS) and the concept of Karl Deutsch, adapted for the Abkhazian Security Community (ASB). One of the CACTS subsystems (in this article) is nuclear, radiation, and related to them information-psychological threats.The second part of the article presents an analysis of the situation associated with nuclear, radiation, information and psychological threats. This analysis aims to demonstrate the importance of the topic under consideration and the variety of real threats.Nuclear threats. The authors divide them into threats of a military nature, as well as threats associated with the construction, operation, conservation and liquidation of reactors and other nuclear facilities.Radiation threats. Statistics of incidents related to illegal operations in the transportation/sale of radiation/radioactive substances based on open sources are proposed. Examples of threats associated with the illicit trade of irradiated food products are given.Information and psychological threats. When considering information and psychological threats related to nuclear and radiation threats, special attention is paid to such a question as hiding of reliable information from citizens or manipulating information, which is the basis for the formation of distrust towards one's own state and the psychosomatic problems arising from this.The third part of the article offers a model of a fragment of the peacemaking process to resolve the Abkhazian political crisis, in which a component is involved that includes a discussion of (CACTS) on nuclear and radiation safety and the construction of the Abkhazian Security Community as a subsystem of the Caucasian and Black Sea-Caspian Sea Security Community. ; Статья подготовлена при поддержке Грузинского Фонда поддержки науки имени Шота Руставели в рамках проекта поддержки исследования «Сопоставительный анализ комплексной системы абхазского конфликта 4D-RAV-17 методом» (номер гранта PHDF-18-1147) для соискания докторской степени. В рамках исследования ставилась задача оценки тех политических технологий, которые не были использованы в процессе урегулирования Абхазского конфликта. В ходе исследования установлено, что такой ресурс миротворчества как осознание конфликтующими сторонами «общих угроз» и консолидация общих усилий по их превенции или ликвидации был использован не в достаточной степени. На основании этого была сформулирована и представлена Концепция осознания системы общих угроз (КОСОУ) как методологическая основа усиления созданной Карлом Дойчем Теории сообщества безопасности [43]. КОСОУ была описана в первой статье – «Абхазский кризис: от Концепции осознания системы общих угроз к построению "Абхазского сообщества безопасности"», опубликованной в Научно-теоретическом альманахе «Грани» (Том 23, №3, 2020) [34].За основу создания начального уровня доверия между участниками конфликта мы берем их политику осознания системы общих угроз и идентификации себя (и друг друга) с возможными жертвами этих угроз. Уровень доверия может расти в процессе получения обеими сторонами удовлетворения от процесса сотрудничества.В данной статье, которая является второй из цикла статей, посвященных осознанию общих угроз и построению сообщества безопасности сторонами конфликта, нами представлена одна из практических возможностей для усиления процесса моделирования нового многомерного миротворческого формата. В частности, это – развитие сотрудничества между участниками Абхазского политического кризиса по уменьшению ядерных и радиоактивных угроз. В исследовании обращено внимание не только на физические, но и на психологические опасности, порождаемые ядерными и радиационными угрозами.На основе анализа выявлен целый ряд конкретных инициатив для возможного развития сотрудничества между участниками многомерного Абхазского политического кризиса. Особое внимание уделено в статье роли научной дипломатии в позитивной трансформации кризиса и интеграции в миротворческий процесс представителей науки из сферы естествознания, в частности – физиков, энергетиков и экологов. В качестве одного из ресурсов миротворческого процесса рассмотрены перспективы сотрудничества между гражданскими институтами, выражающими интересы жертв ядерных и радиационных катастроф из разных групп конфликтного сообщества. В статье сконцентрировано внимание на создание общих подходов по вопросам энергетической политики для стран Кавказского региона. В особенности касательно атомной энергетики. Несмотря на то, что инициатива ориентирована на урегулирование Абхазского конфликта, меры по сближению сторон, представленные в рамках данного проекта могли бы позитивно повлиять на развитие уровня доверия в других конфликтах постсоветского пространства.Работа основана на холистическом подходе, предполагающем ревизию доминирующего в научном и в политическом дискурсах редукционистского подхода, искажающего реальную картину конфликта и сводящего его образ к квазинаучной концепции «абхазско-грузинского» урегулирования. Наше видение сложной и многомерной структуры Абхазского политического кризиса приведено в первой статье упомянутого цикла.Структура данной статьи состоит из трех основных частей. Первая часть статьи – введение, в котором представлена идея антиядерной и антирадиационной консолидации участников Абхазского политического кризиса на основании Концепции Осознания Системы Общих Угроз (КОСОУ) и концепции Карла Дойча, адаптированной для Абхазского сообщества безопасности (АСБ). Одна из подсистем КОСОУ (в данной статье) – ядерные, радиационные и связанные с ними информационно-психологические угрозы. Во-второй части статьи представлен анализ ситуации, связанной с ядерными, радиационными, информационно-психологическими угрозами. Данный анализ ставит целью показать важность рассматриваемой темы и разнообразие реальных угроз.Ядерные угрозы. Авторы разделяют их на угрозы, имеющие военный характер, а также угрозы, связанные со строительством, эксплуатацией, консервацией и ликвидацией реакторов и других ядерных объектов. Радиационные угрозы. Предложена статистика, составленная на основе открытых источников, по инцидентам, связанным с незаконными операциями по перевозке/продаже радиационных/радиоактивных веществ. Приведены примеры угроз, связанных с незаконной торговлей облученными радиацией продуктами питания.Информационно-психологические угрозы. При рассмотрении информационно-психологических угроз, имеющих отношение к ядерным и радиационном угрозам, особое внимание уделяется такому вопросу как скрытие достоверной информации от граждан или манипуляция информацией, что является основой формирования недоверия к собственному государству и исходящие из этого психосоматические проблемы.Третья часть статьи предлагает модель фрагмента миротворческого процесса по урегулированию Абхазского политического кризиса, в которой задействован компонент, включающий обсуждение КОСОУ по вопросам ядерной и радиационной безопасности и построение Абхазского Сообщества Безопасности, как подсистемы Кавказского и Черноморско-Каспийского Сообщества Безопасности. ; Стаття підготовлена за підтримки Грузинського Фонду підтримки науки імені Шота Руставелі в межах проекту підтримки дослідження «Порівняльний аналіз комплексної системи абхазького конфлікту 4D-RAV-17 методом» (номер гранту PHDF-18-1147) для здобуття докторського ступеня. У межах дослідження ставилося завдання оцінити ті політичні технології, які не були використані в процесі врегулювання абхазького конфлікту. У ході дослідження встановлено, що такий ресурс миротворчості як усвідомлення конфліктуючими сторонами «загальних загроз» і консолідація спільних зусиль по їх превенції або ліквідації, був використаний не достатньою мірою. На підставі цього була сформульована і представлена Концепція Усвідомлення Системи Спільних Загроз (КУССЗ) як методологічна основа посилення створеної Карлом Дойчем Теорії спільноти безпеки. [42]КУССЗ була описана в першій статті – «Абхазька криза: від Концепції усвідомлення системи спільних загроз до побудови "Абхазького спільноти безпеки"», опублікованій в Науково-теоретичному альманасі «Грани» (Том 23, №3, 2020). [33]За основу створення початкового рівня довіри між учасниками конфлікту ми беремо їх політику усвідомлення системи спільних загроз та ідентифікації себе (і один одного) з можливими жертвами цих загроз. Рівень довіри може збільшуватись у процесі отримання обома сторонами задоволення від процесу співпраці.У даній статті, яка є другою з циклу статей, присвячених усвідомленню спільних загроз і побудови спільноти безпеки сторонами конфлікту, нами представлена одна з практичних можливостей для посилення процесу моделювання нового багатовимірного миротворчого формату.Зокрема, це – розвиток співпраці між учасниками Абхазького політичної кризи по зменшенню ядерних і радіоактивних загроз. У дослідженні акцентується не тільки на фізичних, а й на психологічних небезпеках, породжуваних ядерними і радіаційними загрозами.На основі аналізу виявлено цілу низку конкретних ініціатив для можливого розвитку співробітництва між учасниками багатовимірної Абхазької політичної кризи.Особливу увагу приділено в статті ролі наукової дипломатії в позитивній трансформації кризи й інтеграції в миротворчий процес представників науки зі сфери природознавства, зокрема – фізиків, енергетиків і екологів.В якості одного з ресурсів миротворчого процесу розглянуті перспективи співпраці між цивільними інститутами, що виражають інтереси жертв ядерних і радіаційних катастроф з різних груп конфліктного спільноти.У статті сконцентровано увагу на створенні спільних підходів щодо питань енергетичної політики для країн Кавказького регіону. Особливо щодо атомної енергетики. Незважаючи на те, що ініціатива орієнтована на врегулювання абхазького конфлікту, заходи щодо зближення сторін, представлені в межах даного проекту могли б позитивно вплинути на розвиток рівня довіри в інших конфліктах пострадянського простору.Робота заснована на холістичниому підході, який передбачає ревізію домінуючого в науковому і в політичному дискурсах редукционістичного підходу, який спотворює реальну картину конфлікту і зводить його образ до квазінаукових концепцій «абхазько-грузинського» врегулювання. Наше бачення складної і багатовимірної структури Абхазької політичної кризи наведено в першій статті згаданого циклу.Структура даної статті складається з трьох основних частин.Перша частина статті – вступ, в якому представлено ідею антиядерної і антирадіаційної консолідації учасників абхазької політичної кризи на підставі Концепція Усвідомлення Системи Спільних Загроз (КУССЗ) і концепції Карла Дойча, адаптованої для Абхазької спільноти безпеки (АСБ). Одна з підсистем КССЗ (у даній статті) – ядерні, радіаційні і пов'язані з ними інформаційно-психологічні загрози.У другій частині статті представлений аналіз ситуації, пов'язаної з ядерними, радіаційними, інформаційно-психологічними загрозами. Даний аналіз має на меті показати важливість даної теми і різноманітність реальних загроз.Ядерні загрози. Автори поділяють їх на загрози, які мають військовий характер, а також загрози, пов'язані з будівництвом, експлуатацією, консервацією та ліквідацією реакторів та інших ядерних об'єктів.Радіаційні загрози. Запропоновано статистика, складена на основі відкритих джерел, по інцидентах, пов'язаних з незаконними операціями з перевезення/продажу радіаційних/радіоактивних речовин. Наведені приклади загроз, пов'язаних з незаконною торгівлею опроміненими радіацією продуктами харчування.Інформаційно-психологічні загрози. При розгляді інформаційно-психологічних загроз, що мають стосуються ядерних і радіаційних загроз, особлива увага приділяється такому питанню як приховування достовірної інформації від громадян або маніпуляція інформацією, що є основою формування недовіри до власної держави і похідні з цього психосоматичні проблеми.Третя частина статті пропонує модель фрагмента миротворчого процесу з врегулювання абхазької політичної кризи, в якій задіяний компонент, що включає обговорення КССЗ з питань ядерної та радіаційної безпеки і побудова Абхазької Спільноти Безпеки, як підсистеми Кавказького і –Черноморско-Каспійської Спільноти Безпеки.
�쓽�븰怨�/諛뺤궗 ; [�븳湲�] [�쁺臾�] Leprosy is rather endemic in Korea, where the disease has been feared and disliked by most of the people. In 1948, author, for control of the disease in shorter periods of time, proposed to utilize patients own labor capacity based on the medical aspects, their labor ability and sociological factors. So-called "Campaign for Hope Village Movement" which was launched that year under the leadership of the Korean Leprosy Association was based on author's proposal for "A Classification of Leprosy Patients by Labor Capacity". Thereafter in 1953, clinical use of sulfone derivative, D.D.S. (Diamino-diphenyl sulfone) was begun for the patients in all leprosaria in Korea. In 1958, curability of the disease with D.D.S. was internationally accepted with the recognition at the 7th International Congress of Leprology. In those days, under the Compulsory Segregation Law, leprosy patients in Korea were still forced to reside in leprosaria in spite of the fact that a considerable number of patients were in the state of cure with labor capacity for self-support. These circumstances, scientific and sociological progress in the field, made author devise "A Classification of Leprosy Patients for Their Social Rehabilitation" to let leprosy problem emerge out of the dark shadows of the past. This new classification was derived from "Classification by Labor Capacity" which was proposed in 1948. This new classification was based on clinical, bacteriological, epidemiological and sociological data which were derived from the results of survey by author under the direction of Dr. Joon Lew, Professor of Microbiology Department. Its value and usefulness in the field were discussed in detail in the following chapters. Chapter 1 Epidemiological Studies of Leprosy in 1948 Around 1945, after liberation of Korea from the Japanese administration, many wandering patients became a nationwide problem which demanded an immediate solution. At that time, considerable number of leprosy patients were isolated in several leprosaria; 6,000 patients in So-Rok-Do Leprosarium, 700 in Ae-Yang-Won (Yowsoo), 750 in Ae-Rak-Won(Taegu), and patients more than 600 were in Sang-Ae-Won(Pusan) which was once closed under the Japanese administration. These patients out-numbered the total patients during the Japanese administration. Yet considerable nuber of leprosy patients were wandering all around the country. In epidemiological point of view, certain measures had to be done for these patients. In these days, the Korean Government had not yet been established, budgets were totally inadequate to cope with the problem, and leprosy was considered an incurable disease. As a preliminary step toward the control of the disease, with the assistance of fellow-workers of the Department of Microbiology, author carried out the first extensive survey of leprosy patients to accomplish epidemiological studies of the disease. Materials and Methods Wandering patients were surveyed to outline their exact number and to obtain epidemiological data. In 1948, wandering patients were scattered in 19 places throughout the country. They had their own organizations, in which leaders governed them. Visiting these centers of gathering and having close co-ordination of the leaders, extensive survey was carried out. In the survey of instigutionized patients, those in So-Rok-Do Leprosarium, Ae-Yang-Won (Yowsoo), Ae-Rak-Won (Taegu) and Sang-Ae-Won (Pusan) were chosen for the purpose. Results This survey includes only that information which was verified. For that reason, the totals shown in the survey do not always match other totals, the differences being attributed to the subjects of the survey. (�뀪) Estimation of the total number of the patients in 1948: As the result of the survey wandering patients were 4,387 non-institutionized known patient 5,575 in number, meanwhile isolated cases in leprosaria were 8,350. Author estimated a total number of patients to be approximately 40,000. (�뀫) Other epidemiological studies: (1) Types, age and sex distribution study; Comparative studies were also carried out. (2) Occupation; Comparison was made between leprosaria patients and wandering patients. Occupational change before, at the time of, and after the onset was also discussed. (3) Distribution by provinces; By this study, high and low endemic areas in Korea were disclosed. Changes in addresses before, at the time of, and after the onset were also surveyed. (4) Age of onset; It was found that, among 3,296 cases in this survey, 926 cases (29.7%) in 16 to 20, 809 cases (25.5%) in 11 to 15,516 cases (15.3%) in 21 to 25,331 cases (9.7%) in 26 to 30 and 294 cases (9.3%) were in 6 to 7 years of age in order of frequency. (5) Incubation period; Out of 2,808 patients only 156 cases (81 males and 75 females), those who could definitely remember the contact with other leprosy patients prior to onset were selected. Detatiled analysis of the results was attempted. (6) Seasonal difference in onset; Spring (Feb.�댘Apr.) was the highest with incidence of 456 (32.2%), 387 (27.3%) in autumn (Aug.�댘Oct.) 304 (21.4%) in summer (May�댘July) and 269 (19.0%) in winter (Nov.�댘Jan.). (7) Initial symptoms and sites of onset; Comparative studies were carried out. (8) Religion; Changes in religion before, after and at the time of onset were surveyed. (9) Schooling; Comparative study was made between schooled and non-schooled group in various aspects. (10) Medical care in community at the time and after onset. (11) Various beliefs about the disease; Survey was made regarding their superstition and belidfs on the cause of the disease. (�뀬) Classification of leprosy patients for their labor capacity; Based on the above-mentioned epidemiological data and the sociological circumstances in 1948, the following classification was devised to utilize self-supporting labor capacities of those wandering patients. A total of 2,009 wandering patients were surveyed, analysed and classified into five groups according to thier physical capacity for labor. Group �뀪 : Very light cases; physically capable for heavy labor as normal person were 761 cases (37.8%). Group �뀫 : Those, capable for enduring ordinary labor were 375 cases (18.7%). Group �뀬 : Those, only capable for light labor were 530 cases (26.4%). Group �뀭 : Those, able to do self-care but physically unable for labor at all were 35 cases (1.7%). Group �뀮 : Far-advanced, disfigured or old patients who need someone else for care in daily life were 77 cases (3.9%). Group "N" : Indicates those who pretended to be or thought to be leprosy patients but normal 231 cases (11.5%) belonged to this group. Total of 1,897(94.4%) out of 2,009 cases surveyed had the physical capacities for some kinds of productive labor. This indicated the possibility of utilizing their labor capacities for their economical welfare and self-support of those wandering patients when unused acres of the countryside were allocated for them. Meanwhile they could have properly regulated medical treatment with less budgets. Under the socio-economical circumstances in 1948, author proposed this self-supporting isolation colony system could be a key to proper solution in taking care of those wandering patients. So-called "Campaign for Hope Villages", which was organized and developed all over Korea under the active leadership of the Korean Leprosy Association was entirely baed on the data of this survey. Until June 1950 when the Korean Civil Conflict broke off, "Hope Villages Movement" was able to accomodate approximately 5,000 wandering patients in 16 Hope Villages. Table 1. Classification of 2,009 Wandering Patients by Their Labor Capacity. �봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�뵵�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�뵵�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�뵵�봺�봺�봺�봺 Group �봻 Labor capacity �봻 Number of case �봻 % �����������뵾���������������������������뵮���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� �봻 �봻 N �봻 231 �봻 11.5 �����������뵾���������������������������뵾���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� Labor �봻Heavy labor �봻 I �봻 761 �봻 37.8 �����������뵾���������������������������뵾���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� Group �봻 �봻Subtotal�봻 992 �봻 49.3 �����������뵾���������������������������뵾���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� �봻Mod labor �봻 �뀫 �봻 375 �봻 18.7 �����������뵾���������������������������뵾���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� �봻Light labor �봻 �뀬 �봻 530 �봻 26.4 �����������뵾���������������������������뵶���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� �봻total �봻 1,897 �봻 94.4 �����������뵾���������������������������뵮���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� Non-labor�봻Able for self-care �봻 �뀭 �봻 35 �봻 1.7 �����������뵾���������������������������뵾���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� Group �봻Unable for self-care �봻 �뀮 �봻 77 �봻 3.9 �����������뵾���������������������������뵶���������뵾�������������������뵾�������� �봻Total �봻 112 �봻 5.6 �����������뵶�������������������������������������뵾�������������������뵾�������� Grand total �봻 2,009 �봻 100 �������������������������������������������������뵶�������������������뵶�������� Chapter 2 Epidemiological Studies and a New Classification of Leprosy Patients for Their Social Rehabilitation in 1962. In 1953, administration of D.D.S. (Diamino-diphenyl sulfone) was started to those in all leprosaria and in Hope Villages as a drug of choice, and it actually produced many cured cases as it was recognized at the 7th International Congress of Leprology in 1958. In spite of these facts, considerable number of those cured cases were still in the state of isolation as leprosy patients, though they should had been freed and emerged into normal community as normal person. Their rights as healthy individuals were denied and they were forced to remain in leprosaria consuming considerable amounts of national budgets. This paradoxical condition led author develope a new classification of patients, so-called "New Classification of Leprosy Patients for Their Social Rehabilitation" which was based on the clinical, bacteriological, epidemiological and sociological data acquired. Materials and Methods Total of 19,980 cases in all national and private leprosaria and Hope Villages were surveyed with co-operation of fellow-workers of Department of Microbiology, fellow members of the Korean Leprosy Association and Korean Army military physicians. Filling up the formulated charts through detailed individual physical examination, results were analysed. Standards of Classification Cases were divided into two main groups, one those with positive bacteriological tests, and the other with negative. These two main groups were then subdivided into five classes (�뀪-�뀮) based on labor capacity, general appearance as leprosy patients and other sociological factors. Class �뀪 : Appearance of normal person with normal labor capacity. Class �뀫 : Suspicious appearance of leprosy patient with normal labor capacity. Class �뀬 : Definite appearance of patient but with moderately impaired labor capacity. Class �뀭 : Advanced cases with capacity only for light labor. Class �뀮 : Cases, far-advanced and needing care. Results Survey of 19,980 cases in the year of 1962 by new classification was shown in Table 2. Table 2. Classification of 19,980 Patients for Their Social Rehabilitation �봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�뵵�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺�봺 Bact. �봻 Positive / Negative �뵜�������������������������������������������������������� Institution \ Grade �봻 �뀪 �뀫 �뀬 �뀭 �뀮 �뀪 �뀫 �뀬 �뀭 �뀮 ���������������������뵾�������������������������������������������������������� National Leprosaria �봻 590 1,006 968 835 361 956 880 778 1,228 646 ���������������������뵾�������������������������������������������������������� Private Institutions�봻 625 29 464 412 114 2,690 2,000 1,391 863 263 ���������������������뵾�������������������������������������������������������� Total(%) �봻1,215 1,735 1,432 1,247 475 3,646 2,800 2,169 2,091 909 �봻(6.8) (8.7) (7.2) (6.2) (2.4)(18.2)(14.0)(10.9)(10.5)(4.5 ���������������������뵾�������������������������������������������������������� Grand Total(%) �봻 4,382(22.7) / 1,722(8.6)/ 8,615(43.1) /3,000(15.0) ���������������������뵶�������������������������������������������������������� Through this survey, cured cases, non-infectious to tohers with negative bacteriological tests, were found to be 8,615 cases; 43.11% (Class �뀪, �뀫 and �뀬 with negative smear). Children from leprosy parents were 1,833 cases (9.17%) and non-leprosy cases, 428 (2.14%) respectively. As a conclusion, at least 10,876 cases (54.4%) could either go home to join their families as healthy person or could settle in somewhere else without any possible spread of the disease to normal communities. So-called "Campaign for Resettlement Villages" of Korean Government and of the Korean Leprosy Association was originated from the data of this survey. Chapter 3 Re-classification of leprosy Institutions Based on these data, re-classification of leprosy institutions was proposed. 1. Hospitals for bacteriologically positive cases (Class �뀪, �뀫 and �뀬 of positive patients). 2. Hospitals for disabled cases (bacteriologically positive and negative Class �뀭 and �뀮). 3. Hospitals for corrective surgery cases (bacteriologically negative Class �뀫, �뀬 or Class �뀪). After surgical correction, they are to be sent to Resettlement Villages. 4. Resettlement Villages for bacteriologically negative Class �뀫 and �뀬. 5. Society for bacteriologically negative Class �뀪. The above-mentioned "Campaign for Resettlement Villages" made total of 10,007 cases gather and engage in self-supporting living in 65 Resettlement Villages in Korea. This campaign not only gave leprosy patients self-maintaining and self-supporting life but also reduced the national budgets considerably for the control of the disease. This resettlement projects are to be expanded more in near future and are to have attention of International Congress of Leprology. ; restriction
The module was administered as a post-election interview. The resulting data are provided along with voting, demographic, district and macro variables in a single dataset.
CSES Variable List The list of variables is being provided on the CSES Website to help in understanding what content is available from CSES, and to compare the content available in each module.
Themes: MICRO-LEVEL DATA:
Identification and study administration variables: weighting factors;election type; date of election 1st and 2nd round; study timing (post election study, pre-election and post-election study, between rounds of majoritarian election); mode of interview; gender of interviewer; date questionnaire administered; primary electoral district of respondent; number of days the interview was conducted after the election
Demography: age; gender; education; marital status; union membership; union membership of others in household; current employment status; main occupation; employment type - public or private; industrial sector; occupation of chief wage earner and of spouse; household income; number of persons in household; number of children in household under the age of 18; attendance at religious services; religiosity; religious denomination; language usually spoken at home; race; ethnicity; region of residence; rural or urban residence
Survey variables: respondent cast a ballot at the current and the previous election; respondent cast candidate preference vote at the previous election; satisfaction with the democratic process in the country; last election was conducted fairly; form of questionnaire (long or short); party identification; intensity of party identification; political parties care what people think; political parties are necessary; recall of candidates from the last election (name, gender and party); number of candidates correctly named; sympathy scale for selected parties and political leaders; assessment of the state of the economy in the country; assessment of economic development in the country; degree of improvement or deterioration of economy; politicians know what people think; contact with a member of parliament or congress during the past twelve months; attitude towards selected statements: it makes a difference who is in power and who people vote for; people express their political opinion; self-assessment on a left-right-scale; assessment of parties and political leaders on a left-right-scale; political information items
DISTRICT-LEVEL DATA:
number of seats contested in electoral district; number of candidates; number of party lists; percent vote of different parties; official voter turnout in electoral district
MACRO-LEVEL DATA:
founding year of parties; ideological families of parties; international organization the parties belong to; left-right position of parties assigned by experts; election outcomes by parties in current (lower house/upper house) legislative election; percent of seats in lower house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of seats in upper house received by parties in current lower house/upper house election; percent of votes received by presidential candidate of parties in current elections; electoral turnout; electoral alliances permitted during the election campaign; existing electoral alliances; most salient factors in the election; head of state (regime type); if multiple rounds: selection of head of state; direct election of head of state and process of direct election; threshold for first-round victory; procedure for candidate selection at final round; simple majority or absolute majority for 2nd round victory; year of presidential election (before or after this legislative election); process if indirect election of head of state; head of government (president or prime minister); selection of prime minister; number of elected legislative chambers; for lower and upper houses was coded: number of electoral segments; number of primary districts; number of seats; district magnitude (number of members elected from each district); number of secondary and tertiary electoral districts; compulsory voting; votes cast; voting procedure; electoral formula; party threshold; parties can run joint lists; requirements for joint party lists; possibility of apparentement; types of apparentement agreements; multi-party endorsements; multi-party endorsements on ballot; ally party support; constitutional prerogatives of the head of state; constitutional powers of prime minister; methods of cabinet dismissal; dissolution of legislature
Transcript of an oral history interview with John H. "Jack" Pimm, conducted by Sarah Yahm in January 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. John Pimm was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1945; his education was interrupted by his military service in World War II. His interview includes recollections of both his time as a student at Norwich University and his service overseas during the war. ; 1 Mr. John H. "Jack" Pimm, NU 1945, Oral History Interview January , 2015 Sullivan Museum and History Center, Norwich University Interviewed by Sarah Yahm Transcribed by C.T. Haywood, NU '12 February 5, 2015 SY: Did that work? Is that comfortable? JP: Yeah. Sure. SY: Okay, terrific. [coughs] So if you could just start by telling me your full name. JP: My full name is John H. Pimm, P-I-M-M, SY: And you go by Jack? JP: Yeah, Jack is my— SY: And where were you born? And when you were born? JP: I was born on January 10, 1924, in Hamden, Connecticut, which is a suburb of New Haven, Connecticut. SY: Yup, I have driven through it, I think. And you know [coughs] something I've been asking everybody who's served in the military was did you play war as a kid? Did you think about going to war? Did you play out in the woods and pretend that you were fighting? JP: Well when I was, my dad got me a .22 single shot which I still have when I was nine-years-old, and I lived in a rural community so there were plenty of woods around and we didn't play war, we played hunting anything that'll move. We shot at woodchucks, squirrels, birds, everything. That was our sort of what we did. SY: So [coughs] how did you end up at Norwich? JP: Well, I graduated from Wethersfield High School in the class of '41, and actually my mother had her friend whose son went to Norwich. I looked at Norwich. I could've to the University of Connecticut or one of the options was I was thinking of going to Pratt & Whitney in the apprentice toolmakers group but I went to Norwich and I thought that was kind of neat so that's how I ended. SY: Yeah what about it did you think was neat? JP: Well I sort of—the military appealed to me, you know, and being in those days there was no superhighways it was a long drive or you went up on the Montrealer which went from Hart—I was living in Wethersfield, Connecticut at the time and that's the train that went through to Montreal and made stops in Northfi—they would stop in Northfield if there's anybody who wanted to get off so. So that's how I happened to go there. SY: That train still exists. JP: It is still there? SY: [coughs] Yeah I've taken it, I've taken it from New York to Montreal.2 JP: Well ok, good. SY: So yeah, well what was your experience like at Norwich when you first got there? Do you remember your first impressions? Do you remember being a Rook and what that was like? JP: Well I was a little, you know I didn't realize that you went through one semester of hazing which you did and that was ah [chuckles] some of it was we thought pretty rough actually. There were a couple of the freshmen when they started getting hazing quit school, so but I thought it was just something you went through and actually some of the guys that were the worst hazers in the sophomore class became good friends after it was over, so. SY: What was the hazing like? JP: Well you had to wait on the upperclassmen. You had to drill every night. One of the exercises was standing with your back to the wall holding a rifle out in front where you thought you were going to drop dead. But that went on every night. And it's just the upperclassmen inspected your room, you know, and we stood reveille. Your bed had to be made by then and if you didn't make it tight enough you were screamed at, and they just tried to make it miserable which they mostly succeeded in doing. SY: Did you ever think about leaving? JM: No. SY: You didn't, why not? JP: I just thought it was part of the thing to do and I knew it was going be over so, you know. SY: And so when you think about Norwich now, what do you think about? I think you mentioned horses to me when you talked the other—? JP: Well it was the horse cavalry when I went there. They had 180 horses and you had riding lessons one day a week and then troop drill another day. You know there was roughly, what, 160 in a troop? And the lower field which I don't know what it is now but that used to be troop drill so that was pretty neat. They let us use the horses on the weekend to ride out into the mountains, and the hills around there for a couple of hours at a time. I had a particular horse, I remember her name was Lacey, that I used to ride and my, a buddy of mine his name was Ken Clary, he's since died, he and I used to ride weekends when we could. So it was kind of a fun thing. SY: And you said something about how you had to make sure the upperclassmen didn't jam your spurs? What happened? JP: Well when you were in troop drill of course you'd be four in line and you'd be in the middle and the favorite thing is upperclassmen, mostly the sophomores, would turn their spurs and try to jam 'em into your horse so that you'd, the horse'd leap forward you know and then when you'd leap, when the horse leaped forward they'd holler at, "Get back in line," you know, so it was a favorite. SY: Did that ever happen to you? JP: Yeah. SY: Yeah. JP: Yeah, it was, it was at the time I thought it was pretty exciting but it was different, let's put it that way. 3 SY: Yeah, so, do you remember where you were when you heard about Pearl Harbor? JP: Ah, well I'm sure I was in, I can't tell you the name of the place but it was on the in the barracks where we were when I heard about it, yeah. Newspapers were not something handed, we had to, I—we had to be told about by somebody else so… SY: You didn't have radios either? JP: No. We didn't have radios either. SY: So you weren't getting any news? JP: No. I remember the most exciting thing about it was that the, commandant at the time I can't even remember what his name was but he used to. We had guards all night. I don't know what we were guarding, anyway but and they carried .45s, the standard issue .45 and when Pearl Harbor happened they issued ammunition for the first time and that I guess what happened is some guy got up to go to the john and the guard said you know, "Halt, where you are," and he said, you know, "Screw you," and the guy fired a shot in the air and the next day they took all the ammunition away. That was the last time. SY: Yeah, I bet they did, JP: Yeah that was the last time that happened, yeah, SY: Yeah, I bet it was. So okay, so at that point you probably knew you were going to war? JP: Well yeah, they hadn't, they announced the draft after that you know and we had to register. Everybody who was eighteen had to or over up. I think they registered eighteen to thirty-five. SY: So did you go down to Northfield to register, did somebody come to campus? JP: I honestly don't remember where we registered, yeah. SY: But then, but you decided you're going to enlist, right? Or the whole school did, how did that work? JP: Ah [chuckles] I remember the date, it was September 14, 1942 they marched us all down the Armory and said, "You're enlisting in the Army," and we did, that was it. SY: How did you feel about it? JP: Well everybody else was doing it so you know. Being eighteen you knew you'd be one of the first to go. So I, you know, it's just part of what it was that's all. SY: Do you remember, I think that the Army also took the horses from Norwich and conscripted them, do you remember that? The horses being marched off campus? JP: No I don't. I don't remember when that happened. SY: I saw picture of it actually, JP: Oh really, SY: Just the other day, yeah. So okay, you enlisted and then what happened, where'd you go? JP: Well they, we enlisted and then we were called up and I had to report Fort Devens, Mass., from there. Let's see, we went by train to a camp outside of St. Louis where we went through a bunch of tests and orientation they called it and they shipped us up to the University of Nebraska in Lincoln and then, we're 4 here again. I was a mechanic in the Mechanical Engineering Department. The guys who were mechanical engineering and myself were shipped down to Columbia, Missouri to the University of Missouri there and we were bunked in the SAE House there on the University of Michigan. And there were four or five guys from Norwich, there was a lot of guys from the Michigan State there and oh we registered to take what we were supposed to take in engineering and the…the manger whatever you want to call, the dean of mechanical engineering found that we had taken the courses the Army wanted us to take. So he signed us up for our continuing education so we got to take courses that would have been in our junior year at Norwich. SY: Oh, that's exciting, JP: Yeah, so. SY: Yeah, so okay, so then, you were getting ready to ship overseas I would imagine? JP: No, we stayed there until the spring of '44 and then they disbanded that program. We were shipped to Camp Swift, Texas where, we were in entered, not all of us, most of went in different directions. Some of the guys went to infantry divisions, I went Camp Swift, Texas and was put in the 1252nd Combat Engineer Battalion. SY: And what does that mean, what were you guys gonna be doing in the war? JP: Well combat engineers you, we did all, in some cases we went in ahead of the infantry. We did river crossings, we did a lot of demolition work, I specialized in demolition learning how to use TNT and various other. You didn't have dynamite that was too too unstable, but we did a lot work with TNT and other type of explosive and I can't remember what it was. But other than that it was standard infantry. We did a lot of, [chuckles] we did awful lot of hikes, we did a lot of shooting, that's when you qualify. It was no big deal for me 'cause I shot a rifle my whole life and let's see. SY: And [coughs] so tell me about how you went over to Europe, JP: Well in, let's see. I think it was in the end of July, we were shipped by rail to, it took a couple of days to do it to Camp Kilmer, New Jersey from there Camp Kilmer, New Jersey is close to, close to New York, cross the Hudson River there and I remember they gave us, if you live nearby you were given a twenty-four hour leave, and this buddy of mine he actually lived in Des Moines, Iowa, but he said he lived in Connecticut so the two of us went to New York City and my mother actually came down to New York City and met us late and we had dinner at the Alm—at one of the, what do you call it, the Almanac's oh not Almanac…. SY: Oh where Dorothy Parker used to go, you were talking about the.I can't remember what that's called, JP: Automats, Automats that. SY: Oh one of the Automats oh… JP: Yeah, my brother, older brother who was a tail gunner in a B-24 his girlfriend who had gone through even in high school was a dancer in Broadway. She was dancing in Pal Joey with Van Johnson and can't think of the other guy's name. Anyway, we got to see her and see my mother for a minute and went back to camp. And then the next morning they took us to the 42nd Street Ferry in Wee… SY: 42nd Street Ferry? I've never heard of such a thing. 5 JP: In Weehawken, New Jersey on the, so we went to the 42nd through, street ferry and we took the ferry across to a dock and there we were surrounded by MPs 'cause they were afraid some of the guys would bolt and we were loaded. And interesting enough the 42nd Street Ferry, when I a kid, my grandmother lived in Weehawken, New Jersey and when my brother and I were like twelve and ten, ten and twelve. My dad would get us a dime each and we would walk down to the ferry and ride back and forth on it all day. So I, it's the same ferry that took us across to the, and the ship's name was the, it was an English troop ship called the Tameroa and the Tameroa you know we thought it was a dump but, we were, we left there went out by the Statue of Liberty, and joined a convoy. We went north I think and we picked up a convoy that I'm told was one of the largest convoys that ever went across. So this is in, I think it was in early August and… SY: Do you remember what you were thinking when you riding the Weehawken Ferry? When you were passing the Statue of Liberty, I mean you were what nineteen, something like that? JP: Let's see, I was twenty, I was an old one, SY: You were twenty, what did you remember what you were thinking when all that was happening? JP: Well, some of the guys kept thinking, do—will we come back or not? You know that was a little bit. SY: So you were thinking about that? JP: Yeah, yeah it was pretty, well you're with a bunch of guys so you know anyway, and I remember the convoy because we had four destroyers circling and escorting us on. I was told afterwards that two of the ships were sunk by the Germans, but I didn't know that at the time. It took us three weeks to get to England and that, what I remembered the food was horrible. For breakfast they had boiled bacon, have you ever heard of that? SY: No, I never heard that, JP: That was terrible, yeah, SY: Only the British could do something so terrible with bacon. JP: Yeah, and we landed finally at Southampton, England and from there we were trucked, or went by train to Torquay, which was on the southern coast, which was actually a, I learned afterwards was a resort area and we were billeted there. The Tameroa interestingly enough left us and was going someplace and was sunk two days after we got off at, which we saw was great 'cause we thought it was a worst piece of junk we ever rode in but, it was a very, you know, it was like a Liberty Ships, and it was, it was a pretty rough. I didn't go below, I was on guard duty four on and eight off so I was on from midnight till four in the morning and then noon to four with another fellow and, we were, it was our job to keep the aircraft gunners who sat in those special seats where there were two twenty millimeter cannon on each side of them to keep them awake, 'cause those guys would get in there and try to sleep, you know, so we had to keep them awake, that was our job. SY: What did you guys talk about for midnight to four in the morning on the dock of the ship? JP: Well actually the guy I was with had a beautiful voice and he would sing that song, "Lilli Marlene," SY: Ah, do you remember it? Do you want to sing a little bit of it? 6 JP: No, [laughs] but I have a record of it, with Marlene Dietrich. She sang in the English and in German, it was a German song too with the English. The English adopted it and there was a gal, an English gal by the name of Vera Lynne who sang it. We heard later, anyway. SY: And so he used to sing that? JP: Yeah he used to sing and that helped us keep us awake because we had to walk. We had a one set of guns that on one side and the other, on the other side, so that was… SY: You never went below deck 'cause it smelled so bad? JP: Yeah, there were too many guys, sick throwing up down there, so it was not very pleasant, yeah. SY: So how long were you in England? JP: Ah, well we were in England until December. They had a shortage of ammunition so I guess that's what's held us from going across the Channel and we went, so went across the Channel in December of '45 when the Battle of the Bulge started. SY: So describe that to me, JP: Well, we went back to Southampton we were loaded into a troop ship and taken across the English Channel and then they loaded us, we went off. They had these rope nets that went over the side down to what they call it an LCVP, landing craft, personnel and we went into a place above La Havre the beach. We were not under, we were supposedly under sniper fire but none of our guys that I knew got hit. And we landed in France and that was the start of our, we were involved with the, we were later assigned to the 6th Armored Division, Patton's group who who ah brought them up. Patton was originally, I think in southern France and he brought a column of tanks up to help on the Battle of the Bulge so we were involved in that. SY: So that was your first experience with combat, huh? JP: Yeah, I got to tell you the most exciting thing that I remember was New Year's Eve and on New Year's Eve the Americans with their artillery and all let go big time and big flares and the Germans did the same thing. So the sky was absolutely white there for a few minutes at midnight. SY: And and it was, was it like celebratory? I mean so that everybody celebrating. That's it's sort of like the Christmas Truce in World War I a little, right? JP: Yeah I don't think we were celebrating. I just thought that we—yeah we were celebrating, that we made 'till—to to January 1, 1945, yeah. SY: And they were too? JP: Yeah, right, so…. SY: Yeah, in that moment did you think about them as soldiers like you? Did you it humanize them a little bit? JP: Not really, SY: Not really, yeah? 7 JP: No, we 'cause we knew they were trying to kill us and we were trying to kill them. So it was real simple. SY: And it wasn't like the fighting stopped it was just that you—g JP: No, S: You looked at the skies for a few minutes? JP: Right, yeah, just tell everybody no, 'cause I can't remember wearing a watch or anything like that. SY: Right, so this was trench warfare, essentially, huh? You weren't— JP: Well we weren't in trenches we were in foxholes, SY: [coughs] So what was that like? JP: Well you'd dig, well you'd hoped you got in a fox, you, normally there were two of us together, you hoped you didn't get in with a guy that was too tall because you'd have to dig the foxhole too deep. But we were moved up to I think the Our River where we, we were very thin it was snow, we were doing this in the snow and I remember one time and the Germans were deadly with their mortar fire. We lost a lot of guys with that. SY: Yeah, JP: And you got a…. SY: Did you lose any close friends? JP: Yeah, one kid that I really, was in my squad and he was a pretty neat guy. Well he was a student from someplace in Iowa, and he went, I'm not sure. So in a particular mortar fire we both dove under a Jeep and he was hit in both legs and I wasn't and I remember he cruelly said, "Jack, I can't move my legs," and he said, "Give me my wound pills." So he carried what they call wound pills, which were sulfur type pill. Penicillin hadn't been discovered then. So we, I gave him sulfur and a drink of water to get it down and then the medics got him out of there. You got to appreciate there were no heli—the only reason way to guy who was wounded out was by stretcher to a point where you could put him on a Jeep the Jeeps had a, they'd take two, two stretchers in the front and two in the back and that's the way they got him back to the nearest aid station or field hospital. But I remember this one place where we were so thin that we would take the machine guns most of the air cooled, we did have water cooled guns too, and we'd fire bursts of them and then we'd run about fifty yards further up and fire 'em and try and convince the Germans there were a lot of us and there weren't, there were only us few. And they said, "You know, stop 'em if you can, if you can't they'll go through, so just let 'em go." So…. SY: How long were you fighting there? Was it a couple of weeks, right? JP: Yeah well yeah. Yeah I think the worst of it were over by the middle of, or the latter part of January. I remember one thing that I thought was funny afterwards is this other guy and I were in this foxhole and you could hear all this noise and we thought the whole German army was attacking us. And we were issued hand grenades and I threw I would say five or six hand grenades as fast as I could and then it all quieted down and the next morning when I looked out to see what happened and we killed a bunch of rabbits. So… SY: Huh, 8 JP: So… SY: Really? JP: Yeah… so, that was… SY: What did you think in that moment looking at the rabbits? JP: [laughs] I thought, those poor bastards, you know, SY: Right, right, JP: Yeah so…. SY: Oh my God, you guys you must have been terrified in that foxhole? JP: Well you got, you know, mostly you were cold. We had grabbed sheets out of the houses and tried to use them as camouflage over us because of to, blend in with the snow you know so. SY: Mhmm, JP: So, SY: Did you have, did you have enough boot—were your boots okay? Did you warm clothes or were you just freezing? JP: Well our clothing was pretty limited, we all had a blanket that we somehow wrapped up around us or tried to. The boots were, we had standard issue boots but it wasn't till later in January we were pulled back they gave us shoe packs that had rubber on the bottom, you know, the L.L. Bean type of shoe where our feet were then, then finally warm. There were a lot of guys that got frozen feet and loss—lost a couple of toes as long as you didn't lose your big toe, you were alright. SY: I was just gonna say, did they send you home for that or no? JP: No, no SY: No they didn't send you home for that? Huh, okay. So you never, you didn't get wounded during the Battle of the Bulge? But yet did you have, it sounds like you had some near misses though? JP: Yeah, I had some near misses, they, there was a lot of small arm fire and machine guns, the Germans have what they call a Burp gun which is probably a, which was fired faster. We were had the M1s where we had eight cartridge clips and you could fire as you could pull but the Germans had sort of an automatic weapon, I guess somewhat like a Tommy gun, but the Tommy gun was old, you know and heavy, so. SY: Was combat what you thought it would be or was it very different than what you'd expected? JP: It probably pretty much the way we had, you got to appreciate that we did, we shot, other than firing the machine gun through for effect our rifles we shot one we saw somebody to shoot at. We didn't just fire intermittently yeah. I see in the movies or the way they do now they fire bursts and stuff like that and general direction, we didn't do that. We fired at individuals who were firing at us so. It wa… SY: So that was what you, so was what you expected it was? JP: Yeah, yeah. We had been trained liked you know, part of our infantry training had been with bayonets so we were prepared to the fact that we'd have a close close warfare we never got to the point where we 9 had to use the bayonets and eventually it's something like, they gave us gas masks and we trained for gas masks a lot. And finally threw 'em away 'cause you got to get rid of anything that was too heavy to carry you know, so. SY: Right, I mean those were sort of World War I that they were sort training you a little bit for World War I? JP: Yeah right, SY: Yeah that makes sense. Do you remember what you would joke about to keep your spirits up if you sang and what you sang things like that? JP: No I don't remember much singing. SY: What about jokes? JP: Well there were a couple of guys that, and I don't remember what they were there were some guys that were really happier that other guys we had one guy we called, "Happy," and he was we thought a little nuts, he had come into our outfit as a replacement after being in the Aleutians so I thought you know how bad can it be. But and I had another friend in our platoon, I remember his name was Eddie Indamowicz and he had been in the Aleutians, came home, and was there forty-five days and sent our outfit as a replacement and thought how bad can it get, you know? SY: And what? JP: I said, I thought he had it as bad as here could get, you know? SY: Yeah, JP: Yeah, SY: Yeah. Hey did you have any good luck charms to keep you safe, things you would do, superstitious things you would do to keep yourself safe in battle? JP: No, I didn't have any of that. SY: You didn't have any of that. Okay, so then the Battle of the Bulge ended, do you remember the ending, do you remember the Allied victory? JP: No, no it wasn't like that, it's just that I remember one of the things was that there. Germans had a lot of horses and their tanks were much superior, their Tiger tank was much better than our Sherman tank, I thought and but they ran out of fuel and they used horses to try to aim their guns and the American artillery knocked, killed a lot of horses. So that it for a while everywhere you went as you went through you saw dead horses so. I didn't know they were good to eat at the time we were living on K Rations and K Rations and D Bars so yeah… SY: And did people eat them later? JP: Well horse meat is a standard fixture in Paris, in France yeah they eat 'em all the time. SY: So okay, so how did you, so how did it all end for you at the Battle of the Bulge? When did you, you guys kept walking right? Through Czechoslovakia and through Germany? 10 JP: Well we did a lot of. Part of our deal was clearing mine fields and clearing the roads ahead of the tanks. So we went ahead of the tanks to make sure they, the Germans had what the call a teller mine that would, they would plant and it was our job to clean them out before that time and so we did that under fire which wasn't too healthy. We were the outfit that helped breached the Siegfried Line which was the German pillbox line and under fire from the tanks. My job was to climb on top of the pillbox and use what they called a shape charge to blow a hole in it and then we'd drop grenades and try to kill all the Germans inside the pillbox, and then when they came out a lot of them, I didn't know one particular case which is a large pillbox they came out and with their hands up of course and except for the SS lieutenant who said he would not surrender so we killed him. But in one case there was a guy in our I guess he was 3rd platoon whose family was German and he spoke regular German and he went, we went into the pillbox and he got on the phone it was connected to other pillboxes and told them that he was a commandant for German and to surrender and we surprise, we were surprised that we had gone by a pillbox and hadn't even seen it was so well camouflaged and two guys came walking out that with their hands up. So we thought that unusual, yeah. SY: Wow JP: Yeah, SY: Wow, huh. JP: So. SY: Interesting, okay so, so you reached the Siegfried, the Siegfried Line. JP: Siegfried, yeah, yeah, SY: And then you just kept walking? JP: Well or on trucks or on the tanks, we rode on the tanks, too. We were involved with the Rhine and I think that was towards the end of March, right. I'm not sure of the dates here. It's been so many years ago. But I was in the first wave at Saint Goarshausen across the Rhine and they had given us motors to we took part of the 89th Division across and in the first wave we had some gun fire and not too much and got over and got into the town and then it was all rifle fire. I remember shooting a women that was firing at us and I don't know whether I killed her or not but anyways stopped firing. But the second wave in the second wave the Germans opened up from above one of those castles and I'm told they killed 100 guys. So it was a bloody thing, so… SY: Wow, yeah, JP: But we secured the town and slept in the German beds that night [chucklses] so it was good. And then it… SY: Really? JP: Yeah, then the next morning I got up and one of the guys came into me and said, "Jack, look there's a deer up there, about 150 yards away," and actually there are two of them and I shot them both and they came down the mountain and we had a guy who was a, knew how to butcher 'em. So we cut him into steaks and soaked them in red wine and ate 'em night, they were really good. SY: Mhmm….probably the best thing you'd eaten in a very long time? JP: Yeah, right, yeah. 11 SY: Yeah, yeah, what was the, what did the countryside look like that you were moving through? JP: Well, it was mostly, when we went through the German farms, and German's place, like that they, the German people came right out and repaired their their land because you know we kind of beat it up. They didn't, the French didn't seem to do that and I don't know, they had been at us so long that they thought it would continue to you know be messed up. But you know it was a lot of riding. I remember once riding in we were riding in six by sixes, trucks and we had a squad in each truck and we were strafed by a—they rode what they had what they call cat eyes on the front of us. Front of the truck where the enabled the driver to see the next truck in front of them and course you couldn't have headlights or anything like that. And we were strafed and they pulled over quickly and we all jumped out and ran as far away as we could but there were two guys who were replacements and they dove, dove under the trailer we were pulling and afterwards when it was over and we climbed back into the truck. They said, "You guys were crazy running like like that." And he said, "We jumped on this trailer." And he said, "Yeah but that trailer had 700 pounds of TNT in it." I said, "You'd gone to smithereens if they ever had." So in that particular thing they, their machine guns went through the windshield but right between the two guys that were riding there and didn't kill the other one. So I thought that was kind of different. SY: Wow, JP: Yeah, SY: So, so tell me about Buchenwald, JP: Well the concentration camp was freed by, I don't— either the 82nd Airborne or the 101st one of the first of those two airborne division. We came in afterwards and ah— SY: Afterwards, JP: Well it couldn't have been too long afterwards because the kilns were still hot where they cremated the bodies and there were wagon loads of bodies that had been gassed, just piled like cordwood on a thing. There were some gas… SY: It must have been there, just a day or two after the first Americans got there? JP: I'm sorry I didn't hear you Sarah. SY: I said, it must have been just a day or two after the first Americans got there? JP: Oh yeah, SY: If the bodies were still there, JP: Oh yeah the bodies were still there and the crem—the kilns were still hot too, so. There were guys skinny as could be and were had been that were prisoners there and we gave 'em our K Rations so they'd have something to eat you know they had, I think, and afterwards I heard that the general in charge of that section marched all of the people from Weimar which this is a town outside of the concentration down there to show what had been going on 'cause they acted like they didn't know what was, which I don't think was true. But… SY: I ah, yeah I've read that, I've read that too, that he made everybody— JP: Yeah, SY: Everybody from Weimar walked through 12 JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: And that somebody laughed and he made them all do it again actually. JP: Yeah, SY: He made them do a second tour. So did you, did you know what you were walking into before you got there? JP: No, SY: So how did you all figure out what was going on, do you remember your first thoughts? Do you remember what you said to each other? JP: We just couldn't believe it. We couldn't after all we had no knowledge of, you know our communications we had no communications we didn't know about the concentration camps or things like that and there was no newspaper or there was. You just went where you were told you know followed so forth. So I didn't have any particular, I thought it was horrible and just it added to hating the Germans a little more you know? SY: Yeah [coughs] how long were you there? JP: Oh just a matter of hours. SY: Really? JP: Then we moved on, yeah sure. There was nothing for us to do there, they were some of the other, I guess they moved in a soup kitchen and things like that to feed the people who were left and sorted it out, so…. SY: Did any of the inmates speak English? Did you have conversations with any of them? JP: No, no. SY: And the kilns were still hot, did you see smoke or had they…? JP: No they were just hot, they just were cooling down and so forth. They wanted cigarettes the prisoners you know we had cigarettes. We were issued a carton a week of cigarettes and then all the K Rations, these K Rations had five cigarettes in it so when we gave the K Rations they thought that was just unbelievable to have cigarettes. SY: Were they, were they smoking them or trading them? JP: Oh no, strictly smoking them, strictly smoking. SY: So you pulled out of Buchenwald [coughs] and did you talk about with each other? JP: Oh yeah, sure. SY: What you say? Do you remember the conversations? JP: No, not I remember, you know our whole thing was moving on, moving on. When we were, we were in Patton's Army and I remember back in I think in early February we were pulled back from the line and were put through we'd been in the same clothes since December and we obviously all smelled pretty well and what do you when sleep in the—eat, sleep, in the same clothes a lot and they had what they called a13 Shark, shower group and we would rack our equipment our arms and take off all our clothes and heave 'em into a bin and then you'd go into a, they had forty-eight showers set up and you got one minute a rinse, one minute a soap, and one minute a rinse again and that was it. And then you'd… SY: You probably still smelled? JP: Yeah and then you got all new— new clothes and I remember we had a, what would you call it a clipper that you could use in and we'd give each other's haircuts with this clipper to 'cause you know that was the only thing you could do and you know it was easier to have shorter hair under your helmets. SY: So what you do after Buchenwald? JP: Well, we moved on. Did a lot of clean up and with the tanks and so forth and actually we moved up for it and we were ready for a assault crossing, got across the Danube when in May when the war was declared over. So we moved on and they took us into a place called Ejar, E-J-A-R, Czechoslovakia and we built a bridge there over a railroad crossing or something like that, a bridge that would carry the tanks into that and we stayed there and then we were pulled back because the Russians took over that territory. Hey, can you excuse me a minute? I'll be right back. Oral history pauses, with background noise, and then resumes JP: Hi, I'm back, SY: Hi, you're back, JP I'm back, yeah that was quick, SY: Excellent, JP: Too much too much coffee, SY: Too much coffee, I know that problem. Okay, so it seems like we're getting to the end, close to the end of the war. So where were you on VE Day? JP: On VE Day we were in, I think we were in Czechoslovakia. We'd gone there, they stopped the fighting I think on one day and then couple of days later they it was it a fish hole. So we had moved into Czechoslovakia. Then let's see they moved us the Russians came and took over our positions in Czech and we moved back to Austria and actually we moved back and we had a deluxe accommodations which was a guest house which is a small hotel and we took it over and our platoon, and I remember another guy and I actually had a bed to sleep in and we had [airplane flies in background] you know by then they had ah they were set up with a cook, the cooks and all we had meals, real meals and all. SY: How long had it been since you'd slept in a bed? JP: Well [chuckles] a long time I guess since I was in England. SY: Since you were in England, JP: Yeah, SY: Wow. So [coughs] do you remember when, how did you hear that, how did you hear, about, the victory? 14 JP: Oh it came down from our headquarters they came through and told us all about it, you know it would get a platoon of us together and tell us you know the war was basically over as far as we were concerned. SY: And what would you, what did you do? JP: Well we thought that was great. I think we probably drank you know, we confiscated all kinds of wine and beer and liquor and we drank it all up. [chuckles] Yeah so that was it, SY: You probably had a big party, and so then, then what happened? So you know victory's been declared and the war is basically over it's over in Europe and so where'd they send ya? JP: They moved us back to Marcé and there our equipment was checked over. Some of the guys who had the highest points like the fellows who had been in the Aleutians were taken away from our unit and we had replacements come in and they told us basically that we were sailing for the Philippines. So we were actually on the boat, there were four boats in the group I was in. It's started out and I was in the last one to leave and we ran into a bad storm and they put us in back of the Canary Islands for a day that's what I heard anyway for the worst of it to get through and we were in the middle of the ocean when the war in Europe was declared over and but the first three boats in our group went through the Panama Canal to the Philippines and we were diverted into Boston we were had been scheduled to be a part of landing in Tokyo which was scheduled for November 1, 1945. So that we put… SY: And so you heard that the bomb had been dropped while you were on the boat? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah and they announced that you? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah, and that's why you got diverted to Boston? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Were you relieved? JP: Yeah, well in a way, I at the time we knew we were going to the Philippines but we didn't know. It was until fifty years later that we found out that we were part of the landing group into Tokyo. SY: How did you find it out? JP: Well they didn't release those orders until 1995 and a friend of mine who was with the 4th Marine Division who I still talk to he was able to get a hold of the orders and we found out that we were, the Philippines was where the gathering place for the landings were in that's where we were scheduled to go. The guys in…. SY: No idea that you were on your way? JP: No, SY: That's interesting, JP: No, no the guys that went through the canal all the way to the Philippines they ended up playing cards for three months and then they came and brought them back. So…15 SY: And you guys went to Boston, and what was it like when you arrived in Boston? JP: It was nothing we arrived at Boston, we went get—we were I think we took us to Myles Stand—either Myles Standish, or Fort Devens and were given thirty day leave and then we were on leave they gave us another thirty or forty-five days and then they told us to report back to. I was supposed to report back to Devens in the middle of December for discharge and I got back there and they said, "You got the mumps," so I was sent into the hospital and was there for three weeks and then was discharged the first week in January. SY: Was it hard to adjust to life back home? JP: Well it, you know all the guys I knew. Buddies of mine were same age bracket we'd all been in the service together so we you know, we were with them and actually when I got out of the service on a Thursday and my father worked for the Southern New England Telephone Company and he came home on Friday and said, "You have a job starting Monday." So I didn't have, so I worked for the telephone company and I had checked with Norwich and the semester started in February. So I went back to college in February and my, one of my old roommates there, his name was Ken Clary. He and I roomed together until he spoiled it and got married. Yeah and anyway…. SY: What was it like to back at school after having been at war? JP: Well we were, when we came back to Norwich we came back as civilians we did—we were not in uniform. They had a Cadet Corps but as far as we were concerned we were strictly there to complete our education and I lived for a while in one of the dorms and then we I moved I was in SAE and I moved to the SAE House for rest of the time I was there. SY: I've heard from other, from other things from other people and from things I've read that it was, it was kind of, that Norwich didn't seemed to be equipped for returning veterans? JP: No I would say that. They seemed they gave me so much credit so I had only had another year to go and my and they sort of rushed us through to get rid of us I felt. But that's alright. SY: Why do you think they did that? JP: Well they wanted to be back to their Corps of having you know a complete complete military again and that's what I thought anyway. But… SY: Did you consider staying in the military or going back in or were you done after you came back from the war? JP: Well you know my brother was a tail gunner in a B-24 he completed his fifty-six raids or fifty-four and the spring of '45 actually spring of '44 and he had been in same length of time as I had and we thought nah that you know what I was in couldn't couldn't get any better so and we talked about staying in but we both decided on hell with it let's get out of here. So then we did. SY: Yeah, both of you together? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: So somebody described to me there was a basically like a trailer park off campus, where the vets lived? JP: Maybe they were the married vets but not, 16 SY: Married vets yeah, do you remember that or no? JP: I remember there was a, yeah there was some Quonset huts they built and they put hardwood flooring in them and a guy by the name of Bill Peck who was a friend of mine and I had been in actually he, Bill and I had been in University of Missouri together. Although I don't know where he went after that, he went to an infantry. But he and I went down there looking for a jobs and they said, "Do you know to put in hardwood flooring?" and Bill said, "Oh sure," and he didn't know either that's what we did and that was one of the jobs we had. SY: And that was where the married veterans lived? JK: Yeah, right, yeah, yeah, yeah, SY: Hmm…interesting, interesting. So how often do you, did you talk about the war? Did you talk about the war with your friends and family when you came back throughout the rest of your life? Or has it been something you didn't think about that much? JP: I really didn't think about it that much. Sometimes you know, some of it comes back to you but I was able to get it off my mind. I had other things to think about too. SY: Yeah. So tell me briefly about what you did after you graduated from Norwich? JP: Well after I graduated from Norwich, my dad wanted me to work for telephone company and I didn't want to do that 'cause I couldn't stand the manager that I talked to at the Bridgeport office. He had told me how he's start me at a certain salary and after six months I'd be reviewed and all this kind of stuff and be taken care of for the rest of my life. And that didn't appeal to me. And I had an uncle who worked for Hartford Empire who make glass making machinery and as an engineer I had an opportunity to go to Saudi Arabia but that you had to sign a two year contract and I didn't want to do that and actually the fellow that lived across the street from me was a guy by the name of Bob Keeeny, and Bob and I had grown up together from seventh grade or seven-years-old on and he but he had gone. He was going to Wesleyan University and had gone in the V whatever it is program there, had graduated and like June of '45 and then sent to San Diego and he was on the Indianapolis when it was sunk and he died on that. But his father owned this plumbing company, plumbing manufacturing company and he asked me if I wanted to come to work over there so that's where I started working and I started working selling for them and working as their in their sales management group. SY: And then you stayed in sales management for the rest of your career, right? JP: Yeah, well pretty much I went. I left that company and went to Bridgeport Brass Company and here again I was sale manager of the copper water division and the plumbing division and they decided they would move that division from Bridgeport, Connecticut down south for better wages and so forth and so I got to be the manager and we moved the company to Moultrie, Georgia which is fifty miles north of Tallahassee and I went down there with four of the guys we hired, set the company up moved all the machinery down from Bridgeport and hired 300 people. So it was down there for four years and from there I told them you know that I didn't want my kids living in the south. I had three kids and the schools are just, were, the day, the year we got there they added the twelfth grade to the high school and so they offered me a job working out of New York in their international division so I did that for three or four years I forget which yeah. SY: Excellent. So how do you think your time at Norwich influenced your later life? 17 JP: Well it's hard to say. I guess I guess one of the early things that, in Norwich you learned real quick to obey orders and that's one of the things that I [chuckles] kept with me all through the Army and even in business you learn to who is the boss and who is you supposed to tell. Do what they tell you, you know that type of thing. SY: Did you also learn how to be a leader? JP: I would say so, yeah, yeah. SY: And what about this idea of citizen soldier or service, is that something you think about or relate to as you're sort of gone through your life? JP: Well as opposed to the volunteers that they have now you mean? SY: Yeah, I mean I guess it's just—No I mean, not the actually opposed to that, I mean, I guess the premise of the citizen soldier of the founding of the school was the idea of people who were both educated and also in the military. So it's sort of combining the liberal arts, right? With the military training at the same time? JP: Well, I think that's, I think that the military training is something that you'll lives with you the rest of your life. My son's, son or his wife or present wife's has a son who is a senior in high school and thinking about going on to college obviously and he said he'd liked to work in the State Department and I suggested he go to Norwich because you know he would have to complete there and then be in the service for four years. But I thought, I said "that will be the best background you'll ever had for working for the State Department." And but after getting that information and finding that they get up at 5:30 every morning he was no longer interested in that. SY: [laughs] What about as you've gone through your life and watched the U.S. enter into other wars, how do you feel about your war versus the wars that followed? JP: I think our war was very different in that we had sort of lines of demarcation. We knew who the Germans and who were the Allies versus now. They seem to have people coming at 'em from different directions and coming across the Pakistan border and things like that. I think it's a very different, and the method of fighting is very different you know everything is automatic weapons, automatic weapons. We didn't have that stuff, it was more of an individual fight. SY: Hmm…interesting. JP: Yeah, SY: Well I don't' think I have any more questions for you. JP: Okay, SY: Is there anything you want to add in that you didn't get to talk about? JP: No I think we covered everything, yeah. SY: I think we've covered everything. You sound kind of tired too. I'm a little tired, we've been talking for a long time. JP: [laughs] Yeah, no yeah, I see it's almost 11:30 here yeah so. Well I appreciate the invite. How did— SY: Thank you so much for talking. 18 JP: Yeah, are you, will you have a recording of this, is that right? SY: Yeah we'll have a recording of this that we'll send you and then we'll also ah have a transcript that we'll send you. JP: Oh great, great, 'cause my son— SY: Listen to it and then if there's that something factually wrong or something that you want to keep private, you can tell me and then we'll edit that out. JP: Yeah, now— SY: So that's, so you'll getting stuff in the mail from me, JP: Yeah I didn't tell you any of the nasty stuff, so. SY: Oh yeah, why not? JP: Or any of the sexy stuff [laughs] SY: Any of the what? JP: Any of the sexy stuff, SY: Oh well those are all the important stories for oral history, you should tell me some of them now. [laughs] JP: I thought one of the things that was really interesting is that and course we went—and a lot of our training in basic was how to avoid getting social diseases, you know? SY: Right, JP: And the other thing was that the Army seemed to recognize that was the guys all needed to have their sexual relations and in Marcé in the Stars and Stripes they said there's 20,000 pros, plus 7 semi pros and amateurs here in town so. SY: So you guys on your time off would wander into town? JP: It was available yeah, so that's all. No other than that not too much. SY: That sounds great. And it was France? JP: Right, right, SY: Which was exciting for a young American man? JP: Yeah, yeah, SY: Yeah, JP: Right, SY: Yeah, were there any moments when you had real ethical dilemmas? Where you really struggled with something with an order that you didn't want to follow? JP: No, 19 SY: Something like that? No? JP: No, no I didn't have any of that, so. Anyways thank you so much for your interest. SY: Thanks for telling your story, I really appreciate it. JP: Okay, I'll look forward to it hearing from, SY: Okay, alright have a good day, JP: Thank you bye. SY: Bye, bye.
