Suchergebnisse

Вступление. Статья посвящается рассмотрению государственного регулирования предпринимательской деятельности в условиях глобализационных процессов, новым формам государственного регулирования предпринимательской деятельности в развитых странах (ЕС, США, Япония), в том числе государственно-частному партнерству. В условиях макроэкономической нестабильности одной из проблем является эффективное распределение ответственности и рисков между государственным и частным секторами экономики. На современном этапе развития Украина находится в стадии формирования новой модели государственного управления. В связи с этим актуальным остается изучение государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в развитых странах в условиях глобализации. Целью статьи является изучение опыта государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в развитых странах и в Украине в условиях глобализации. Метод (методология): Работа основывается на методологии институционализма, а также на применении различных методов научного познания, а именно, эмпирического и диалектического методов для анализа государственного регулирования малого и среднего бизнеса в условиях глобализации, методов исторического, сравнительного и причинно-следственного анализа для определения системы мер по минимизации рисков между государственным и частным секторами экономики. Теоретической базой исследования являются труды классиков экономической теории, работы отечественных исследователей в сфере государственного регулирования бизнеса в условиях глобализационных процессов. Результаты: Реализация государственной политики, обеспечивающей благоприятные условия для развития малого и среднего бизнеса, требует усовершенствования правовой, финансовой и институциональной системы, эффективное функционирование которой предполагает постоянное взаимодействие и координацию деятельности всех ее элементов при минимальном дублировании функций, ориентацию как на общие цели социально-экономической политики государства, так и на интересы субъектов малого предпринимательства. Характерно большое разнообразие вариантов, используемых при формировании системы государственной поддержки малого предпринимательства с учетом особенностей государственного и политического устройства, направлений экономического развития, традиций регулирования и самоорганизации предпринимательской деятельности, состояние бюджетной и кредитно-финансовой системы, а также множества других факторов. В связи с этим прямое перенесение на украинскую экономику американской, немецкой или любой другой модели государственной поддержки малого и среднего бизнеса не представляется возможным. В то же время исследование организационных структур и механизмов поддержки малого и среднего бизнеса в других странах позволяет выявить общие черты, которые имеются в каждой из них, несмотря на те или иные национальные особенности. Они могут быть использованы при формировании системы поддержки и развития сектора малого и среднего бизнеса в Украине. ; Introduction. The article is devoted to the government regulation of entrepreneurship under the conditions of globalization. The new forms of entrepreneurship regulation in developed countries (such as EU, USA, Japan), including public-private partnerships are analyzed. It is stressed that in macroeconomic instability context the problem of efficient allocation of responsibilities and risks between the public and private sectors is one of the most urgent. Since nowadays Ukraine is forming a new model of governance, the study of state regulation of small and medium businesses under globalization remains relevant. The purpose of the article is a study of experience of state regulation of small and medium enterprises in developed countries and in Ukraine within the context of globalization. Methodology of work. The work is based on the methodology of institutionalism, as well as on the use of different scientific methods, namely, the empirical and dialectical methods for the analysis of government regulation of small and medium-sized businesses in the context of globalization. The methods of historical, comparative and causal analysis are also applied to determine the measures to minimize the risks between the public and private sectors. Theoretical base for the study are the works of the classics of economic theory, the works of national researchers in the field of government regulation of business in the context of globalization. The results of work: The implementation of public policy, providing favorable conditions for the development of small and medium-sized businesses requires improvement of the legal, financial and institutional systems. The effective functioning of these systems involves constant interaction and coordination of all the elements with minimal duplication of functions, the orientation of both the general objectives of socio-economic policy of the state and the interests of small businesses. There is great variety of options used in the formation of the system of state support of small business, taking into account the features of the state and political system, economic development trends, traditions and self-regulation of business, the state budget and fiscal systems and many other factors. In this regard the direct transfer of American, German or any other model of state support for small and medium businesses to the Ukrainian economy is not possible. At the same time, the study of organizational structures and mechanisms for small and medium businesses support in other countries let the researchers identify common features each of them, in spite of these or that national characteristics. Awareness of these features can be useful for the formation of a support and development of small and medium businesses system of in Ukraine.

The role of the judge during the Roman Republic was decisive and thenabolished and relegated to the "mouth of the law" with the French Revolution. For his part, the judge in the common scheme, he is creator of law and its role is determinant in the American legal system. The Colombian legal reality has been marked by a leading role of constitutional jurisprudence in the area of fundamental rights and public policies. To that extent, the separation of powers in Colombia is due to a figure that has developed since 1991. The classical conception of the separation of powers or balance of powers has been reinterpreting; a new version involves the judge and the precedent. Jurisprudence as a source of law in the time of the Roman Republic, its absolute rejection in the French Revolution and its reinterpretation in the 20th century, are evidence of the inclusion of the judge on the constitutional stage as the guarantor of democracy and of a living right. Undeniably the political role as a creator of law by the constitutional judge, define and interpret the content of the Constitution. Therefore, the current democracy responds to a reinterpretation of the separation of powers and the inclusion of the judge on the legal stage. To that extent, the scope of the judicial activism responds to an interpretive activity and creation of judges under the name of precedent. In Colombia, this activism through the Acción de tutela, has generated great achievements at the level of recognition of fundamental rights and primacy of agile and effective legal mechanisms, but more than anything else, it reflects the shortcomings of a legal system that does not respond to the needs of the society. What are the limits of a Constitutional Court that has revolutionized the Colombian legal universe? Certainly article 241 of the COP, which implies not exercise functions of other powers, not "become legislator, replace the Government in the policy direction or decide the causes of ordinary jurisdiction". However, as its main functions are, exercise control over constitutionality of laws and the defense of fundamental rights, it is difficult to set limits to the constitutional courts. It is necessary to the image of the common law to create the jurisprudential corpus and a series of precise parameters that generate harmony, from the resolution of cases fill the gaps and above all to create legal certainty. ; El papel del juez durante la República Romana fue determinante y luegoabolido y relegado a la "boca de la ley" con la Revolución Francesa. Porsu parte, en el esquema anglosajón el juez es creador de derecho y su papeles determinante en el ordenamiento jurídico norteamericano. La realidadjurídica colombiana se ha visto marcada por un rol protagónico de lajurisprudencia constitucional en materia de derechos fundamentales y depolíticas públicas. En esa medida, la separación de poderes en Colombiaobedece a una figura que ha evolucionando desde 1991. La concepciónclásica de separación de poderes, o de balance de poderes se ha venidoreinterpretando; una nueva versión involucra al juez y el precedente.La jurisprudencia como fuente del derecho en la época de la RepúblicaRomana, su absoluto rechazo en la Revolución Francesa y su reinterpretaciónen el siglo XX, dan muestra de la inclusión del juez en el escenarioconstitucional como garante de la democracia y del derecho viviente. Esinnegable el papel político y creador del derecho por parte del juez Constitucional,ya que definir e interpretar el contenido de la Constitución es unacto de creación del derecho. Por lo tanto, la democracia actual respondea una reinterpretación de la separación de poderes y la inclusión del juezen el escenario jurídico. En esa medida, el alcance del activismo judicialresponde a una actividad interpretativa y de creación de los jueces bajola denominación de precedente. En Colombia, ese activismo a través dela acción de tutela, ha generado grandes logros a nivel de reconocimientode derechos fundamentales y de primacía de mecanismos jurídicos ágilesy eficaces, pero más que nada refleja las carencias de un sistema jurídicoque no responde a las necesidades de la sociedad.¿Cuáles son los límites de una Corte Constitucional que ha revolucionadoel universo jurídico colombiano? El artículo 241 de la Constitución Política,le impide ejercer funciones propias de otros poderes, pues no debe"convertirse en legislador, sustituir al gobierno en la dirección políticao decidir las causas propias de la jurisdicción ordinaria"1. No obstante,como sus funciones principales son ejercer el control de constitucionalidadde las leyes y la defensa de los derechos fundamentales, es difícilfijar los límites a la justicia constitucional. Es necesario, partiendo delcommon law, ir creando el corpus jurisprudencial y una serie de parámetrosprecisos que a partir de la resolución de casos generen armonía,llenen los vacíos y ante todo forjen seguridad jurídica.

International audience ; L'idée centrale de cette contribution résidera dans le questionnement et la déconstruction du style paranoïaque compris comme outil d'analyse des phénomènes conspirationnistes à la fois aux États-Unis, où l'expression est apparue sous la plume de l'historien Richard Hofstadter dans le courant des années 1960, et en France, en analysant notamment les travaux de Pierre-André Taguieff.Ainsi, il s'agira, via un travail épistémologique s'appuyant sur les écrits des auteurs, de revenir sur la genèse et les conditions d'apparition, dans le champ des sciences sociales, d'études sur les phénomènes conspirationnistes aux États-Unis et en France en montrant qu'elles ne résultent non pas d'une volonté d'observation d'un fait social parmi d'autres mais plutôt d'une construction intellectuelle contre. En effet, il conviendra de montrer que l'émergence de travaux relatifs à l'existence de phénomènes conspirationnistes s'inscrit dans une démarche de défense de la théorie historique du consensus, c'est-à-dire la thèse d'une histoire politique et sociale pacifique construite et acceptée par l'ensemble des catégories sociales car elles partageraient un certain nombre de valeurs parmi lesquelles l'adhésion à la démocratie libérale ou encore au libre échange. Cette démarche de défense de la thèse du consensus se doit d'abord d'être expliquée par le parcours politique et militant des protagonistes, Hofstadter ou Taguieff : leur rupture avec le communisme qui les a conduit à adhérer aux valeurs de la gauche libérale voire même à celles du néo-conservatisme. En effet, comme l'a reconnu Taguieff, son intérêt et ses travaux sur les phénomènes et la rhétorique conspirationnistes sont le résultat de sa renonciation à ce qu'il considère comme ses errements passés, une critique radicale des démocraties politiques occidentales qu'il voit aujourd'hui comme relevant des thèses complotistes. Aussi, cette rupture personnelle des auteurs dans leur parcours politique et intellectuel va les conduire à remettre en question la légitimité et la rationalité des critiques radicales de ce qu'Arthur Schlesinger avait dénommé le « centre vital ». Aux États-Unis, c'est avec la publication de l'ouvrage d'Hofstadter, The Age of Reform, qu'apparaît l'utilisation de la théorie du complot comme interprétation savante des critiques radicales et des revendications des dominés exprimées par le Parti Populiste américain à l'endroit du système politique libéral et de ses valeurs. Il appartiendra alors de déconstruire le raisonnement d'Hofstadter afin de montrer comment il établit, au nom de la défense du centre vital, une causalité nécessaire entre critique radicale du système politique américain et la formulation de thèses conspirationnistes. Hofstadter postule ainsi le caractère irrationnel a priori du mouvement Populiste qui le pousse à envisager la société comme mue par un antagonisme et un conflit entre deux classes sociales avec d'un côté une majorité populaire opprimée et exploitée et de l'autre une élite minoritaire omnipotente et conspirationniste. « Les populistes croient qu'ils sont délibérément opprimés, ce qui les conduit à percevoir les événements de leur époque comme le résultat d'une conspiration » concluait-il. En France également, des politistes et des sociologues comme Taguieff, Nathalie Heinich ou l'article des chercheurs Coréens Park Jung Ho et Chung Sang Jin, « la théorie du complot comme un simulacre de sciences sociales ? », vont, certes à des degrés différents, développer l'idée que la sociologie critique de Pierre Bourdieu serait en quelque sorte une caution académique donnée aux fantasmes conspirationnistes dans sa recherche de lois sociologiques à même d'expliquer la reproduction ou l'hystérésis des mécanismes de domination ; l'attention étant toute portée aux expressions employées par Bourdieu d'un « gouvernement mondial invisible » et d'une « main invisible ». Condamnation des attaques du consensus libéral venant de la gauche d'un côté, mais aussi venant de la droite de l'autre ; l'expression de « centre vital » prend ici tout son sens. En effet, les intellectuels libéraux américains, Bell, Lipset, Parsons et bien entendu Hofstadter avec son célèbre The Paranoid Styles & Other Essays précédé d'Anti-intellectualism in American Life vont véritablement construire et utiliser le style paranoïaque comme réponse savante à l'émergence d'un conservatisme qu'ils jugent inapproprié et illégitime au regard des valeurs libérales et de la thèse du consensus. Ici encore, le processus à l'œuvre est de postuler l'irrationalité de mouvements comme le maccarthysme ou le soutien à la campagne présidentielle de Goldwater qui conduirait in fine à la formulation nécessaire de thèses conspirationnistes en découvrant des ennemis cachés et des forces occultes derrière le gouvernement ou les grandes institutions publiques et privées. De la même manière, en France, les travaux de Taguieff sur le conspirationnisme ne doivent pas cacher une volonté réelle de condamner et de délégitimer les critiques radicales adressées à l'État d'Israël ou aux États-Unis. Restera enfin à poser la question de savoir si cette genèse intéressée invalide les travaux des auteurs à tel point que le recours à leurs outils, le concept de leader paranoïaque en tout particulier, doit être abandonné. La réponse est bien entendu négative mais il nous faut, lorsque nous nous les réapproprions, en donner, nous le montrerons, des définitions plus empiriques et détachées de nos préférences politiques afin d'en faire réellement des concepts politologiques ou sociologiques opératoires.

Last summer, during an overnight bus trip from New Delhi to Srinagar -- the summer capital of the Indian-controlled state of Jammu and Kashmir -- I met a young man, with non-branded aviator sunglasses perched on his head, accompanied by two Canadian male backpackers about his age. He responded to the questions of his traveling companions in English with a mix of British and American accents. "You'll love this journey," he assured them. "You are going to heaven." He gave them two bottles of mineral water and some biscuits before retiring on a seat beside me. The bus was crammed with people from across North India: Punjabis, Biharis, and a handful of Kashmiris. As we drove out of Delhi, the man with the aviators tapped me on my shoulder. He asked me in Hindi if I was interested in trading my window seat for his aisle seat. I declined curtly. In return he offered a handshake. He switched to Kashmiri. "Are you Kashmiri?" he asked me. "Your accent sounds Kashmiri." This man was Amir Bashir, a twenty-year-old tour operator from Srinagar who'd worked in Delhi for three years. When I meet Kashmiris outside of Kashmir, the resulting conversations follow a familiar path: we briefly discuss our professional life before quickly identifying the Srinagar neighborhood where we grew up and figuring out who we know in common. These conversations almost always reveal a mutual connection, some distant cousin. In our case, there was no one. But we quickly found common ground as Kashmiris in Delhi. We discussed how the city is faster-paced and more developed than Kashmir; the ease of commuting on the subway; how expensive clothes and restaurants have become. The conversation soon veered back to familiar ground among displaced Kashmiris: we agreed that if the valley had jobs and economic opportunities, neither of us would have left. In Kashmir it's inappropriate for men to talk about their girlfriends or even to speak to them in someone else's presence, but Bashir immediately opened up to me, discussing how a difficult situation he'd encountered in Delhi had made his Japanese girlfriend very concerned for his safety. "She is very paranoid these days," he said, slowly edging away to make a phone call. I only caught bits and pieces: "Hello sweetheart. Oh my god. Fuck me. I am sorry." After the call Bashir apologized and explained why he needed to speak to her so urgently. A few weeks earlier, he'd come to blows with a friend from Delhi who was hosting a dinner, after Bashir had unconscionably expressed his hatred toward the Indian cricket team. He was asked to leave the table but instead launched into a scathing anti-India rant, criticizing the Indian army and questioning its presence in Kashmir. "He hit me with a large spoon," Bashir told me. "I pushed him away and ran off. Then he called my girlfriend and told her I will be hunted down soon. Now she is concerned about my safety." For the rest of the journey, Bashir explained his fears about living both inside and outside Kashmir. In tourism, guides play a crucial role. Apart from leading tours, the guides also prospect for tourists and sell them packages. Then they ferry them in a pattern where the cash flows from travel agents to transport companies to hotels-a loose confederation of natives from various Indian tourist destinations. Travel agents from Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh, two of India's most visited states, dominate North India's tourism industry. Kashmiri tourism is still haunted by the two-decade-old conflict. In 1990 the United Kingdom issued a travel advisory that warned British citizens about Kashmir's insurgency -- a guerilla war waged by separatists and those who wanted to join Pakistan. Though Kashmir is relatively calm compared to the 1990s -- the number of militants has plummeted and fighting is mostly confined to remote areas near the Indo-Pak border -- the advisory remained in effect until 2012. If tourists pour into Kashmir, other states anticipate a decline in their share. So guides from other states often exploit this fear to discourage tourism to Kashmir. Last winter, when foreign skiers thronged Gulmarg, a world-class ski resort in Kashmir famous for its powder, the government of Himachal Pradesh began an aggressive television campaign. "They even resorted to rumormongering," Bashir complained in Kashmiri. "They scare expats by saying that Kashmiris are terrorists and are in the business of kidnapping foreigners. They will never let us live happily." After a twenty-two-hour-long journey, I exited the bus in Srinagar. Bashir climbed on the roof of the bus and released two travel bags into the laps of his clients. After that, he bummed a cigarette from one of them. He wasn't carrying his own backpack, he said, because he is always on the move. "I am going back now, back to that hell," he said, blowing smoke rings from his cigarette in the air. Adapted from the source document.

Diese Arbeit will einen Beitrag zur historischen Bildungsforschung im Zusam-menhang der Modernisierung und Erweiterung des staatlichen Bildungswesens in Taiwan von 1885 bis 1987 leisten. Der Zeitraum umfasst in der Zeit von der Errich-tung der Provinz Taiwan unter dem chinesischen Kaiserreich bis zur Aufhebung des Kriegsrechts unter dem Regime der Nationalpartei Chinas (KMT). Im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert etablierte sich in West-Europa und in den USA ein vom Staat kontrolliertes Schulsystem, das als ein wesentliches Instrument zum Durch-brechen der feudalen Ständegesellschaft, zur Beseitigung des Analphabetismus und Erziehung zu mündigen und teuren Staatsbürgern sowie zur Ausbildung der für die Industrialisierung benötigten Arbeitskräfte dienen sollte. Dieses aus der westeuropä-ischen und nordamerikanischen Gesellschaft entstandene Bildungskonzept ist heute weltweiter Standard bei der Gestaltung von staatlicher Bildung. Im bestehenden Bildungssystem in Taiwan findet man ebenfalls Merkmale dieser westlichen Bil-dungskonzepte. Das zentrale Interesse dieser Arbeit richtet sich dabei auf die Trans-formationsprozesse westlicher Wertmuster bzw. Bildungskonzepte sowie die Gestal-tung eines modernen staatlichen Bildungssystems in Taiwan und die hierbei aufge-tretenen Problematiken. Bevor die westlichen Bildungskonzepte in Taiwan aufkamen, war die taiwanesische Erziehung und Bildung stark vom Konfuzianismus und dem System der kaiserlichen Beamtenprüfung innerhalb des chinesischen Reiches geprägt. Die konfuzianische Er-ziehung legte im Allgemeinen ihren Fokus auf humanistische und literarische Bildung zur Heranbildung der politischen und sozialen Führungspersonen, während sie wenig Rücksicht auf fachliche Berufsausbildung, naturwissenschaftliche Bildung und Er-ziehung zur wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung nahm. Die Modernisierung des taiwanesischen Bildungswesens begann zwar mit der Er-richtung der eigenständigen Provinz Taiwan 1885 im Zusammenhang mit der Selbststärkungsbewegung (1861-1894) des Ching-Kaiserreichs, wurde aber erst während der japanischen Kolonialzeit (1895-1944) richtig in Gang gesetzt. Die Ein-führung eines modernen staatlichen Bildungswesens in Taiwan in der Kolonialzeit diente zu einem der Integration an Japan, zum anderen aber auch der Kriegsbereit-schaft im Zusammenhang mit der Ausweitung des japanischen Imperialismus. Die KMT-Regierung bemühte sich nach dem Rückzug auf die Insel Taiwan besonders darum, die gesamte Bevölkerung zu kampfwilligen und loyalen Soldaten und später zu einsetzbaren Arbeitskräften auszubilden, damit sie sich von der Niederlage im Bürgerkrieg gegen die chinesischen Kommunisten erholen konnte. Vor dem Hinter-grund der militärischen Konkurrenz zwischen den USA und der Sowjetunion, vor allem nach dem Sputnik-Schock, erhielt die KMT-Regierung massive finanzielle und technische Förderung zum Aufbau von Berufsausbildungseinrichtungen und natur-wissenschaftlichen und technischen Bildungssystemen durch die US-Entwicklungshilfe. In den 1970er und 1980er Jahren wurden die Bildungsange-bote durch eine Reihe von Plänen zur Ausbildung von Arbeitskräften nach den Konzepten der Human Ressource und der funktionellen Differenzierung zur Stärkung der wirtschaftlichen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit in der internationalen Gesell-schaft und der Verknüpfung mit dem Weltwirtschaftssystem erweitert. Dies diente der Ausbildung der Arbeitskräfte in Hochtechnologie und Export. Das KMT-Regime modifizierte das traditionelle chinesische System der kaiserlichen Beamtenprüfung zu einem zentralen Apparat für die Verteilung von Bildungsplätzen. Das Bildungsideal vom konfuzianischen Gelehrten wurden auf das Ideal des Facharbeiters und Experten umgewandelt, jedoch entstand gleichzeitig auch ein Bewusstsein zur Teil-nahme am Aufbau des Landes und eine auf das Gemeinwesen bezo gene Gesinnung sowie der Loyalität dem Staat und der KMT gegenüber sowie dem nationalen Be-wusstsein als Chinesen . ; This paper contributes to the historical research into modernization and expansion of public education in Taiwan between 1885 and 1987 from the establishment of the province of Taiwan during the Chinese Empire until the abolition of martial law under the Government of the National Party of China (KMT). After the American Declaration of Independence (1776) and the French Revolution (1789-94), a schooling system controlled by the state was required. It was seen as an essential tool to break down feudal caste society, to strengthen the national state, eliminate illiteracy and produce politically mature citizens as well as trained workforce needed for industrialization. Today, West European education is modeled as the standard for national education and has been implemented throughout the world. The main interest of this paper is the transformation that these western value patterns and educational concepts underwent during the creation of a modern state educational system in Taiwan and the problems that occurred during this process. Before western educational concepts were introduced, Taiwanese education was strongly shaped by Confucianism and the Imperial Civil Service Examination system of the Chinese Empire. Confucian education focuses in general on humanistic literary education necessary to create political and social leaders - the Confucian scholar. On the other hand, it took little account of professional training, natural sciences or scientific analysis. The modernization of Taiwanese education began with the establishment of the province of Taiwan in 1885 in connection with the Self-Strengthening Movement of the Ch´ing Dynasty (1861-94) but actually gained impetus during the Japanese colonial period (1895-1944). The introduction of a modern national education system into Taiwan served to increase integration and readiness to wage war in connection with the extension of Japanese imperialism. After their retreat to Taiwan, the KMT Government was especially keen to motivate the population to become loyal and willing soldiers and, later, productive workers both necessary for the revival following the defeat in the civil war against the Chinese Communist Party. During the period of the so-called Cold War , the KMT Government received massive financial and technical assistance from US-Aid for the extension of professional, scientific and technical training. In the 1970´s and 1980´s, the extension of the educational programs through a series of Plans for Manpower Development and Employment based on the concepts of Human Resources and Functional Differentiation served the purpose of strengthening the international industrial competitiveness of Taiwan and its integration into the global economy by enabling the workforce to be trained for labour intensive high technology or export. Moreover, the KMT Government modified the Imperial Civil Service Exam System into a central means for the distribution of educational opportunities the Entrance Exam System in modern education. In this connection, the Confucian scholar became an expert in his field, and on the whole there was a growing conviction that the people were participating in the development of the country and working for the general good of the nation as well as being loyal to the state and the KMT. They also became increasingly proud to be Chinese.

A measurement of the tt¯ production cross section in pp collisions at s=7 TeV is presented. The results are based on data corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 2.3 fb-1 collected by the CMS detector at the LHC. Selected events are required to have one isolated, high transverse momentum electron or muon, large missing transverse energy, and hadronic jets, at least one of which must be consistent with having originated from a b quark. The measured cross section is 158.1±2.1(stat.)±10.2(syst.)±3.5(lum.) pb, in agreement with standard model predictions. © 2013 CERN ; California Earthquake Authority Serbia European Regional Development Fund Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro Fuel Cell Technologies Program, FCT Joint Institute for Nuclear Research, JINR: Ukraine Marketing Science Institute Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft und Forschung, BMWF Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission: Pakistan Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología National Science and Technology Development Agency: Thailand Institute for Research in Fundamental Sciences Fundacja na rzecz Nauki Polskiej Social Science Research Council Hispanics in Philanthropy Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture, FRIA Compagnia di San Paolo California Department of Fish and Game Secretaría de Estado de Investigación, Desarrollo e Innovación National Research Foundation Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services A.G. Leventis Foundation U.S. Department of Energy Academy of Finland Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior Türkiye Atom Enerjisi Kurumu Ministerio de Educación y Cultura Taipei Research Promotion Foundation: Cyprus, SF0690030s09 National Science Foundation Science and Technology Facilities Council Human Growth Foundation Croatia Austrian Science Fund Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo Secretaría de Educación Pública Western Carolina University Fonds De La Recherche Scientifique - FNRS National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine National Natural Science Foundation of China Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung Instituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare Hungarian Scientific Research Fund Department of Atomic Energy, Government of India Rochester Academy of Science Department of Science and Technology, Government of Rajasthan Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico, CNPq ?????????? ???? ??????????????? ???????????? (????) Center for African Studies Belgian Federal Science Policy Office Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie American Friends of the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación, COLCIENCIAS Ministerstvo Školství, Mládeze a Telovychovy, Not Available European Commission Nemzeti Kutatási és Technológiai Hivatal, NKTH: Hungary European Regional Development Fund CERN Ministerstvo Školství, Mládeze a Telovychovy, Not Available NSC General Secretariat for Research and Technology, GSRT Fonds Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek National Council for Eurasian and East European Research Santa Fe Institute Louisiana Academy of Sciences A.P. Giannini Foundation ; We congratulate our colleagues in the CERN accelerator departments for the excellent performance of the LHC and thank the technical and administrative staffs at CERN and at other CMS institutes for their contributions to the success of the CMS effort. In addition, we gratefully acknowledge the computing centres and personnel of the Worldwide LHC Computing Grid for delivering so effectively the computing infrastructure essential to our analyses. Finally, we acknowledge the enduring support for the construction and operation of the LHC and the CMS detector provided by the following funding agencies: BMWF and FWF (Austria); FNRS and FWO (Belgium); CNPq , CAPES , FAPERJ , and FAPESP (Brazil); MEYS (Bulgaria); CERN ; CAS , MoST , and NSFC (China); COLCIENCIAS (Colombia); MSES (Croatia); RPF (Cyprus); MoER , SF0690030s09 and ERDF (Estonia); Academy of Finland , MEC , and HIP (Finland); CEA and CNRS/IN2P3 (France); BMBF , DFG , and HGF (Germany); GSRT (Greece); OTKA and NKTH (Hungary); DAE and DST (India); IPM (Iran); SFI (Ireland); INFN (Italy); NRF and WCU (Republic of Korea); LAS (Lithuania); CINVESTAV , CONACYT , SEP , and UASLP-FAI (Mexico); MSI (New Zealand); PAEC (Pakistan); MSHE and NSC (Poland); FCT (Portugal); JINR (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan); MON , RosAtom , RAS and RFBR (Russia); MSTD (Serbia); SEIDI and CPAN (Spain); Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland); NSC (Taipei); ThEPCenter , IPST and NSTDA (Thailand); TUBITAK and TAEK (Turkey); NASU (Ukraine); STFC (United Kingdom); DOE and NSF (USA). Individuals have received support from the Marie-Curie programme and the European Research Council (European Union) ; the Leventis Foundation ; the A.P. Sloan Foundation ; the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; the Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; the Fonds pour la Formation à la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium) ; the Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium) ; the Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of Czech Republic ; the Council of Science and Industrial Research , India; the Compagnia di San Paolo (Torino) ; and the HOMING PLUS programme of Foundation for Polish Science , cofinanced from European Union, Regional Development Fund . --

Besides habitat fragmentation, the introduction of invasive species is considered to be one of the greatest threats to global biodiversity. Due to increased global trade, habitat degradation and climate change the number of species introductions has increased spectacularly during the last decades. This has led to changes in structure and functioning of ecosystems worldwide. In this study, the impact and spread of alien macroinvertebrates in surface waters in Flanders was investigated. To this end, a large database consisting of biological and physical-chemical data was used, which was collected by the Flemish Environment Agency and supplemented with own sampling campaigns. An integrated approach was aimed for, where the results from laboratory studies, long-term field data analysis and data-driven modelling were combined in order to gain insight in the ecology of alien macroinvertebrate species and the drivers that cause changes in macroinvertebrate community composition. A detailed study on the distribution of alien macroinvertebrates in Flanders revealed that in total, 65 alien macroinvertebrates are established of which 40 are regularly encountered in fresh and slightly brackish inland waters. Most alien taxa belonged to the crustaceans and molluscs originating from North America and the Ponto-Caspian region. Many alien species were first discovered in the east of Flanders from where they started the colonisation of the central and western parts of Flanders. Changes in the macroinvertebrate composition were discovered during the last two decades as a result of changing environmental conditions and the introduction of alien species. When analysing the factors that favoured the establishment and spread of alien macroinvertebrates it was found that shipping, hydro-morphological and physical-chemical factors were detrimental for the success of alien macroinvertebrates. Canals, harbours and the polder waters were hot spots for alien species introductions. Small streams were less invaded by alien macroinvertebrates probably because of a higher biotic resistance and the lack of proper vectors. Case studies of different aquatic ecosystems helped understanding the different factors contributing to successful invasions. The case study on the harbour of Ghent indicated that previously degraded ecosystems are favourable for the early establishment by alien macroinvertebrates. With improving chemical water quality due to the installation of wastewater treatment plants and a stricter environmental legislation not only indigenous, but also alien macroinvertebrates colonised the harbour of Ghent. In the polder waters the indigenous brackish water species decreased in abundance, whereas the American amphipod Gammarus tiginus quickly took in a dominant position after its establishment. These observed changes are probably caused by a decrease in salinity which coincided with an increase of freshwater asselids and the euryhaline species G. tigrinus . It was not only the introduction of the invasive amphipod, but the combination with changing environmental conditions that caused the changes in macroinvertebrate composition. The case study on the Belgian coastal harbours confirmed earlier findings that brackish waters are characterised by a low natural species diversity and a relatively high number of alien species. The harbour of Zeebrugge, which received most international ships, had the highest diversity of alien macroinvertebrates and was also characterised by a high site specific biocontamination index. The knowledge gathered during the case studies was used when making predictions on the future distribution of alien macrocrustaceans in Flanders. Based on data-driven classification and regressions trees it was found that alien macrocrustaceans prefer large rivers and canals with a good chemical water quality and that with increasing conductivity the abundance and species richness of alien macrocrustaceans increases in the brackish water environment. When incorporating the improvements in water quality, it was found that the number of alien species (alien species diversity) will increase in the future, but that the fraction of alien species (alien species abundance) will remain stable. In the last step, an integrated model coupling a habitat suitability model, a water quality model and a migration model was developed to predict the future distribution of a highly invasive alien amphipod species, Dikerogammarus villosus . It was found that D. villosus will invade more large watercourses in Flanders during the next fifteen years as a result of decreases in COD, nitrogen and phosphorous loads and an increase in oxygen concentration. It was calculated that D. villosus spreads with an average speed of five km per year and that given the relatively small size of Flanders, migration speed will not limit its maximal dispersal. The here developed model could be applied as an efficient tool by decision makers to perform risk analysis for (potential) invasive macroinvertebrate species to determine the future distribution range as this could help to reduce the number of species introductions and the impact they have on ecosystem functioning. Besides performing risk assessment several management measures, such as ballast water control, regulations regarding the trade of aquatic alien species and further insight in invaded ecosystems are necessary to reduce the further spread and minimise the impact of invasive alien species.

AbstractThis dissertation integrates policy analysis, archival research, ethnographic field work, GIS mapping and statistical analysis to build a broad geo-historical understanding of the role of planning, policy, capital and race in the production of the foreclosure crisis in the San Francisco Bay Area. It begins from the premise that an explanation of the foreclosure crisis that focuses solely on either finance capital or the action of homeowners misses the critical importance of history, geography and planning to the production of crisis. The specific and racialized historical geography of the initial wave of foreclosure in the Bay Area, which like in Southern California is particularly concentrated in newly built suburban and exurban areas which are exceptionally diverse, is evidence of the deeper role of two generations of urban development, regional economics and planning politics in what is too often cast as a `housing problem.' This dissertation argues that thinking about the current problem as an urban crisis forces us to reexamine the dysfunctionality of planning politics at every scale and the reality of a metropolitan geography where hyper-diverse demographic and economic sprawl and geopolitical fragmentation is a historical fact rather than a pending reality. What emerges is an understanding of fragmentation which pushes beyond the state, forcing us to confront a deeper set of divisions based on race, class, environmentalism and capitalist development, divisions which have undermined the urban project that is California and raised serious questions about both resilience and citizenship in the 21st century.The text is constructed in a way that the form itself works to develop a more holistic and grounded way of approaching the regional nature of urban development and the complex politics of regional governance. It begins with a historiography of the Bay Area, one that challenges conceptions of sprawl and fragmentation. It then examines the demographic restructuring of the region through a combination of census data analysis using GIS and ethnographic interviews, arguing that the changes in the region both blurred the lines of traditional American racial segregation which simultaneously producing a more "mobile" form of segregation on a megaregional scale. From this historical and geographic foundation, the argument is built to mimic, in a sense, the scales of the crisis itself. Chapter Three begins a more intense focus on planning institutions, the politics of development and shifting urban economics to show the interaction between decisions and events in eastern Contra Costa County, a portion of the region that saw dramatic growth and a stunning collapse over the past thirty years. This chapter focuses intently on planning, both on the plans that were approved and implemented and ones that died before either approval or implementation, with an eye for the vastly different playing field that these communities faced compared with ones which developed during earlier eras. This focus remains in Chapter Four, which examines the often ignored scale of the county to better understand the production of "edge cities" in Contra Costa County, developments which both restructured the region's labor markets and helped contribute to the growing stagnation of the politics of development. Chapter Five returns to the regional scale, focusing on race and the collective failure of both regional and local institutions to adequately solve the problems of inner core poverty inherited from the postwar era, problems which provided the demographic push for much of eastern Contra Costa County's demographic growth. Chapter Six focuses on the megaregional scale beyond the formal confines of the Bay Area, a challenging level of analysis because of its physical and human scale and lack of political and planning institutions, but made necessary by the fact that this is where the growth - and the foreclosures - are most notable. Finally, the conclusion examines the politics of race and development in the state of California, an analysis which illustrates and critiques the narrowed possibilities inherent to planning during this era. This scalar approach illustrates the broad collective responsibility for the production of crisis, where public and private, local and nonlocal, individual and collective actors all played a role in bringing the Bay Area to this point. It also points to three linked conclusions critical to the future of planning: the need to rethink the state-centered conception of planning, which has never held in the United States; the need to accept and work within the historically fragmented and multi-polar system of cities which has defined places like the San Francisco Bay Area since their founding; and the need to push for a broader and deeper conception of institutional responsibility, where institutions involved in the intentional production of space at all scales and in all sectors - i.e. planners - take responsibility for the "common purpose" that is urbanization and development.

Capítulo de un libro editado por el profesor José Luis Rodriguez. En proceso de publicación (2012). ; Las relaciones entre el ejército y la sociedad, entre los soldados y las mujeres, entre la escena internacional y las funciones de género, tienen en el mundo contemporáneo y occidental una larga tradición de usos difíciles e insanos. De entre ellos no ha sido menor la condición largamente pasiva de las mujeres en las acciones ofensivas y defensivas de los modernos Estados-Nación. Si la cultura del patriotismo – en ocasiones mal entendido - de las mujeres fue intensamente fomentada en los Imperios de Centro Europa, también lo fue la radical dicotomía ochocentista entre lo privado y lo público que hacía uso del ejército como herramienta cercenadora, entre hombres y mujeres: a cada cual su parte en el esfuerzo. En el siglo XX, mujeres y ejércitos tuvieron no obstante que trabar acuerdos, en origen imprecisos ciertamente. Véanse los intereses compartidos al hilo de los puntuales esfuerzos de guerra como consecuencia del estallido de las dos conflagraciones mundiales. De dichos tratos las mujeres apenas si sacaron en limpio unas cofias de enfermera, unos uniformes de telegrafista y, lo más frecuente, unos mandiles de cocinar con que protegerse de las salpicaduras tras el mostrador de las cantinas. La vocación femenina contemporánea de incorporación a la soldadesca fue temprana y se había consumado inicialmente bajo engaños o argucias no muy lucidos – con uniformes, barbas y bigotes que cubrían el curvilíneo cuerpo de las chicas en las guerras del XIX, por ejemplo en la de Secesión Americana - y, solo en la segunda mitad del siglo XX, auspiciada por el avance de las legislaciones internacionales a propósito de la igualdad entre las personas con independencia de su raza o sexo. Ya en el terreno de la sociedad internacional de las últimas décadas las mujeres han encontrado un ámbito propicio al desarrollo pleno de sus intereses profesionales, también en el ejército. Siendo este un campo de estudio muy vasto en otras academias universitarias, especialmente en la anglosajona, en España es aún un área de estudio de escaso recorrido entre los historiadores contemporaneistas si bien con un enorme potencial. En las páginas que siguen se aborda alguna de las cuestiones referidas: feminismos y militarismos, mujeres en los ejércitos, sociedad internacional y mujeres a propósito de las misiones internacionales, con alusiones concretas al caso español. ; Relationship between the army and society, between soldiers and women, between the international scene and gender roles have, in contemporary western world, a long tradition of difficult and insane uses. The long tradition of women passiveness about the offensive and defensive actions at modern States has not been a minor topic in history. If the culture of women patriotism –often misunderstood- was intensely promoted by the Center Europe Empires States at 19th, also there was a radical dichotomy between the private and the public sphere that used armies as cutting tools: men and women each one on their own way and doing their own part in the common effort. In the 20th century women and armies have been forced nevertheless to unite agreements. For example they had to share interests at punctual efforts because of war, as a consequence of the snap of the both World Wars, the firth and the seconds one. Because of the above mentioned treatments, women got just a few advantages: a nurse's head-dresses, a few telegrapher's uniforms and, the most frequent thing, a few aprons of cooking to be protected with from the splashes in the soldier canteens. The feminine contemporary vocation of incorporation to the military profession was early and initially completed under deceptions -by uniforms, beards and moustaches, that were covering the curvilinear body of the girls in the 19th wars, for example in that of American Secession- and, just in the second half of the 20th century, supported by the advance of the international legislations about the equality between people with independence of his race or sex. During the last decades international society, women have found a propitious area to the full development of their professional interests, also in the army. Being this a field of very vast study in other university academies and cultures, especially in the Anglo-Saxon ones, in Spain it is nevertheless still a scanty tour area of Modern and Recent History, so there is a wide future about these studies. In the pages that continue there is an approach to someone of the above-mentioned questions: feminisms and militarisms, women in the armies, international society recent history and women in the international missions for peace, looking indeed at the Spanish modern experiences.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 영어영문학과, 2012. 2. 강우성. ; This thesis investigates the style of romance in Nathaniel's Hawthorne's The House of the Seven Gables (1851) in relation to the writer's historical consciousness. Facilitated by its relative freedom from realistic representation, the romance engages in a reconstruction of legendary history that departs from official records of the past. This reconstruction not only reveals a history of elided conflict but also leads to a critical portrayal of domestic ideology in antebellum America. Chapter one examines Hawthorne's theory of romance as delineated in the preface to The House of the Seven Gables while also discussing its relation to the task of historical reconstruction. Chapter two discusses the New Americanists' reassessment of the American romance before reiterating the significance of Hawthorne's work in questioning the validity of historical narratives. By drawing upon legendary accounts of the Maules, the narrator challenges official records of the past that favor the Pyncheons' claim to entitlement while also questioning the ideological narrative of history legitimized as a realization of democratic polity. Chapter three analyzes the manner in which a newly established domestic home temporarily resolves the historical antagonism between the Pyncheons and Maules. Sympathizing with characters victimized by Judge Pyncheon's effort to take possession of the dynastic house, the narrator portrays the development of a democratized community made possible by Phoebe's domestic arrangement. This community based on ties of sympathy prompts the aristocratic Hepzibah and Clifford, as well as the radical Holgrave to accept a "peaceful practice of society." Chapter four examines the heightened fictionality of mise-en-abyme as cases of narrative distanciation. Holgrave's narration of "Alice Pyncheon" allows readers to discern the author's critical stance towards this disruptive version of history founded on resentment. In the case of "Governor Pyncheon," the narrator becomes both author and character in entering the scene and staging a spectacle for the readers. This distanciation of the narrator provides the key for evaluating the work. While the narrator depicts the domestic home as a resolution to historical conflict, the author remains critical of the fanciful arrangement of such reconciliation. Despite striking a regrettable moral compromise of supporting the Union and its rhetoric of democratic polity at the expense of abolition, Hawthorne presents in his work a qualification of both conservative wish for continuity and radical zeal for reform. His romance sounds the warning that, without critical reflection on appeals made to democratic principle as a means of justifying a reconciled community, the attempt to redress historical conflict may result in a repeated elision of truth. ; 본 논문은 나다나엘 호손의 두 번째 장편 『일곱 박공의 집』에 나타난 로맨스 서사양식과 작가의 역사의식을 연관시켜 논의한다. 로맨스 서사양식은 사실을 단순히 재현하는 대신 역사를 전설의 형태로 재구성하며 공식 역사가 은폐하는 사회적 대립을 드러낸다. 1851년 발표된 이 작품은 이러한 로맨스 장르의 특성을 통해 1850년 타협(Compromise of 1850) 직후 미국 사회에 여전히 남아있는 정치적 갈등 및 급격한 산업화에 따른 사회적 혼란에 대응하여 확산된 가정성 이데올로기(domestic ideology)를 비판적으로 조망한다. 1장은『일곱 박공의 집』의 서문에 집약된 호손의 로맨스 론을 살피고 작품에서 로맨스 서사양식이 역사의 재구성이라는 구체적 과제와 맞물리는 양상을 밝힌다. 2장에서는 신비평을 비판한 신미국학자들의 논의를 되짚어 보면서 로맨스가 이상적인 미국사 이면의 역사를 비판적으로 되살려내고 있음을 주장한다. 작품의 화자는 공식적인 역사와 그에 새겨진 핀천 가문의 특권적 위치에 대항하여 몰 가문에 대해 구전되는 전설을 서사에 도입하고 있다. 미국 역사를 민주주의의 성취과정으로 간주하면서 과거의 사회적 갈등을 은폐하는 이데올로기적 역사관을 공식 역사와 전설이 교차하는 서사가 비판하는 것이다. 3장에서는 핀천 가문과 몰 가문 간의 대립이 새로운 형태의 가정 공동체를 통해 잠정적으로 해소되는 양상을 분석한다. 화자는 핀천 판사와 대립 관계에 있는 헵시바와 클리포드를 옹호하면서 평민 출신인 피비가 민주적인 가정을 형성하는 과정을 긍정적으로 그린다. 혈통이 아닌 공감을 통해 맺어진 가정 공동체는 몰락한 귀족 헵시바와 클리포드, 그리고 몰 가문의 후예 홀그레이브로 하여금 평화로운 사회생활을 받아들이게 한다. 하지만 로맨스는 가정을 형성하는 피비의 신비한 능력을 강조하며, 가정을 통해 제시되는 민주적인 화합과 역사의 연속성이 현실 사회의 모순을 다시금 묵인하게 되는 위험을 밝혀준다. 4장에서는 허구성을 통해 진실에 접근하는 로맨스의 역설적인 특징이 부각되는 예로 작품의 미장아빔(mise-en-abyme)을 살핀다. 홀그레이브가 직접 서술하는 "앨리스 핀천" 장(章)은 홀그레이브의 급진주의적 역사관에 내재한 원한의 감정을 서사에 반영하고, 이로써 그를 옹호하는 화자에 대한 작가의 비판적인 시각을 제시해준다. "주지사 핀천" 장에서는 화자가 서사 공간 내에서 허구적인 장면을 연출함으로써 호손과 구분되는 면모를 보인다. 미장아빔을 통해 확인되는 작가와 화자의 입장 차이는 작품의 결말부를 평가하는 단서가 된다. 즉 화자가 피비의 가정성이 과거의 갈등을 해소하고 현재의 사회적 분열을 극복할 수 있는 가능성을 그려낸다면, 작가는 이러한 가정성이 현실로부터 스스로를 유리시키는 위험을 초래할 수 있음을 경계한다. 호손이 1850년 타협(Compromise of 1850)을 통해 인종문제를 묵인하고 잠시 안정의 모습을 찾은 연방의 보존을 기원했음은 사실이다. 그러나『일곱 박공의 집』은 미국의 역사로부터 은폐되어온 갈등을 해소하려는 노력이 민주주의적 가치를 내세우며 스스로를 정당화하는 새로운 가정 공동체에 대한 반성 없이는 현재의 사회적 대립을 다시금 은폐하는 것에 지나지 않을 수 있다는 비판적 인식을 함께 보여준다. ; Master

Air quality models are important tools which are utilized for a large field of application. When combined with data from observations, models can be employed to create a comprehensive estimation of the past and current distribution of pollutants in the atmosphere. Moreover, projections of future concentration changes due to changing emissions serve as an important decision basis for policymakers. For the determination of atmospheric concentrations of air pollutants by means of numerical modelling it is essential to possess a model which is able to create anthropogenic and biogenic emissions with a temporally and spatially high resolution. The emission data is needed as input for a chemistry transport model which calculates transport, deposition, and degradation of air pollutants. To evaluate the impact of changing emissions on the environment a flexible emission model with the capability to create diverse emission scenarios is needed. Further, it is important to always take into account a variety of different species to properly represent the major chemical reactions in the atmosphere (e.g. ozone chemistry, aerosol formation). Currently there are only a few high resolution emission datasets available for Europe. The amount of substances included in these datasets, however, is limited. Moreover, they can not be used as basis for the creation of new emission scenarios. To enable the creation of emission scenarios in the course of this doctoral thesis the American emission model SMOKE was adopted and modified. On the basis of a multitude of different georeferenced datasets, official statistics, and further model results the newly created emission model "SMOKE for Europe" is capable of creating hourly emission data for the European continent with a spatial resolution of up to 5x5km2. In order to demonstrate the universal applicability of the emission model the carcinogenic species benzo[a]pyrene (BaP) was exemplarily implemented into the model. BaP belongs to the group of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons. Because of its high toxicity the European Union introduced an annual target value of 1 ng/m3 in January 2010. SMOKE for Europe was used to create a variety of emission scenarios for the years 1980, 2000, and 2020. These emission scenarios were then used to determine the impact of emission changes on atmospheric concentrations of BaP and to identify regions which exceed the European target value. Additionally the impact of different legislation and fuel use scenarios on the projected atmospheric concentrations in 2020 was investigated. Furthermore, additional use cases for a flexible emission model are pointed out. The SMOKE for Europe model was used to simulate the transport of volcanic ash after the eruption of the Icelandic volcano Eyjafjallajokull in March 2010. By comparison of modelled concentrations for different emission scenarios with observations from remote sensing and air plane flights distribution and concentration of the volcanic ash over Europe was estimated. The results of this thesis have been presented in four scientific papers published in international peerreviewed journals. The papers are reprinted at the end of this thesis. ; Die Modellierung der Ausbreitung von Schadstoffen in der Atmosphare ist ein wichtiges Werkzeug mit vielseitigen Anwendungsmoglichkeiten. In Kombination mit Messungen kann die Modellierung ein zusammenhangendes Bild der vergangenen und aktuellen Konzentrationsverteilung von ausgewahlten Stoffen in der Atmosphare liefern. Daruber hinaus dienen modellgestutzte Projektionen zum Einfluss von Emissionsanderungen als wissenschaftliche Grundlagen fur umweltpolitische Entscheidungen. Zur computergestutzten Berechnung der Luftqualitat ist es essentiell ein Modell zu haben, das anthropogene und biogene Emissionen in hoher zeitlicher und raumlicher Auflosung erzeugt. Die Emissionsfelder dienen als Antrieb fur ein Chemietransportmodell, das Ausbreitung, Deposition und Abbau der emittierten Stoffe berechnet. Um den Einfluss veranderter Emissionen auf die Umwelt abschatzen zu konnen, ist ein flexibles Emissionsmodell erforderlich, das in der Lage ist verschiedene Emissionsszenarien zu erzeugen. Dabei ist es stets notwendig eine Vielzahl verschiedener Substanzen zu berucksichtigen damit grundlegende chemische Reaktionen in der Atmosphare korrekt dargestellt werden konnen (z.B. Ozonchemie, Aerosolchemie) Derzeit beschrankt sich die Verfugbarkeit von hochaufgelosten Emissionsdaten fur den europaischen Raum auf einige wenige Datensatze fur eine geringe Anzahl von chemischen Substanzen. Diese Datensatze konnen nicht zur Erzeugung von neuen Emissionsszenarien verwendet werden. Um dennoch in der Lage zu sein, solche Szenarien zu erzeugen, wurde im Rahmen dieser Doktorarbeit das amerikanische Emissionsmodell SMOKE erweitert und an europaische Bedingungen angepasst. Auf der Grundlage zahlreicher georeferenzierter Datensatze, offizieller Statistiken und weiterer Modellergebnisse kann das Emissionsmodell "SMOKE for Europe" stundliche Emissionen mit einer raumlichen Auflosung von bis zu 5x5km2 fur den europaischen Kontinent erzeugen. Um die universelle Anwendbarkeit des Modells zu demonstrieren, wurde die als krebserregend eingestufte Substanz Benzo[a]Pyren (BaP) in das Emissionsmodell implementiert. BaP gehort zur Gruppe der polyzyklischen Kohlenwasserstoffe und ist auf Grund seiner hohen Toxizitat seit Januar 2010 im Europaischen Raum mit einem jahrlichen Zielwert von 1 ng/m3 reguliert. SMOKE for Europe wurde verwendet, um verschiedene Emissionsszenarien fur die Jahre 1980, 2000 und 2020 zu erzeugen. Auf Grundlage dieser Daten wurde der Einfluss von Emissionsanderungen auf die Luftbelastung durch BaP simuliert und Regionen, in denen der europaische Grenzwert uberschritten wird, identifiziert. Fur das Jahr 2020 wurden zudem Projektionen erstellt, wie sich verschiedene umweltpolitische Maßnahmen auf die Schadstoffbelastung der Atmosphare auswirken werden. Daruber hinaus wurden weitere Anwendungsmoglichkeiten fur das Emissionsmodell SMOKE for Europe aufgezeigt. So wurde die atmospharische Ausbreitung von Vulkanasche nach dem Ausbruch des Eyjafjallajokull in Island im Marz 2010 berechnet. Unter Verwendung verschiedener Emissionszenarien wurde mit Hilfe von Messdaten von Fernerkundungssystemen und Flugzeugkampagnen die Aschekonzentration in der Atmosphare bestimmt. Im Gegensatz zu den Ausbreitungskarten des Vulcanic Ash Advisory Centres (VAAC), die kurz nach dem Vulkanausbruch veroffentlicht wurden, konnte dadurch zeitnah die Konzentrationsverteilung der Partikel bestimmt werden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Arbeit wurden in Form von vier wissenschaftlichen Artikeln in internationalen Fachzeitschriften veroffentlicht. Diese sind am Ende dieser Dissertation angefugt.

I've received many requests for some kind of journal rankings list from readers.

Readers will be aware of several different rankings of philosophy journals. These include the Australian Research Council's (ARC) now disused ERA rankings and European Science Foundation's (ESF) European Research Index for the Humanities (ERIH).  Plus, there have been different polls by Brian Leiter and the Brooks Blog (and this more comprehensive poll of 140+ journals). Other blogs discussing journal rankings include Certain Doubts, Lemmings, Thoughts, Arguments, and Rants, and this.

Each metric has its limitations and such a discussion would merit a long blogpost of its own. Let me be clear from the beginning that I believe that journal rankings are the crudest of indicators. If you want to assess the quality of something, then read it.

What I propose here is a ranking of rankings. Journals will be grouped in tiers based upon various metrics. There is broad agreement between different lists and I don't believe this list will prove controversial. The journals that score best are those journals that have consistently ranked highly across the major studies both European (ERIH), International (ARC ERA), and major opinion polls of thousands of philosophers (Brooks Blog, Leiter Reports). We find wide consistency across most indicators, but taken together we can find a strong "core" that come out top again and again. Those that perform less well is often a result of inclusion on some indicators, but not others. Comments are most welcome and the list (with information on how data was collected) is below. Enjoy!
Some proposed journal rankings for philosophy *

Rated 'A*' (maximum 25 points):
Ethics
Journal of Philosophy
Mind
Nous
Philosophical Review
Philosophical Quarterly
Philosophical Studies
Philosophy and Phenomenological Research

Rated 'A' (20-24 points):

Analysis (24)
Australasian Journal of Philosophy (24)
Philosophy and Public Affairs (24)
Canadian Journal of Philosophy (23)
American Philosophical Quarterly (22)
Monist (22)

Rated 'B' (15-19):

European Journal of Philosophy (19)
Synthese (19)
Journal of the History of Philosophy (18)
Philosophers' Imprint (18)
Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society (18)
Ratio (18)
British Journal for the Philosophy of Science (17)
Journal of Political Philosophy (17)
Midwest Studies in Philosophy (17)
Philosophy of Science (17)
Journal of Ethics (16)
Journal of Moral Philosophy (16)
Pacific Philosophical Quarterly (16)
Philosophical Topics (16)
Utilitas (16)
Journal of Philosophical Logic (15)

Rated 'C' (10-14 points):

British Journal for the History of Philosophy (14)
Erkenntnis (14)
Mind and Language (14)
Kant-Studien (13)
Philosophy (13)
Ethical Theory and Moral Practice (12)
Philosophical Papers (12)
Phronesis (12)
Southern Journal of Philosophy (12)
Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy (11)
Review of Metaphysics (11)
Hume Studies (10)
Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy (10)
Journal of Philosophical Research (10)

N/a ranked (9 or less points):

Metaphilosophy (9)
Philosophical Investigations (9)
History of Philosophy Quarterly (8)
International Journal of Philosophical Studies (8)
Philosophy Compass (7)
Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews (5)
Philosophia (4)


* Note on rankings:

I have weighted the journals in the following way:

ARC ERA list:
Journals are ranked A*, A, B, C. Points awarded: A* = 5, A = 4, B = 3, C = 2.

Brooks Blog list (1):
Journals ranked 1-50. Points awarded: #1-10 = 5, #11-20 = 4, #21-30 = 3, #31-40 = 2, #41-50 = 1.

List (2) ranks journals 1-50. Points awarded: #1-10 = 5, #11-20 = 4, #21-30 = 3, #31-40 = 2, #41-50 = 1, #51-143 = 0.

ERIH list:
Journals are (now) ranked Int1, Int2, Nat. Points awarded: Int1 = 5, Int2 = 4, Nat = 3.

Leiter Reports list:
General philosophy journals ranked only in top 20. Points awarded: #1-10 = 5, #11-20 = 4. Leiter has an additional list in ethics which raises complications. Journals are not double-counted and keep score if on general list. Points awarded: #1-10 = 5, #11-20 = 4, #21-30 = 3 where journals not on list 1. While this will cover general journals and journals that publish in ethics, there is need for a list in other areas especially mind/language and philosophy of science.

Notes: There are two lists for the Brooks Blog. List 2 is original list and surveys top 143 journals from a broad range. The top 50 in this poll were polled a second time in List 1.

QUERY FOR READERS: Do the weightings seem appropriate? What would you change? What journal rankings would you add?

UPDATE: Do readers believe the rankings are an accurate reflection of the field? Any surprises? 

In the early 1940s, while World War II raged and the major powers began trading drafts for a world organization devoted to securing international peace and security, there lived in the United States a person with the perfect credentials to play a leading role in drafting an instrument that would give such a world organization a firm legal foundation. That person was not Leo Pasvolsky, who played a leading role in organizing the drafting conferences that gave birth to the Charter. It was Hans Kelsen. Kelsen had unique qualifications when it came to the drafting of constitutional documents. To name just a few, he helped draft Austria's constitution, and he had also sat on Austria's constitutional court in its first decade of existence. He was thus intimately acquainted with both the technical aspects of constitutional drafting and with the fundamental problems of interpretation that can arise in a new constitutional order. In addition, Kelsen was one of the world's foremost authorities on international law, and he had written an extremely influential critique of the Charter of the League of Nations. He had also drafted his own alternative charter for a world organization. And yet, Kelsen played no role in the drafting of the Charter. Instead, he contented himself with a nearly 1000-page critique of the Charter that appeared in 1950 and was supplemented the following year. It is odd that the U.S. Department of State did not avail itself of Kelsen's expertise. After all, his contribution would have lent the project a certain heft, given his experience and international reputation, and it also would have given an Old-World, Central-European accent to an enterprise that already was looking terribly Anglo-American. However, Kelsen's exclusion from the project was just a small part of the broader exclusion of expertise in legal drafting from the formulation of the language of the Charter as a whole. The role that Kelsen adopted as legal critic of the Charter was actually precisely the right one given the needs of the times for a maddeningly ambiguous political document that nonetheless gave rise to a new international legal order. That is, the Charter is a political document. The men who created the U.N. did not believe themselves to require legal advice and they thought that the involvement of lawyers in the drafting process would only complicate matters to no good effect. Leo Pasvolsky was suspicious of lawyers and was quite successful in minimizing their role in the drafting process. There was a team of lawyers on hand at Dumbarton Oaks that was the official drafting committee, but Pasvolsky saw to it that most of the real drafting work was done for that committee by the Formulation Committee, which consisted of leading foreign affairs politicians from the U.S., the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. This essay began as an attempt to determine whether Kelsen's monumental critique of the law of the United Nations might provide useful insights in light of perennial calls for reform of the United Nations. Anyone familiar with the book will quickly conclude that the book can serve no such purpose, for in it Kelsen limits himself to a commentary on the technical legal deficiencies of the U.N. Charter and ignores, as best he can, the political nature of the U.N. as an institution. Fortunately, Kelsen wrote other works in which he set out an alternative model for the maintenance of international peace and showcased his knowledge of the political as well as the legal challenges associated with the task. Combining those politically astute works with his juristic works, it is possible to reconstruct Kelsen's vision for peace through law. It is a model that has not been attempted and is unlikely to be realized through the current movements for U.N. reform, but it does provide some useful ideas that have not received much consideration even in broader discussions of the evolving nature of the international legal system. This essay proceeds in two parts. The first part addresses Kelsen's critique of the United Nations and the reception of that work, at least within the United States. The second part lays out the main elements of Kelsen's plan for international peace, focusing on the elements in it that distinguish Kelsen's plan from others. One especially surprising feature of Kelsen's approach is his idea that the movement to towards a mature international law must proceed through the establishment of an international court of compulsory jurisdiction. This essay supplements Kelsen's reasoning by arguing that courts, because of their discursive advantages over political and legislative processes, should play a larger role in the development of a comprehensive international legal order. Adapted from the source document.

As urban waterfronts around the world de-industrialize, cities are increasingly capitalizing on these opportunities to provide open space and alternative commuting routes along riverbanks, bringing residents and visitors back to the waterfronts. Cairo has remarkable opportunities to reconnect its people with the river that was historically its heart. With a population of over eleven million, Cairo is one of the densest cities in the world. The urban population is underserved by parks and other public open space. The need for open space—and the compelling attraction of the wide river—is put in sharp focus by a common sight on Cairo's traffic snarled bridges: families set up chairs and picnic on the sidewalks, overlooking the river and enjoying the open space, seemingly oblivious to the honking traffic that crawls besides them. Most of the river banks are fenced off from public access, but those that are open to the public are heavily used by Cairenes of all ages and all walks of life. The potential for human use of the river banks as open-space is enormous. In an intensive workshop involving 23 students and seven faculty from Cairo University (CU), The American University in Cairo (AUC), and the University of California, Berkeley (UCB), interdisciplinary teams systematically inventoried existing conditions along a 12-km reach of the Nile from Maadi to Tahrir Square, recording river-bank relations, building heights and conditions, circulation, and land-use. Based on this field work the student teams identified specific opportunities and challenges for interventions along the Nile. The low, wide flood plains along much of the Nile bank have great potential to be reconfigured into accessible and active public spaces. It was also identified as a feasible route for a continuous pedestrian/bicycle trail. Air quality measurements along the river bank showed that particulate matter levels along the flood plain were on average 30% lower than street level measurements. The presence of historic landmarks and tourist attractions along the Nile provides significant opportunities for urban revitalization and economic development. The excellent views of the Nile and the Pyramids of Giza available at many waterfront locations provide a unique opportunity that interventions along the waterfront can capitalize on. While some stretches of the Corniche have wide sidewalks that can be redesigned to function better as public spaces, the Nile bank provides ample opportunities for ecological restoration at many places. The presence of vacant lots along the Corniche provides opportunities for strategic developments and also for better open space connectivity with the rest of the city. The visible public interest in the limited ferry routes along the river illustrates the potential the Nile holds to function as a significant public transportation corridor if the city is able to expand the existing ferry system. There are also significant challenges related to existence of incongruent public and private land-uses along the Nile Corniche. Appropriate institutional and regulatory frameworks would be required to ensure that proposals for public space restructuring are implemented and maintained well. Urban waste management is a significant concern in Cairo and the Nile waterfront is no exception. Building on the identified opportunities and challenges, workshop participants developed a strategic plan for a longitudinally continuous trail network along the Nile with lateral connectivity to important nodes in Cairo. They also developed detailed plans for the revitalization of two key zones (Athur El Nabi and Old Cairo). The workshop ended just one week before the streets of Cairo became the venue for historic political demonstrations that eventually resulted in major political changes. While there have been many past efforts to rehabilitate the city and 'plan' the future growth of Cairo, including the 'Cairo 2050 Vision Plan' (a multi-year planning effort initiated by the Egyptian government and undertaken by international consultants), none of these prior efforts have highlighted the potential to develop the Nilotic riverfront. In the wake of the January events, 'Cairo 2050' quickly became uncertain and outdated. However, the collaborative research and planning process undertaken here could serve as a model for future planning efforts that are more in-touch with local conditions and reflective of real needs of everyday Cairenes. The political changes of January 2011 highlighted public desires, expectations, and demands for major economic changes and improvements in living conditions. Thus, the concept of reconnecting Cairo's urban population with the Nile is unusually timely. Bringing the people to the river banks could significantly improve daily life for millions, and could contribute to democratization of society and strengthening of the social fabric.

La dimensión internacional de la democratización representa un fenómeno importante de los sistemas políticos contemporáneos. El hecho de que la transformación política interna sea incluida bajo el título de organizaciones internacionales (OI) indica un rompimiento con el enfoque tradicional de observación interna de la política comparativa, si se parte de la suposición de que la "democracia" es un asunto interno por excelencia. Hay procesos complejos que limitan la viabilidad de la fortuna democrática en la política interior, los cuales dependen de las estructuras representativas del poder que fluye de la legitimidad nacional y la identidad política. No obstante, los estímulos internacionales que sostienen a los sistemas nacionales de gobierno, estructurados alrededor de la construcción y la consolidación de la democracia, están en el centro de la política comparativa contemporánea. Cuando varios sistemas políticos atravesaban la tercera ola de democratización, las OI asumieron rápidamente una posición significativa como agentes que neutralizaban los miedos a la inversión de políticas, rompiendo lazos con formas antidemocráticas de gobierno y eliminando las normas informales de los juegos democráticos. Las dinámicas mencionadas dan fundamento para abordar el debate sobre los modelos externos de apoyo. Mediante un enfoque teórico integrador y un estudio comparativo de casos de las agendas de democratización de la Organización de Estados Americanos y las Naciones Unidas dirigidas a la problemática democrática latinoamericana, se aclaran modelos internacionales "ocultos" de despliegue. Se argumenta que las estrategias de las OI para democratizar se fundamentan en que los planes de desarrollo institucionales para la democratización lleguen a los objetivos democráticos a través de tres "guías" multilaterales: conceptualización de la democracia, estrategias de cooperación y marcos de referencia especiales para la democratización. ; The international dimension of democratisation is a major concern in the study of contemporary political systems. The analysis of domestic political transformations in which International Organisations (IOs) may be salient actors compromises the traditional inward-looking approach of comparative politics that holds democracy to be a domestic affair par excellence. Nevertheless, the maturity of any process of democratisation relies upon the establishment and sustainability of institutions that genuinely reflect the interests and socio-political identity of the citizens of that polity. The role of external influence, whether progressive or abrupt, is clearly limited in constructing and sustaining this process. However, the relevance of international variables in influencing the renaissance or enhancement of democracy has not been overlooked by either scholars or politicians over the past fifteen years. As a number of political systems went through what became known as the third wave of democratization, the role of IOs in breaking down undemocratic strongholds and in neutralising possible reversals began to gain momentum. Contending approaches and controversial case studies alike appear to elicit very different conclusions concerning the legitimacy and the effectiveness of international actors in this field. This analysis addresses the rationale underpinning the deployment of multilateral external actors as agents of democratisation. Drawing on an integrative theoretical approach and a comparative case study involving the democratisation agendas of the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United Nations (UN) in Latin America (LA), contrasting international models of deployment are assessed. It is argued that IOs' democratisation strategies are based on institutional roadmaps leading towards the attainment of targets which vary according to three key ´guidelines': how democracy is conceptualised, what cooperative strategies are used, and what frameworks for democratisation are adopted. ; A dimensão internacional da democratização representa um fenômeno importante dos sistemas políticos contemporâneos. O fato de que a transformação política interna seja incluída sob o título de Organizações Internacionais (OI) indica um rompimento com o enfoque tradicional de observação interna da política comparativa, se partisse da suposição de que a "democracia" é um assunto interno por excelência. Há processos complexos que limitam a viabilidade da fortuna democrática na política interior, os quais dependem das estruturas representativas do poder que flui da legitimidade nacional e a identidade política. No entanto, os estímulos internacionais que sustentam aos sistemas nacionais de governo, estruturados ao redor da construção e a consolidação da democracia, estão no centro da política comparativa contemporânea. Quando vários sistemas políticos atravessavam a terceira onda de democratização, as OI assumiram rapidamente uma posição significativa como agentes que neutralizavam os medos ao investimento de políticas, rompendo laços com formas antidemocráticas de governo e eliminando as normas informais dos jogos democráticos. As dinâmicas mencionadas dão fundamento para bordar o debate sobre os modelos externos de apoio. Mediante um enfoque teórico integrado e um estudo comparativo de casos das agendas de democratização da Organização dos Estados Americanos e as Nações Unidas dirigidas à problemática democrática latino-americana, se aclaram modelos internacionais "ocultos" de dispersão. Argumenta-se que as estratégias das OI para democratizar se fundamentam em que os planos de desenvolvimento institucionais para a democratização cheguem aos objetivos democráticos através de três "guias" multilaterais: conceitualização da democracia, estratégias de cooperação e marcos de referência especiais para a democratização.