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This article is an inductive argumentation and an empirical-analytical paradigm that evaluates the actual relationship between Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita and the Carbon Dioxide (CO2) in country groups of the G8 considered as developed in a period of time from 1960 to 2011. It was developed an Augmented Dickey-Fuller unit root (ADF), a Granger Causality Test and a Johansen Cointegration test. The results evidence the non-stationary of constrains in both countries. It was obtained a VAR model with two variables with a number of lags of four - VAR2 (4) to which were tested for causality by demonstrating a unidirectionality of GDP per capita to CO2. Keywords: economic growth, economic development, income distribution, environmental economics. References [1]G. Brundtland, «Our Common Future,» de Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development , 1987. [2]R. Bermejo, Del desarrollo sostenible según Brundtland a la sostenibilidad como biomimesis, Bilbao: Hegoa, 2014. [3]R. B. and. P. C. Fander Falconí, «Flacso,» 16 03 2016. [Online]. Available: https://www.flacsoandes.edu.ec/agora/62767-la-discutible-curva-de-kuznets. [Last access: 15 01 2021]. [4]E. Urteaga, «Las teorías económicas del desarrollo sostenible,» Cuadernos de Economía, vol. 32, nº 89, pp. 113-162, 2009. [5]V. K. Smith, Scarcity and Growth Reconsidered, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1979. [6]J. y. A. Medina, «Ingreso y desigualdad: la Hipótesis de Kuznets en el caso boliviano,» Espacios, vol. 38, nº31, p. 23, 2017. [7]M. Ahluwalia, «Inequality, poverty and development, » Journal of Development Economics, nº 3, pp. 307-342, 1976. [8]A. and R. D. Alesina, «Distributive politics and economic growth,» Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 109, nº 2, pp. 465-490, 1994. [9]R. Barro, «Inequality and growth in a panel of countries, » Journal of Economic Growth, vol. 5, nº 1, pp. 5-32, 2000. [10]M. A. Galindo, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico,» de Anuario jurídico y económico escurialense, 2002, pp. 473-502. [11]A. Álvarez, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico, Información Comercial Española, ICE,» Revista de economía, nº 835, pp. 95-100, 2007. [12]J. C. Núñez, «Crecimiento económico y distribución del ingreso: una perspectiva del Paraguay,» Población y Desarrollo, nº 43, pp. 54-61, 2016. [13]S. Kuznets, «Economic Growth and Income Inequality, » American Economic Review, nº 45, pp. 1-28, 1955. [14]J. A. and. C. J. Araujo, «Relación entre la desigualdad de la renta y el crecimiento económico en Brasil: 1995-2012.,» Problemas del desarrollo, vol. 46, nº 180, pp.129-150, 2015. [15]F. V. A. and P. C. Correa, «La Curva Medioambiental de Kuznets: Evidencia Empírica para Colombia Grupo de Economía Ambiental (GEA),» Semestre Económico, vol. 8, nº 15, pp. 13-30, 2005. [16]W. Malenbaum, World Demand for Raw Materials in 1985 and 2000, McGraw-Hill: New York, 1978. [17]W. Beckerman, «Economists, scientists, and environmental catastrophe,» Oxford Economic Papers, vol. 24, nº 3, 1972. [18]G. y. K. A. Grossman, «Economic Growth and the Environment,» The Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 110, nº 2, pp. 353-377, 1995. [19]N. Stokey, «Are there Limits to Growth?,» International Economic Review, vol. 39, nº 1, 1998. [20]W. and. C. W. Jaeger, «A Theoretical Basis for the Environmental Inverted-U Curve and Implications for International Trade,» de Discussant: Clive Chapple, New York, 1998. [21]T. B. K. B. R. and. G. K. Cavlovic, «A Mets-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies,» Agricultural and Resource Economics, nº 29, pp. 32-42, 2000. [22]M. and. S. T. Heil, «Carbon emissions and economic development: future trajectories based on historical experience, » Environment and Development Economics, vol. 6, nº 1, pp. 63-83, 2001. [23]U. S. R. and E. B. Soytas, «Energy consumption, income, and carbon emissions in the United States,» Ecological Economics, vol. 62, nº 3, pp. 482-489, 2007.[24]C. W. J. Granger, «Investigating causal relations by econometrics models and cross spectral methods,» Econometrica, nº 37, pp. 424-438, 1969. [25]M. and U. R. Nasir, «Environmental Kuznets Curve for carbon emissions in Pakistan: An empirical investigation,» Energy Policy, vol. 39, nº 3, pp. 1857-1864,2011. [26]S. Johansen, «Statistical Analysis of Cointegration Vectors,» Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, vol. 12, nº 2, pp. 231-254, 1988. [27]B. Goldman, «Meta-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies: Determining the Cause of the Curve's Presence,» de Honors Projects, 2012. [28] M. B. and T. T. Fosten, «Dynamic misspecification in the environmental Kuznets curve: Evidence from CO2 and SO2 emissions in the United Kingdom,» Ecological Economics, vol. 76, pp. 25-33, 2012. ; El presente artículo es de carácter investigativo con razonamiento inductivo y paradigma empírico-analítico, evalúa la relación existente entre el Producto Interno Bruto Per Cápita– PIB per cápita y el dióxido de carbono – CO2 en los grupos de países del G-8 considerados como desarrollados con un periodo de análisis de 1960 a 2011, se utilizó la prueba de raíz unitaria Dickey-Fuller Aumentada – DFA, se generó un modelo de vectores autorregresivos – VAR, se realizóla prueba de causalidad de Granger y se desarrolló la prueba de cointegración de Johansen. Los resultados demuestran la no estacionariedad de las variables en estudio, se obtuvo un modelo VAR de dos variables con un número de rezagos óptimo de cuatro – VAR2 (4) a lo cual se le realizó la prueba de causalidad demostrando una unidireccionalidad por parte del PIB per cápita al CO2. Palabras clave: crecimiento económico, desarrollo económico, distribución de la renta, economía del medio ambiente. Referencias [1]G. Brundtland, «Our Common Future,» de Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development , 1987. [2]R. Bermejo, Del desarrollo sostenible según Brundtland a la sostenibilidad como biomimesis, Bilbao: Hegoa, 2014. [3]R. B. y. P. C. Fander Falconí, «Flacso,» 16 03 2016. [En línea]. Available: https://www.flacsoandes.edu.ec/agora/62767-la-discutible-curva-de-kuznets. [Últimoacceso: 15 01 2021]. [4]E. Urteaga, «Las teorías económicas del desarrollo sostenible,» Cuadernos de Economía, vol. 32, nº 89, pp. 113-162, 2009. [5]V. K. Smith, Scarcity and Growth Reconsidered, Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1979. [6]J. y. A. Medina, «Ingreso y desigualdad: la Hipótesis de Kuznets en el caso boliviano,» Espacios, vol. 38, nº31, p. 23, 2017. [7]M. Ahluwalia, «Inequality, poverty and development, » Journal of Development Economics, nº 3, pp. 307-342, 1976. [8]A. y. R. D. Alesina, «Distributive politics and economic growth,» Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 109, nº 2, pp. 465-490, 1994. [9]R. Barro, «Inequality and growth in a panel of countries, » Journal of Economic Growth, vol. 5, nº 1, pp. 5-32, 2000. [10]M. A. Galindo, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico,» de Anuario jurídico y económico escurialense, 2002, pp. 473-502. [11]A. Álvarez, «Distribución de la renta y crecimiento económico, Información Comercial Española, ICE,» Revista de economía, nº 835, pp. 95-100, 2007. [12]J. C. Núñez, «Crecimiento económico y distribución del ingreso: una perspectiva del Paraguay,» Población y Desarrollo, nº 43, pp. 54-61, 2016. [13]S. Kuznets, «Economic Growth and Income Inequality, » American Economic Review, nº 45, pp. 1-28, 1955. [14]J. A. y. C. J. Araujo, «Relación entre la desigualdad de la renta y el crecimiento económico en Brasil: 1995-2012.,» Problemas del desarrollo, vol. 46, nº 180, pp.129-150, 2015. [15]C. Correa, F. Vasco y C. Perez «La Curva Medioambiental de Kuznets: Evidencia Empírica para Colombia Grupo de Economía Ambiental (GEA),» Semestre Económico, vol. 8, nº 15, pp. 13-30, 2005. [16]W. Malenbaum, World Demand for Raw Materials in 1985 and 2000, McGraw-Hill: New York, 1978. [17]W. Beckerman, «Economists, scientists, and environmental catastrophe,» Oxford Economic Papers, vol. 24, nº 3, 1972. [18]G. y. K. A. Grossman, «Economic Growth and the Environment,» The Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 110, nº 2, pp. 353-377, 1995. [19]N. Stokey, «Are there Limits to Growth?,» International Economic Review, vol. 39, nº 1, 1998. [20]W. y. C. W. Jaeger, «A Theoretical Basis for the Environmental Inverted-U Curve and Implications for International Trade,» de Discussant: Clive Chapple, New York, 1998. [21]T. B. K. B. R. y. G. K. Cavlovic, «A Mets-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies,» Agricultural and Resource Economics, nº 29, pp. 32-42, 2000. [22]M. y. S. T. Heil, «Carbon emissions and economic development: future trajectories based on historical experience, » Environment and Development Economics, vol. 6, nº 1, pp. 63-83, 2001. [23]U. S. R. y. E. B. Soytas, «Energy consumption, income, and carbon emissions in the United States,» Ecological Economics, vol. 62, nº 3, pp. 482-489, 2007.[24]C. W. J. Granger, «Investigating causal relations by econometrics models and cross spectral methods,» Econometrica, nº 37, pp. 424-438, 1969. [25]M. y. U. R. Nasir, «Environmental Kuznets Curve for carbon emissions in Pakistan: An empirical investigation,» Energy Policy, vol. 39, nº 3, pp. 1857-1864,2011. [26]S. Johansen, «Statistical Analysis of Cointegration Vectors,» Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, vol. 12, nº 2, pp. 231-254, 1988. [27]B. Goldman, «Meta-Analysis of Environmental Kuznets Curve Studies: Determining the Cause of the Curve's Presence,» de Honors Projects, 2012. [28] M. B. y. T. T. Fosten, «Dynamic misspecification in the environmental Kuznets curve: Evidence from CO2 and SO2 emissions in the United Kingdom,» Ecological Economics, vol. 76, pp. 25-33, 2012.

Puerto Rico and Newfoundland are located at two extremes of the Atlantic Ocean, the former in the Caribbean Sea and the latter in the North Sea of the American continent. Both formations—former colonies from Spain and Great Britain—have been linked through the production and consumption of salted fish (that is, cod and other members of the Gadidae family) from the 16th to the 20th century. Spain transferred to the Caribbean colonies its "addiction" to cod, a cheap source of protein for peasants and laborers in the Peninsula, and a foodstuff that became the source of protein for slaves, peasants, and rural workers in the Caribbean.The British also used that alimentary strategy in their Caribbean colonies, which became importers of salted fish from New England, Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland, a territory that dominated the production and processing (culling and salting) of cod. The plantation system required a cheap protein source for the slave labor force that the American codfish market provided. By the end of the 19th century, the supply of New England cod waned (due to a number of reasons), and that opened up an opportunity for Newfoundland to become the most important supplier of fish, a commodity mediated at first through the British authorities, and later by the merchants of the Dominion. The expansion of the productive frontier—from the 19th to the 20th century—required the investment of capital in larger boats and an increase in effort through the use of nets and long liners in waters distant from the inshore areas.This paper presents an anthropological and historical analysis of the relationship between Puerto Rico and the producers of salted fish in the North Sea, namely, New England and Newfoundland, through the use of a number of historical and ethnographical studies and, most importantly, through the analysis of primary sources from the General Archive of Puerto Rico, the National Records and Archives Administration in the United States, and the Provincial Archive of Labrador and Newfoundland. This research started, originally, with an interest in understanding the relationship between both markets in their complex export-import relationship, and with a special focus on the 20th century due to the availability of the primary sources. However, this effort led me to the search for other historical and ethnographic sources that documented the social, economic, and political processes that shaped the production of salted fish and the circulation of that commodity in the Atlantic Ocean, with emphasis on the Caribbean.In that context, the work of Jason Moore proved to be pertinent as a theoretical model to analyze the role of producers and consumers of cheap foodstuffs on a global scale. The World-Ecology model, and the concepts of production frontiers, commodity frontiers, and ecological surplus are extremely useful in understanding how Newfoundland expanded the productive frontier, both horizontally and vertically, by moving the effort from the inshore areas to the offshore banks, which required fishing in deeper waters. In order to provide a cheap commodity to the laborers of the plantation system of the Caribbean, the Newfoundland merchants exploited the unpaid labor of the women and children of the outports (coastal communities) in the processing phase (culling and salting), while forcing the men to look for cash in other subsidiary activities. Low wages and poor working conditions in the curing of fish discouraged laborers to do high-quality work, and therefore, the curing was not always of the required standard for the markets. However, the low-quality fish, the Labrador cure, found its way to the Puerto Rican market. The United States, in the defense of its vested interests in sugarcane cultivation and sugar production, imposed low prices for the importation of salted fish from Newfoundland, and therefore regulated the price per pound at the local markets.The work of Jason Moore matches the theoretical model developed by Daniel Pauly, a scientist devoted to the study of the global fisheries, and particularly those of the North Sea. For Pauly, the fate of the world fisheries has been in the hands of a threefold expansion (dubbed as the "toxic triad") led by the development in fisheries technologies over the past four hundred years, and accelerated in the 19th and 20th centuries. Those are the geographical expansion, the bathymetric expansion and the taxonomic expansion. That is, global fisheries expanded their productive activities to new geographical frontiers hitherto explored or utilized, including depths. It also expanded the number of species caught, a process that impacted the food chain. Industrialization, and the use of trawler nets in the 20th century, depleted the North Sea fish stocks and destroyed benthic habitats, which contributed to the collapse of 1992. An "undercurrent" flowing in this paper consists of the argument that there is a strong correspondence between the theoretical thinking of Jason Moore and that of the most progressive fishery scientists, exemplified by Pauly.Over the last thirty years, I have been involved in research and applied work related to fisheries management and the conservation of habitats and fish populations and stocks. In understanding the relationship between Puerto Rico and Newfoundland, I became interested in the history of fisheries management and conservation, and the economic and political forces that contributed to the collapse of the stocks and populations of cod (Gadus morhua) and other Gadidae that forced the 1992 closure and the demise of one of the most important fisheries in our hemisphere. Data and interpretations from a number of studies suggest that, for a long period of time, the 1992 closure reflected the cumulative effect of centuries of the intensification of production, due to the demand for cod from different parts of the world. This paper suggests that Puerto Rico played a critical role in that process, due to the importance of imports from Newfoundland. Throughout the 20th century, Puerto Rico was one of the most important buyers of salted fish, importing as much as all the Caribbean islands at different points in time. That is a line of research that I will continue to pursue, and this paper is a first step in that direction.Newfoundland tried to maintain the salt fish market of the Caribbean until the 1960s, when Puerto Rico was in the midst of an industrialization and modernization process that reshaped the taste and consumption patterns of the population. By then, cod ceased to be a gastronomic addiction, despite the efforts of two merchant classes, one in St. John's and the other in San Juan.The article is divided into eight sections that broadly cover the following topics: the history of salted fish consumption and production in the North Sea, Spain, and New England; the British and Newfoundland market in Puerto Rico; cod consumption in Puerto Rico during the 19th century; the relations of production (ecological surplus) that made possible cheap cod; 20th century transformations in Puerto Rico, and a final reflection on the role of Puerto Rico and Newfoundland in the World-Ecology. ; Este artículo explora, por medio del examen y análisis de estudios antropológicos, históricos y de las fuentes documentales de varios archivos, la relación entre Puerto Rico y Terranova, como consumidores y productores de pescado salado, respectivamente. El bacalao fue un alimento barato usado para sostener a la fuerza de trabajo esclavizada y libre en la larga duración caribeña y trasatlántica. El desarrollo del capitalismo, según Jason Moore, ha dependido de la expansión de las fronteras productivas (zonas de explotación de mano de obra y recursos) y de la extracción y consumo de insumos baratos. Para ello, ha dependido de la extracción de un excedente ecológico basado, en este caso, en la apropiación del trabajo no remunerado de mujeres y niños. El bacalao se produjo en unas condiciones de explotación y trabajo no remunerado de hombres, mujeres y niños en Terranova, para alimentar a familias pobres en Puerto Rico. El objetivo principal de este trabajo consiste aplicar esos planteamientos teóricos de Moore, en el análisis de esas dos formaciones sociales, que han sido colonias de poderes imperiales; ambas vinculadas en una Ecología-Mundo basada en la producción y el consumo del bacalao; un proceso mediado por las clases mercantiles de ambos territorios. Las islas caribeñas estuvieron vinculadas a ese comercio trasatlántico (que incluía esclavos, melaza, rones y maderas) a través de intercambios con Terranova y Nueva Inglaterra, desde el siglo XVI. Los siglos XIX y XX, con el auge de la producción azucarera en Puerto Rico, fueron determinantes en establecer ese patrón de consumo y Terranova fue uno de los principales productores y suplidores de ese producto a Puerto Rico y el Caribe, manteniendo una estrategia de expansión de la frontera productiva, saliendo de la pesca costera para pescar en los grandes bancos, mediante un proceso sistemático de acumulación e inversión de capital, articulado por innovaciones en las artes de pesca y las embarcaciones. Este artículo sugiere que la suma de las importaciones por los países del Caribe contribuyó al eventual colapso de los abastos pesqueros de Terranova. Este trabajo es un primer paso en el análisis de la profunda relación entre el capital y la naturaleza y un paso en la exploración de como esas relaciones trasatlánticas fueron configurando el trabajo y la naturaleza en dos extremos del océano. Cuando se escriba la historia de las poblaciones de peces y los abastos pesqueros de Terranova, habrá que contar con la participación de Puerto Rico, y su rol en el proceso de intensificación de la producción, es decir, de la expansión de la frontera vertical y de la horizontal de la producción.

Cultural heritage, understood as the selection of sites or cultural manifestations transmitted for future generations, is rooted in the nationalist projects of states during European modernity. After the terrible consequences of the world wars this conservation model was universalized searching to preserve the heritage of mankind and supporting, at the same time, the construction of a liberal international order. Since then, international organizations have sought to direct efforts towards this goal. In 1972 the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage emerged as a result of discussions at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This convention was concerned about the deterioration or disappearance of cultural or natural heritage, something viewed as harmful and an impoverishment of the heritage of all the nations of the world. This is why the agreement summoned the states to participate in the protection of world heritage of outstanding universal value, by cultivating collective cooperation and assistance. A list of monuments and sites that form part of world heritage was established, in terms of aesthetic, historical, artistic or scientific criteria. However, over time, in the selection process of world heritage sites disputes and power asymmetries have arisen between countries around the control of space. This problem can be analyzed through Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches, spanning the historical changes and current critical debates about heritage, as well as the political processes of narratives, metaphors and social image constructions around territory. We propose that nominating a territory as a world heritage site generates its alienation. That is, states absorb local territories (understood as a social construct) into dominant national narratives and images, subsequently, countries consolidate their appropriation by enlisting their nationalized territories within the meta-narrative of world heritage. In this process, countries must participate in a highly politicized and structurally unequal international negotiation that reproduces spatial hierarchies. Ultimately, these local territories and practices suffer a process of assimilation into the allegory of world heritage. With this in mind, the aim of this study is to analyze the territorial alienation of properties inscribed on the World Heritage List by Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries as a case study. This alienation occurs because, given the conditions of UNESCO, the countries of the region must adopt an artificial set of categories, typologies and narratives, absorbing or denying other territorial practices. This paper is divided in two sections. The first section gives a brief overview of world heritage origins centered on national projects within a specific European context, and explains Critical Heritage and Critical Geopolitics approaches. A discussion of the evolution of world heritage categories and symbolic aspects of power is reviewed, highlighting the imposition of historical narratives in official documents, the reproduction of aesthetic codes and the construction of imaginaries around the past of territories. The second section analyses the particular case of the World Heritage List in Latin America and the Caribbean. In order to study territorial alienations, methodologically we review countries ratifications of the 1972 convention, the total number of sites, obstacles in international negotiations, narratives, as well as historical events commemorated by the world heritage officially recognized in this part of the planet. The inscription of a site on the World Heritage List requires a nomination file. We used the UNESCO's files to detect these historical narratives and discourses. Some conclusions are drawn, our findings would seem to show that world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean are underrepresented compared to Europe and North America. In addition, these sites are geographically concentrated in South America, with the Caribbean as the least favored sub-region. At the beginning, countries were reluctant to ratify the 1972 convention due to the prevailing Cold War context, but gradually all countries in the region accepted the commitment. States like Mexico top the List of World Heritage sites, but others have no sites recognized; differences in the number of sites registered by the countries do not only stem from their geographical attributes and their historical past, but also because of the political, technical and economic potential to participate in diplomatic negotiations at UNESCO. Arguments for inscribing a site as world heritage in this region highlights the relevance of natural and exotic places. This looks like a continuity of dominant imperialist narratives during the conquest and colonization of the continent America. The separation between natural and cultural world heritage is an artificial division adopted, but contrary to some local traditions in the region. The arrival of Europeans to Latin America has been established as a time marker used for example to talk about "pre-Columbian" cultures. In any case, few sites commemorate pre-Columbian civilizations, with the exception of the Mayas and the Incas, which contrasts with the cultural diversity and traditional groups that are not part of these dominant versions of the past. It may be assumed that in historical commemorations of world heritage sites in this region, the colonial past is notoriously overvalued and magnified; that is, it is presented as a favorable stage indicating a kind of cultural sophistication for indigenous people. Amazingly, territories essential to fulfilling their goal of extracting natural resources for the European settlers are now uncritically recognized as world heritage (for example mining centers, plantations, seaports or strategic villages). Similarly, cultural sites of Roman Catholic Christianity are evoked as a favorable contribution for the historical regional memory, but denying impositions around the conflictive and complex process of evangelization; in the same way other religions and beliefs are omitted. There are many colonial sites enlisted as world heritage but very few referring to the modern history of the region, significantly reformist narratives are absent: independence movements, abolition of slavery or contemporary indigenous and black population claims are not raised. In summary, these results suggest that, from a critical perspective, the world heritage sites in Latina America and the Caribbean allow dominant relations to continue through values of European origin, selective historical narratives and illusory images as a colonized region. As long as other relevant regional historical events or social actors are ignored, the regional past and cultural heritage will be incomplete. The region reaffirms its peripheral and subordinated position in the international system through historical narratives acritically adopted. Latin American and Caribbean territories are more than exotic landscapes and places of colonial splendor for tourism. Analyzing world heritage from a critical perspective is a way to re-center the territory as a key axis in this dynamic and to recognize other memories and spatial relations. ; La acumulación de un patrimonio cultural, como una selección de bienes o manifestaciones sociales transmitida sucesivamente para generaciones futuras, se origina en los proyectos nacionalistas de los estados durante la modernidad, principalmente en un contexto europeo. Más adelante, con las funestas consecuencias de las guerras mundiales, este modelo se universaliza para tratar de conformar un patrimonio común a toda la humanidad. A partir de entonces, instituciones internacionales como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura (UNESCO) han buscado dirigir los esfuerzos hacia este fin, de manera central a través de la Convención del Patrimonio Mundial de 1972. Sin embargo, la participación en estos mecanismos está fuertemente politizada y centrada en las capacidades e intereses nacionales de los países, por lo que prevalece una supeditación a estrategias geopolíticas alrededor de la figura estatal. Siguiendo este supuesto, el presente artículo busca analizar críticamente las propiedades del patrimonio mundial enlistadas según lo marcado por la convención de 1972 en el caso particular de América Latina y el Caribe (ALyC), esto desde la perspectiva teórica de la geopolítica crítica. El artículo se compone de dos secciones: en la primera se traza el origen histórico y estatista del patrimonio mundial, abordando los aportes de la teoría crítica del patrimonio y de la geopolítica crítica para estudiar este fenómeno; en la segunda se aborda particularmente la región de ALyC, revisando metodológicamente los procesos de inscripción, tipología, distribución y justificaciones del valor universal excepcional de las propiedades del patrimonio mundial en esta zona del planeta. Considerando que en las luchas interestatales influyen narrativas, imágenes y metáforas para imponer representaciones simbólicas dominantes del espacio, se propone que el patrimonio mundial es una metanarrativa que puede favorecer la alienación de territorios. Esto porque formas sociales de significar, usar y producir un territorio localmente son absorbidas por una memoria histórica nacional, en un primer momento, y alienadas más adelante dentro de un ideal patrimonial de apariencia universal, pero naturaleza selectiva. En esta alienación la imposición de versiones oficiales de la historia, valoraciones con categorías exógenas y alegorías son impuestas institucionalmente, lo cual puede reproducir una jerarquización espacial con centros y periferias. Se concluye que en el patrimonio mundial que se ubica en la región latinoamericana, pese a un proceso tardío de adhesión por desconfianza inicial a la convención de 1972, prevalece una subrepresentación frente a otras regiones del mundo, permean deficiencias estructurales entre países que impiden participar igualitariamente en los órganos decisorios y se presenta una forzada adopción de categorías patrimoniales que propicia una reproducción acrítica de narrativas históricas bajo cánones valorativos europeos. El resultado final es que muchos de estos territorios sufren un proceso de alienación donde se separa en forma artificial la relación entre ser humano y naturaleza, se menosprecia a las culturas originarias y se sobrevalora el legado del pasado colonial europeo, así como del cristianismo católico, lo cual repite una tradición extractivista y periférica de la región, absorbiendo o negando otras relaciones territoriales del pasado y presente.

In this issue, readers will find two subject matter sections: 1. Contemporary Security and 2. International Relations CasuistryContemporary SecurityCésar Ross and Gonzalo Montaner Correo open the Volume 12 Number 2 issue with the article titled "The Post-9/11 Security Studies Agenda: What is Being Discussed and Who are Being Discussed?", offering a context for the new era of international security from the starting point of those terrorist attacks which imbued in the international system the friend-enemy ideology. In addition, these attacks managed to modify the traditional concepts of war, and in concordance we present Mariano César Bartolomé's contribution, his article "The Current Use of the Concept 'War' in International Relations". In it, a deeper insight on the epistemology associated with the new deontological needs stemming from the mutation of revolutions is offered. Accordingly, and in order to close this subject matter section of the International Relations, Strategy, and Security Journal, you can find "The Perception of Political Elites and the Predilection for Private Forms of Violence: From Mercenaries to Military Private Security Companies", by Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, a document in which the contributions from the previous authors come to fruition.International Relations CasuistryErnani Contipelli wrote the article "Global Governance and Comparative Analysis of the Integration Processes in Latin America: The Andean Community and the MERCOSUR". Following a similar approach, we find Jerónimo Ríos Sierra's contribution, "The UNASUR and the Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America: Another Lost Decade?" Here, he meticulously analyzes the toll paid due to the auctioning of other regional international organizations. In turn, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga presents "Uruguay and its Incorporation to the United Nations Security Council. International Law in the Role of a Small State". He describes tendencies that could be adopted by peripheral actors in the international system and that can be perfectly spotted in other case studies, as the one carried out by Mariano Turzi in "Latin American silk road: China and the Nicaragua Canal". Now, and from the south of the American continent, Melisa Deciancio enriches our issue with the article "The Construction of the Argentinian International Relations (IR) Field: Contributions from Geopolitics". Meanwhile, María Cecilia Míguez reflects on "The Unorthodox Autonomy and the Classification of Foreign Politics in Argentina". Finally, two related articles are presented in our issue; both focus on the "hot" topic of drug trafficking, one from Brazil and the other from Argentina. The former was written by Esteban Arratia Sandobal and is titled "Beyond Pacification/Competition: State-Making in Rio's Favelas", and it could be contrasted with the peculiarities of the Argentinian territory, so well described by Carolina Sampó in the latter, "Drug and Human Trafficking: A Sample of How Organized Crime Advances in Argentina". To close this current edition, we present "62 Years of Indonesia – Mexico Diplomatic Relations: Some Reflections and Ways Forward", from the author Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril.We expect that, with this collection of research efforts and reflections from expert social scientists from a variety of disciplinary approaches, this current issue of the International Relations, Strategy, and Security Journal will please all its readers. ; Editorial En la presente edición, el lector encontrará dos secciones temáticas: 1. Seguridad Contemporánea, y: 2. Casuística Internacional.Seguridad contemporánea T1César Ross y Gonzalo Montaner Correo abren la edición volumen 12, número 2, con el artículo denominado "La agenda de los estudios de seguridad post 9/11: ¿de qué y quiénes hablan?", contextualizando la nueva era de la seguridad internacional derivada de aquellos ataques terroristas, que imprimieron la ideología de amigo-enemigo en el sistema internacional. Logran, además, modificar los conceptos tradicionales de guerra, para lo cual presentamos la contribución de Mariano César Bartolomé, con su artículo titulado "El empleo actual del concepto guerra en las relaciones internacionales". En este se profundiza en la epistemología relativa a las nuevas necesidades deontológicas que presenta la mutación de las revoluciones. En consecuencia y para finalizar esta sección temática de la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, está "La percepción de las élites políticas y la predilección por las formas privadas de violencia: de los mercenarios a las compañías militares de seguridad privada", escrito por Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, documento en el cual se cristalizan los aportes de los autores iniciales. Casuística en relaciones internacionales Ernani Contipelli escribió el artículo "Gobernanza global y análisis comparado de los procesos de integración en américa latina: comunidad andina y el Mercado del Sur", Por la misma línea se encuentra el aporte de Jerónimo Ríos Sierra, pero esta vez analizando con lupa los costos en el recorrido de otras organizaciones internacionales de la región: "La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas y la Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América: ¿otra década perdida?". Por su parte, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga, presenta "Uruguay y su ingreso al Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Claves para comprender el rol de un Estado pequeño", en el cual escribe tendencias que podrán ser adoptados por la periferia del sistema internacional y que pueden perfectamente palparse en estudios de casos, como el que realizó Mariano Turzi Correo en "At world's end: China, US and the Panama canal". Ahora, hacia el sur del continente americano, Melisa Deciancio enriquece nuestra edición con el artículo "La construcción del campo de las relaciones internacionales (ri) argentinas: contribuciones desde la geopolítica". Entretanto, María Cecilia Míguez reflexiona sobre "La Autonomía Heterodoxa y la clasificación de las políticas exteriores en la Argentina". Finalmente, se cotejan en nuestra edición dos artículos enfocados en el "caliente" tema del narcotráfico, uno en Brasil y otro en Argentina: el primero de ellos, escrito por Esteban Arratia Sandobal y titulado "Beyond pacification Competition State-Making in Rio's favelas", contrastado con la particularidad del territorio argentino, bien descrito por Carolina Sampó: "Narcotráfico y trata de personas, una muestra de cómo el crimen organizado avanza en Argentina". Se cierra la presente edición con "62 Years of Indonesia – Mexico Diplomatic Relations: Some Reflections and Ways Forward", del autor Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril. Se espera con la presente colección de investigaciones y reflexiones de expertos cientistas sociales con multiplicidad de enfoques disciplinares que este número de la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad sea de su total agrado. ; Nessa edição, o leitor encontrará duas seções temáticas: 1. Segurança contemporânea e 2. Casuística internacional.Segurança contemporâneaCésar Ross e Gonzalo Montaner Correo abrem a edição volume 12, número 2, com o artigo denominado "A agenda dos estudos de segurança post 9/11: de que e quem são os que falam?", contextualizando a nova era da segurança internacional derivada de aqueles ataques terroristas, que imprimiram a ideologia de amigo-inimigo no sistema internacional. Conseguem, além disso, modificar os conceitos tradicionais da guerra, para o qual apresentamos a contribuição de Mariano César Bartolomé, com o seu artigo titulado "O emprego atual do conceito guerra nas relações internacionais". Neste se aprofunda na epistemologia relativa as novas necessidades deontológicas que apresenta a mutação das revoluções. Em consequência e para finalizar esta seção temática da Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança , está "A percepção das elites polí- ticas e a predileção pelas formas privadas de violência: dos mercenários as expedições militares de segurança privada", escrito por Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, documento no qual se cristalizam as colaborações dos autores iniciais.Casuística em relações internacionaisErnani Contipelli escreveu o artigo "Governança global e análises comparativo aos processos de integração na américa latina: comunidade andina e o Mercado do Sul", Pela mesma linha encontrasse a colaboração de Jerónimo Ríos Sierra, mas nesta vez analisando com lentes de aumento os gastos no caminho de outras organizações internacionais da região: "A União das Nações Sul-americanas e a Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos de Nossa América: outra década perdida?". Por sua parte, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga, apresenta "Uruguai e a sua entrada ao Conselho de Segurança das Nacoes Unidas. Chaves para compreender o rol de um Estado pequeno", no qual escreve tendências que poderão ser adotadas pela periferia do sistema internacional e que podem perfeitamente palpar-se em estudos de casos como o que realizou, Mariano Turzi, em "A rota da seda latinoamericana: a China e o Canal da Nicarágua". Agora, para o sul do continente americano, Melisa Deciancio enriquece nossa edição com o artigo "A constru- ção do campo das relações internacionais (ri) argentinas: contribuições desde a geopolítica". No entanto, María Cecilia Míguez reflexiona sobre "A Autonomia Heterodoxa e a classificação das políticas exteriores na Argentina". Finalmente, se enumeram na nossa edição dois artigos enfocados no "quente" tema do narcotráfico, um no Brasil e o outro na Argentina: o primeiro deles, escrito por Esteban Arratia Sandobal e titulado "Beyond pacification Competition State-Making in Rio's favelas", comparado com a particularidade do território argentino, bem descrito por Carolina Sampó: "Narcotráfico e tráfico de pessoas , uma amostra como o crime organizado avança na Argentina". Termina a apresente da edição com "62 years of Indonesia-México Diplomatic Relations: some reflections and ways forward", do autor Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril.Esperasse com a presente coleção de investigações e reflexões de experientes cientistas sociais, multiplicidade de enfoques disciplinares que este número da Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança seja do seu total agrado.

On 28 June 2019, the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and the European Union (EU) concluded the negotiations on the trade chapter of the Association Agreement that both blocs had been working on for twenty years. The conclusion of the negotiations, announced at the G20 summit in Osaka, surprised everyone. They had begun in 1999 but were interrupted (and subsequently retaken) on several occasions due to differences in key issues such as agriculture, services and government procurement. Although a trade agreement was reached in June 2019, we should note that this does not mean the end of the process, as ratification by the parties and entry into force is still pending. At the time of the conclusion of the "agreement in principle", the EU faced the consequences of a multiplicity of overlapping crises and concentrated its foreign policy mainly on its eastern and southern neighbors, while the South American bloc had diverted its external relations to Asia. When everything suggested that MERCOSUR and Europe were drifting apart, they managed to reach the agreement. What were the determining factors for this outcome? The explanation of why countries decide to close a trade agreement leads to a diversity of factors. In the case of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the EU, it was exhibited as an instrument for market access, and as an opportunity to increase the well-being and efficiency of different economic sectors. From the strategic and geopolitical point of view, the agreement was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order. With regard to the identity element, the agreement contributes to the consolidation of a bi-regional common identity around a set of shared values. The MERCOSUR-EU agreement, then, does not allow a single appraisal, but it can be elucidated by the presence of at least three kinds of explanatory factors: economic, strategic and geopolitical, and also ideational. A large and growing body of literature on international cooperation, economic integration and inter-regionalism has investigated the selected factors. Liberal intergovernmentalists and international political economy scholars have studied the interaction between economic and geopolitical interests. In the economic integration process, according to these approaches, economic interests take precedence. However, they recognize that in cases where economic interests are indeterminate or diffuse, other objectives might be relevant (such as geopolitical, strategic and, we will add, ideational). In this study, we analyze how these three factors have been present to account for the agreement reached and what their implications are. The aim of this research, then, is to investigate the factors that explain the conclusion of the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union, in June 2019, after twenty years of negotiations. Similarly, it attempts to examine whether any of these factors have an impact on the strategic uses that the parties make of the negotiated agreement and its (possible) ratification. Our hypothesis is that the conclusion of a deal between MERCOSUR and the EU is a multi-causal process involving simultaneously three types of factors: economic and trade material interests, strategic and geopolitical interaction, and bi-regional identity. The convergence of factors implies that the trade-off that allowed the agreement to be reached is multivariate, which does not suggest that it is necessarily harmonious. Each of these factors contributes to giving a different meaning or perspective, making available different strategic uses of the agreement by the countries involved. These different uses and meanings attributed to the negotiated agreement on the basis of the factors involved may also affect the dynamics of the ratification process. In methodological terms, the article follows the logic of a qualitative case study. The study is longitudinal, seeking to understand the conclusion of the negotiations while still considering the phenomenon over time. The techniques of data collection and analysis were qualitative, relying on the review of official documents, statements and speeches of the various actors involved, as well as on secondary statistical and bibliographic sources. The study shows that multi-causal analyses with eclectic conceptual frameworks have advantages, in a context where international trade negotiations are becoming more complex and where trade has ceased to be a low agenda issue. Therefore, the research carried out makes it possible to shed light on the tensions underlying the signing of the agreement, which also appear in the ratification process. Moreover, it shows that different actors' viewpoints and motivations coexist regarding the same international policy event –the trade agreement–. This study provides support for our initial argument. On the economic and commercial dimensions, the parties involved managed to bring their positions closer on the most sensitive issues, which –until then– appeared as insurmountable differences. While the structural characteristics of trade and investment did not change and nor did the trade preferences of the sectors, there was a change in the political dimension of these elements. From this perspective, the ratification of the agreement is imperative, but it is precisely because of the sensitivities involved that a higher level of politicization is expected. Geopolitics has also played a relevant role, especially in the strategic use of the announcement of the agreement at the Osaka Summit. Thus, it was presented as a milestone for the preservation of the international liberal order, in contrast to the dynamics of the Sino-American trade war. This strategic game, however, is satisfied with the mere announcement of the arrangement and the geopolitical variable does not generate the same incentives for ratification as it did for the conclusion of the negotiations. Finally, the explanation based on the identity element is constructed from inter-regionalism and makes it possible to argue that the agreement between MERCOSUR and the European Union represents a milestone in the consolidation of a common identity around a set of shared values. However, these are a precondition for the agreement to take place, and do not fully explain the 2019 outcome. Putting these three variables into dialogue has proved indispensable to apprehend the complexity of a long-standing process, and the implications of an eventual ratification. These findings, however, raise new questions. Future work could enrich the study of the MERCOSUR-EU agreement, including the challenges of politicization. Also, since the study suggests a link between the three explanatory factors and the uses of the trade agreement, in future investigations it might be possible to undertake comparative studies between different processes of international trade negotiations. The article has been organised in the following way. After the introduction, the paper goes on to present the definitions related to the conceptual framework and research design. In the first section we focus on the hypothesis regarding material economic and commercial interests. The second section evaluates the geopolitical and strategic variable. The third section presents the characteristics and implications of the interregional link. Finally, we present the conclusions of the investigation. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es dilucidar cuáles fueron los factores que permiten explicar la conclusión del acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea, en junio de 2019, tras 20 años de negociaciones. De igual manera, propone indagar en si el predominio de alguno de dichos factores ha generado efectos sobre los usos estratégicos que las partes hacen del acuerdo negociado y su (posible) ratificación. Se postula una explicación tripartita y multicausal conforme a la cual el acuerdo MERCOSUR-Unión Europea fue posibilitado por tres tipos de factores: los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales, la interacción estratégica y geopolítica, y la identidad birregional. Esta convergencia de factores implica que el trade-off que permitió llegar al acuerdo es multivariado pero no implica que sea necesariamente armónico. Así, se sugiere que según sea el elemento privilegiado por las partes involucradas, el acuerdo adquiere distintos significados y diferentes perspectivas de ratificación. El acuerdo ha sido presentado como un instrumento para el acceso a los mercados; como una oportunidad para incrementar el bienestar y eficiencia de los distintos sectores económicos. Desde lo estratégico y geopolítico, como un hito para la conservación del orden liberal internacional. En tanto que el elemento identitario permite sostener que el acuerdo entre MERCOSUR y la Unión Europea contribuye a la consolidación de una identidad común en torno a un conjunto de valores compartidos. El trabajo presenta un diseño metodológico cualitativo, basando en el análisis documental. El debate presentado se inscribe en la discusión de los determinantes del regionalismo y la cooperación en materia de integración regional dentro de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales. El trabajo pone de manifiesto que, en un contexto donde las negociaciones comerciales internacionales son cada vez más complejas y donde la variable comercial ha dejado de ser un tema de low agenda, un análisis multicausal con marcos conceptuales eclécticos presenta ventajas. Con este abordaje, la investigación realizada permite echar luz sobre las tensiones subyacentes al momento de la firma del acuerdo, y que comienzan a manifestarse en el proceso de ratificación. Muestra también que sobre un mismo hecho de la política internacional –el acuerdo comercial– coexisten distintas miradas y motivaciones por parte de los actores involucrados. El artículo se organiza de la siguiente manera: luego de la introducción presentamos las definiciones relativas a nuestro marco teórico y encuadre metodológico. En el primer apartado nos centramos en la hipótesis concerniente a los intereses materiales económicos y comerciales. El segundo apartado, toma, por su parte, la de la variable geopolítica y estratégica. La tercera sección expone las características e implicancias del vínculo interregional. Finalmente, se presentan las conclusiones de la investigación.

In this issue, readers will find two subject matter sections: 1. Contemporary Security and 2. International Relations CasuistryContemporary SecurityCésar Ross and Gonzalo Montaner Correo open the Volume 12 Number 2 issue with the article titled "The Post-9/11 Security Studies Agenda: What is Being Discussed and Who are Being Discussed?", offering a context for the new era of international security from the starting point of those terrorist attacks which imbued in the international system the friend-enemy ideology. In addition, these attacks managed to modify the traditional concepts of war, and in concordance we present Mariano César Bartolomé's contribution, his article "The Current Use of the Concept 'War' in International Relations". In it, a deeper insight on the epistemology associated with the new deontological needs stemming from the mutation of revolutions is offered. Accordingly, and in order to close this subject matter section of the International Relations, Strategy, and Security Journal, you can find "The Perception of Political Elites and the Predilection for Private Forms of Violence: From Mercenaries to Military Private Security Companies", by Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, a document in which the contributions from the previous authors come to fruition.International Relations CasuistryErnani Contipelli wrote the article "Global Governance and Comparative Analysis of the Integration Processes in Latin America: The Andean Community and the MERCOSUR". Following a similar approach, we find Jerónimo Ríos Sierra's contribution, "The UNASUR and the Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America: Another Lost Decade?" Here, he meticulously analyzes the toll paid due to the auctioning of other regional international organizations. In turn, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga presents "Uruguay and its Incorporation to the United Nations Security Council. International Law in the Role of a Small State". He describes tendencies that could be adopted by peripheral actors in the international system and that can be perfectly spotted in other case studies, as the one carried out by Mariano Turzi in "Latin American silk road: China and the Nicaragua Canal". Now, and from the south of the American continent, Melisa Deciancio enriches our issue with the article "The Construction of the Argentinian International Relations (IR) Field: Contributions from Geopolitics". Meanwhile, María Cecilia Míguez reflects on "The Unorthodox Autonomy and the Classification of Foreign Politics in Argentina". Finally, two related articles are presented in our issue; both focus on the "hot" topic of drug trafficking, one from Brazil and the other from Argentina. The former was written by Esteban Arratia Sandobal and is titled "Beyond Pacification/Competition: State-Making in Rio's Favelas", and it could be contrasted with the peculiarities of the Argentinian territory, so well described by Carolina Sampó in the latter, "Drug and Human Trafficking: A Sample of How Organized Crime Advances in Argentina". To close this current edition, we present "62 Years of Indonesia – Mexico Diplomatic Relations: Some Reflections and Ways Forward", from the author Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril.We expect that, with this collection of research efforts and reflections from expert social scientists from a variety of disciplinary approaches, this current issue of the International Relations, Strategy, and Security Journal will please all its readers. ; Editorial En la presente edición, el lector encontrará dos secciones temáticas: 1. Seguridad Contemporánea, y: 2. Casuística Internacional.Seguridad contemporánea T1César Ross y Gonzalo Montaner Correo abren la edición volumen 12, número 2, con el artículo denominado "La agenda de los estudios de seguridad post 9/11: ¿de qué y quiénes hablan?", contextualizando la nueva era de la seguridad internacional derivada de aquellos ataques terroristas, que imprimieron la ideología de amigo-enemigo en el sistema internacional. Logran, además, modificar los conceptos tradicionales de guerra, para lo cual presentamos la contribución de Mariano César Bartolomé, con su artículo titulado "El empleo actual del concepto guerra en las relaciones internacionales". En este se profundiza en la epistemología relativa a las nuevas necesidades deontológicas que presenta la mutación de las revoluciones. En consecuencia y para finalizar esta sección temática de la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad, está "La percepción de las élites políticas y la predilección por las formas privadas de violencia: de los mercenarios a las compañías militares de seguridad privada", escrito por Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, documento en el cual se cristalizan los aportes de los autores iniciales. Casuística en relaciones internacionales Ernani Contipelli escribió el artículo "Gobernanza global y análisis comparado de los procesos de integración en américa latina: comunidad andina y el Mercado del Sur", Por la misma línea se encuentra el aporte de Jerónimo Ríos Sierra, pero esta vez analizando con lupa los costos en el recorrido de otras organizaciones internacionales de la región: "La Unión de Naciones Suramericanas y la Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América: ¿otra década perdida?". Por su parte, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga, presenta "Uruguay y su ingreso al Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas. Claves para comprender el rol de un Estado pequeño", en el cual escribe tendencias que podrán ser adoptados por la periferia del sistema internacional y que pueden perfectamente palparse en estudios de casos, como el que realizó Mariano Turzi Correo en "At world's end: China, US and the Panama canal". Ahora, hacia el sur del continente americano, Melisa Deciancio enriquece nuestra edición con el artículo "La construcción del campo de las relaciones internacionales (ri) argentinas: contribuciones desde la geopolítica". Entretanto, María Cecilia Míguez reflexiona sobre "La Autonomía Heterodoxa y la clasificación de las políticas exteriores en la Argentina". Finalmente, se cotejan en nuestra edición dos artículos enfocados en el "caliente" tema del narcotráfico, uno en Brasil y otro en Argentina: el primero de ellos, escrito por Esteban Arratia Sandobal y titulado "Beyond pacification Competition State-Making in Rio's favelas", contrastado con la particularidad del territorio argentino, bien descrito por Carolina Sampó: "Narcotráfico y trata de personas, una muestra de cómo el crimen organizado avanza en Argentina". Se cierra la presente edición con "62 Years of Indonesia – Mexico Diplomatic Relations: Some Reflections and Ways Forward", del autor Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril. Se espera con la presente colección de investigaciones y reflexiones de expertos cientistas sociales con multiplicidad de enfoques disciplinares que este número de la Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad sea de su total agrado. ; Nessa edição, o leitor encontrará duas seções temáticas: 1. Segurança contemporânea e 2. Casuística internacional.Segurança contemporâneaCésar Ross e Gonzalo Montaner Correo abrem a edição volume 12, número 2, com o artigo denominado "A agenda dos estudos de segurança post 9/11: de que e quem são os que falam?", contextualizando a nova era da segurança internacional derivada de aqueles ataques terroristas, que imprimiram a ideologia de amigo-inimigo no sistema internacional. Conseguem, além disso, modificar os conceitos tradicionais da guerra, para o qual apresentamos a contribuição de Mariano César Bartolomé, com o seu artigo titulado "O emprego atual do conceito guerra nas relações internacionais". Neste se aprofunda na epistemologia relativa as novas necessidades deontológicas que apresenta a mutação das revoluções. Em consequência e para finalizar esta seção temática da Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança , está "A percepção das elites polí- ticas e a predileção pelas formas privadas de violência: dos mercenários as expedições militares de segurança privada", escrito por Mario Iván Urueña Sánchez, documento no qual se cristalizam as colaborações dos autores iniciais.Casuística em relações internacionaisErnani Contipelli escreveu o artigo "Governança global e análises comparativo aos processos de integração na américa latina: comunidade andina e o Mercado do Sul", Pela mesma linha encontrasse a colaboração de Jerónimo Ríos Sierra, mas nesta vez analisando com lentes de aumento os gastos no caminho de outras organizações internacionais da região: "A União das Nações Sul-americanas e a Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos de Nossa América: outra década perdida?". Por sua parte, Wilson Fernández Luzuriaga, apresenta "Uruguai e a sua entrada ao Conselho de Segurança das Nacoes Unidas. Chaves para compreender o rol de um Estado pequeno", no qual escreve tendências que poderão ser adotadas pela periferia do sistema internacional e que podem perfeitamente palpar-se em estudos de casos como o que realizou, Mariano Turzi, em "A rota da seda latinoamericana: a China e o Canal da Nicarágua". Agora, para o sul do continente americano, Melisa Deciancio enriquece nossa edição com o artigo "A constru- ção do campo das relações internacionais (ri) argentinas: contribuições desde a geopolítica". No entanto, María Cecilia Míguez reflexiona sobre "A Autonomia Heterodoxa e a classificação das políticas exteriores na Argentina". Finalmente, se enumeram na nossa edição dois artigos enfocados no "quente" tema do narcotráfico, um no Brasil e o outro na Argentina: o primeiro deles, escrito por Esteban Arratia Sandobal e titulado "Beyond pacification Competition State-Making in Rio's favelas", comparado com a particularidade do território argentino, bem descrito por Carolina Sampó: "Narcotráfico e tráfico de pessoas , uma amostra como o crime organizado avança na Argentina". Termina a apresente da edição com "62 years of Indonesia-México Diplomatic Relations: some reflections and ways forward", do autor Sulthon Sabaruddin Sjahril.Esperasse com a presente coleção de investigações e reflexões de experientes cientistas sociais, multiplicidade de enfoques disciplinares que este número da Revista de Relações Internacionais, Estratégia e Segurança seja do seu total agrado.

Il tema centrale della presente tesi è lo studio della relazione tra la pianificazione di un territorio turistico e gli elementi del territorio e del paesaggio che lo compongono, attraverso un caso di studio paradigmatico di turismo d'élite, la Costa Smeralda nell'isola della Sardegna. La Costa Smeralda, inventata nel 1962 su un territorio anteriormente vergine da un gruppo di personaggi dell'alta finanza il cui protagonista fu il Principe Karim Aga Khan, rappresenta un caso unico nell'Italia degli anni '60 di pianificazione e gestione unitaria in forma consortile di tremila ettari di terreno con finalità turistiche. Il processo di costruzione del paesaggio e dello spazio turistico nella Costa Smeralda è messo in relazione con i seguenti temi: - il contesto italiano del secondo dopoguerra, in conflitto tra recupero della tradizione e l'innovazione del movimento moderno; - l'invenzione di un immaginario esotico-mediterraneo come base per la fondazione della Costa Smeralda e la singolarità delle modalità di avvio della località turistica d'élite; - il diverso approccio al progetto turistico riscontrato nelle diverse fasi della costruzione della Costa Smeralda e legato alla provenienza dei progettisti, porta a definire gli elementi prioritari per la costruzione del paesaggio turistico a diversa scala. Del continuo processo di costruzione della Costa Smeralda, dal 1962 a oggi, la tesi si concentra nel primo ventennio, dal quale emergono gli aspetti più interessanti di questo territorio: - la prima fase d'invenzione e avvio della Costa Smeralda, dai primi anni '60 ai primi anni '70, è realizzata in totale assenza di normativa in materia di pianificazione e paesaggio; l'organo incaricato di redigere un piano di sviluppo globale è il Comitato di Architettura con a capo l'architetto Luigi Vietti; - la seconda fase di consolidamento della località turistica, nel decennio del 1970, vede per la prima volta la presenza di un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, intervenire in un progetto turistico del Mediterraneo. L'approccio al progetto, la visione a scala territoriale e la suddivisione dell'operazione per fasi, sarà estranea a qualsiasi intervento fino ad allora eseguito. L'analisi dei due diversi approcci al territorio, quello italiano e quello americano, ci porta a definire quali sono stati gli elementi fondamentali del paesaggio che hanno influito sul processo di costruzione del territorio turistico, quali erano le aspettative per un modello di pianificazione estraneo al Mediterraneo e cosa questo ha apportato. Lo studio del caso specifico della Costa Smeralda, che di per sè non è riuscita a raggiungere risultati esemplari nè nel progetto architettonico nè in quello urbano, è tuttavia utile per trarre delle considerazioni generali all'interno del dibattito sull'architettura e pianificazione turistica, riguardo il conflitto tra modernità e tradizione, pittoresco e folclorico, pianificazione sensibile e landscape planning. ; El tema central de la presente tesis es el estudio de la relación entre la planificación de un territorio turístico y los elementos del territorio y del paisaje que lo componen, a través de un caso de estudio paradigmático del turismo de élite, como es la Costa Smeralda en la isla de Cerdeña. La Costa Smeralda, creada en 1962 sobre un territorio anteriormente virgen, por un grupo de actores de las altas finanzas en el cual el protagonista fue el Principe Aga Khan, representa un caso único en Italia de los años 60 de planificación y gestión unitaria en forma de consorcio de tres mil hectáreas de terreno con finalidad turística. El proceso de construcción del paisaje y del espacio turísticos en la Costa Smeralda viene definido a través de la relación de los siguientes temas: -el contexto italiano después de la II Guerra Mundial, en el cual se manifiesta el conflicto entre la recuperación de lo tradicional y la innovación que supuso el movimiento moderno; -la invención de un imaginario exótico y mediterráneo como base para la creación de la Costa Smeralda, y la singularidad del proceso en la configuración para una localidad de élite; -una perspectiva diferente al proyecto turístico durante las diversas fases en la construcción de la Costa Smeralda y la relación con la procedencia de los proyectistas, lleva a definir los elementos prioritarios para la construcción del paisaje turístico a diferentes escalas. Del proceso continuo sobre la configuración de la Cosa Smeralda , desde 1962 hasta hoy, la tesis se concentra en las dos primeras décadas, de las cuales emergen los aspectos más interesantes de este territorio: -la primera fase de intervención de la Costa Smeralda, entre los años 60 y principios de los 70, se desarrolló sin la existencia de normativas en materia de planificación y paisaje; la entidad encargada de restablecer un plan de desarrollo global fue el Comité de Arquitectura bajo la dirección del arquitecto Luigi Vietti; -la segunda fase de consolidación de la localidad turística, durante la década de los 70, por primera vez ve como proyectista un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, en un proyecto turístico en el Mediterráneo. El planteamiento del proyecto, la visión a escala territorial y la subdivisión de la operación por fases, destacaron sobre cualquiera de la operaciones realizadas hasta el momento. El análisis de los dos enfoques sobre el territorio, el italiano y americano, lleva a definir cuales han sido los elementos fundamentales del paisaje que han influido sobre el proceso de construcción del territorio turístico, cuales eran las expectativas de un modelo de planificación foránea en el mediterráneo, y que supuso este nuevo contexto. El estudio del caso específico de la Costa Smeralda, que en si no implicó una situación ejemplar ni en el proyecto arquitectónico ni urbano, es todavía significativo para extraer consideraciones generales dentro del debate sobre la arquitectura y planificación turística, respecto al conflicto entre la modernidad y tradición, pintoresco y folclórico, planificación más atenta y landscape planning. ; The main topic of this dissertation is the study of the relationship between the planning of a tourist territory and the elements of the land and landscape that make it up. The case study is a paradigmatic example of elite tourism, called Costa Smeralda in the island of Sardinia. The Costa Smeralda was founded in the early 1960s in the north-eastern coast of Sardinia, at a time of great change for tourism. While for the rest of Europe the tourism boom after World War II meant the democratization of the holidays and the spread of mass tourism, Costa Smeralda was founded by Prince Aga Khan in opposition to the other mass tourism destinations fate in the Spanish, Italian and French coasts of the same period. The insular condition and the pristine nature of Costa Smeralda became a symbol of exclusivity, which attracted elite clients looking for a heavenly enclave of luxury tourism in the heart of the Mediterranean. It represented in those years a unique case in Italy of global planning and management of three thousand acres of land through the insitution of a consortium for tourist purposes. The process of construction of Costa Smeralda landscape and tourist space has been related to the following themes: - italian context after World War II, in conflict between the tradition's rediscovery and innovation of modern movement; - the invention of an exotic-mediterranean imagery as base for the construction of Costa Smeralda, and singularity of the operation to iniciate the elite tourism settlement; - the different approach to the landscape held in the different phases of construction and related to the origin of designers, bring us to define priority elements for the construction of tourist landscape at the different scales. The construction of Costa Smeralda has been an ongoing process from 1962 until today. The thesis focuses on the first two decades, from which emerge the most interesting aspects of this territory: - The first stage of invention and launch of the Costa Smeralda, from the early '60s to the early '70s, is made in total absence of planning and landscape legislation; the institution responsible for drawing up a comprehensive development plan was the Architectural Committee, headed by the architect Luigi Vietti; - The second phase of consolidation of the resort, in the decade of 1970, sees for the first time the presence of an American landscape planner, Hideo Sasaki, intervene in a tourism project in the Mediterranean. The approach to the project, the vision of a territorial scale and the subdivision of the operation in stages, were new actions never executed before then. The analysis of the different italian and american approaches to the territory, leads us to define what were the key elements of the landscape that have influenced the process of construction of the tourist territory, what the expectations were from a planning model extraneous to the Mediterranean one and what this has brought. The study of the specific case of the Costa Smeralda, which in itself is not able to achieve exemplary results in either architectural design nor in urban areas, it is instead useful to draw some general conclusions in the debate on architecture and tourism planning, with regard the conflict between modernity and tradition, picturesque and folkloric, sensitive planning and landscape planning. ; Postprint (published version)

Il tema centrale della presente tesi è lo studio della relazione tra la pianificazione di un territorio turistico e gli elementi del territorio e del paesaggio che lo compongono, attraverso un caso di studio paradigmatico di turismo d'élite, la Costa Smeralda nell'isola della Sardegna. La Costa Smeralda, inventata nel 1962 su un territorio anteriormente vergine da un gruppo di personaggi dell'alta finanza il cui protagonista fu il Principe Karim Aga Khan, rappresenta un caso unico nell'Italia degli anni '60 di pianificazione e gestione unitaria in forma consortile di tremila ettari di terreno con finalità turistiche. Il processo di costruzione del paesaggio e dello spazio turistico nella Costa Smeralda è messo in relazione con i seguenti temi: - il contesto italiano del secondo dopoguerra, in conflitto tra recupero della tradizione e l'innovazione del movimento moderno; - l'invenzione di un immaginario esotico-mediterraneo come base per la fondazione della Costa Smeralda e la singolarità delle modalità di avvio della località turistica d'élite; - il diverso approccio al progetto turistico riscontrato nelle diverse fasi della costruzione della Costa Smeralda e legato alla provenienza dei progettisti, porta a definire gli elementi prioritari per la costruzione del paesaggio turistico a diversa scala. Del continuo processo di costruzione della Costa Smeralda, dal 1962 a oggi, la tesi si concentra nel primo ventennio, dal quale emergono gli aspetti più interessanti di questo territorio: - la prima fase d'invenzione e avvio della Costa Smeralda, dai primi anni '60 ai primi anni '70, è realizzata in totale assenza di normativa in materia di pianificazione e paesaggio; l'organo incaricato di redigere un piano di sviluppo globale è il Comitato di Architettura con a capo l'architetto Luigi Vietti; - la seconda fase di consolidamento della località turistica, nel decennio del 1970, vede per la prima volta la presenza di un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, intervenire in un progetto turistico del Mediterraneo. L'approccio al progetto, la visione a scala territoriale e la suddivisione dell'operazione per fasi, sarà estranea a qualsiasi intervento fino ad allora eseguito. L'analisi dei due diversi approcci al territorio, quello italiano e quello americano, ci porta a definire quali sono stati gli elementi fondamentali del paesaggio che hanno influito sul processo di costruzione del territorio turistico, quali erano le aspettative per un modello di pianificazione estraneo al Mediterraneo e cosa questo ha apportato. Lo studio del caso specifico della Costa Smeralda, che di per sè non è riuscita a raggiungere risultati esemplari nè nel progetto architettonico nè in quello urbano, è tuttavia utile per trarre delle considerazioni generali all'interno del dibattito sull'architettura e pianificazione turistica, riguardo il conflitto tra modernità e tradizione, pittoresco e folclorico, pianificazione sensibile e landscape planning. ; El tema central de la presente tesis es el estudio de la relación entre la planificación de un territorio turístico y los elementos del territorio y del paisaje que lo componen, a través de un caso de estudio paradigmático del turismo de élite, como es la Costa Smeralda en la isla de Cerdeña. La Costa Smeralda, creada en 1962 sobre un territorio anteriormente virgen, por un grupo de actores de las altas finanzas en el cual el protagonista fue el Principe Aga Khan, representa un caso único en Italia de los años 60 de planificación y gestión unitaria en forma de consorcio de tres mil hectáreas de terreno con finalidad turística. El proceso de construcción del paisaje y del espacio turísticos en la Costa Smeralda viene definido a través de la relación de los siguientes temas: -el contexto italiano después de la II Guerra Mundial, en el cual se manifiesta el conflicto entre la recuperación de lo tradicional y la innovación que supuso el movimiento moderno; -la invención de un imaginario exótico y mediterráneo como base para la creación de la Costa Smeralda, y la singularidad del proceso en la configuración para una localidad de élite; -una perspectiva diferente al proyecto turístico durante las diversas fases en la construcción de la Costa Smeralda y la relación con la procedencia de los proyectistas, lleva a definir los elementos prioritarios para la construcción del paisaje turístico a diferentes escalas. Del proceso continuo sobre la configuración de la Cosa Smeralda , desde 1962 hasta hoy, la tesis se concentra en las dos primeras décadas, de las cuales emergen los aspectos más interesantes de este territorio: -la primera fase de intervención de la Costa Smeralda, entre los años 60 y principios de los 70, se desarrolló sin la existencia de normativas en materia de planificación y paisaje; la entidad encargada de restablecer un plan de desarrollo global fue el Comité de Arquitectura bajo la dirección del arquitecto Luigi Vietti; -la segunda fase de consolidación de la localidad turística, durante la década de los 70, por primera vez ve como proyectista un landscape planner americano, Hideo Sasaki, en un proyecto turístico en el Mediterráneo. El planteamiento del proyecto, la visión a escala territorial y la subdivisión de la operación por fases, destacaron sobre cualquiera de la operaciones realizadas hasta el momento. El análisis de los dos enfoques sobre el territorio, el italiano y americano, lleva a definir cuales han sido los elementos fundamentales del paisaje que han influido sobre el proceso de construcción del territorio turístico, cuales eran las expectativas de un modelo de planificación foránea en el mediterráneo, y que supuso este nuevo contexto. El estudio del caso específico de la Costa Smeralda, que en si no implicó una situación ejemplar ni en el proyecto arquitectónico ni urbano, es todavía significativo para extraer consideraciones generales dentro del debate sobre la arquitectura y planificación turística, respecto al conflicto entre la modernidad y tradición, pintoresco y folclórico, planificación más atenta y landscape planning. ; The main topic of this dissertation is the study of the relationship between the planning of a tourist territory and the elements of the land and landscape that make it up. The case study is a paradigmatic example of elite tourism, called Costa Smeralda in the island of Sardinia. The Costa Smeralda was founded in the early 1960s in the north-eastern coast of Sardinia, at a time of great change for tourism. While for the rest of Europe the tourism boom after World War II meant the democratization of the holidays and the spread of mass tourism, Costa Smeralda was founded by Prince Aga Khan in opposition to the other mass tourism destinations fate in the Spanish, Italian and French coasts of the same period. The insular condition and the pristine nature of Costa Smeralda became a symbol of exclusivity, which attracted elite clients looking for a heavenly enclave of luxury tourism in the heart of the Mediterranean. It represented in those years a unique case in Italy of global planning and management of three thousand acres of land through the insitution of a consortium for tourist purposes. The process of construction of Costa Smeralda landscape and tourist space has been related to the following themes: - italian context after World War II, in conflict between the tradition's rediscovery and innovation of modern movement; - the invention of an exotic-mediterranean imagery as base for the construction of Costa Smeralda, and singularity of the operation to iniciate the elite tourism settlement; - the different approach to the landscape held in the different phases of construction and related to the origin of designers, bring us to define priority elements for the construction of tourist landscape at the different scales. The construction of Costa Smeralda has been an ongoing process from 1962 until today. The thesis focuses on the first two decades, from which emerge the most interesting aspects of this territory: - The first stage of invention and launch of the Costa Smeralda, from the early '60s to the early '70s, is made in total absence of planning and landscape legislation; the institution responsible for drawing up a comprehensive development plan was the Architectural Committee, headed by the architect Luigi Vietti; - The second phase of consolidation of the resort, in the decade of 1970, sees for the first time the presence of an American landscape planner, Hideo Sasaki, intervene in a tourism project in the Mediterranean. The approach to the project, the vision of a territorial scale and the subdivision of the operation in stages, were new actions never executed before then. The analysis of the different italian and american approaches to the territory, leads us to define what were the key elements of the landscape that have influenced the process of construction of the tourist territory, what the expectations were from a planning model extraneous to the Mediterranean one and what this has brought. The study of the specific case of the Costa Smeralda, which in itself is not able to achieve exemplary results in either architectural design nor in urban areas, it is instead useful to draw some general conclusions in the debate on architecture and tourism planning, with regard the conflict between modernity and tradition, picturesque and folkloric, sensitive planning and landscape planning. ; Postprint (published version)

Ali E. Abbas (" The Multiattribute Utility Tree ") received his M.S. in electrical engineering, M.S. in engineering economic systems and operations research, Ph.D. in management science and engineering, and Ph.D. (minor) in electrical engineering, all from Stanford University. He is an associate professor in the Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. His research interests include utility theory, decision making with incomplete information and preferences, dynamic programming, and information theory. He previously worked with Schlumberger Oilfield Services, where he held several international positions in wireline logging, operations management, and international training. He was also a lecturer in the Department of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford, and he was involved with several consulting projects for mergers and acquisitions in California. Dr. Abbas is a member of INFORMS, a senior member of the IEEE, and an associate editor for Decision Analysis and Operations Research. Address: Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering, College of Engineering, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, 117 Transportation Building, MC-238, 104 South Mathews Avenue, Urbana, IL 61801; e-mail: aliabbas@uiuc.edu . James S. Dyer (" A Discrete Time Approach for Modeling Two-Factor Mean-Reverting Stochastic Processes ") occupies the Fondren Centennial Chair in Business in the Red McCombs School of Business Administration at the University of Texas at Austin. His research and teaching interests are focused on applications of decision analysis and real options to problems of risk management and capital budgeting, and he has published extensively on these subjects in various journals, including Management Science and Operations Research. He is the former Chair of the Decision Analysis Society of INFORMS, and the former area editor for decision analysis for Operations Research. He was awarded the Ramsey Medal by the Decision Analysis Society and the Edgeworth-Pareto Award by the International Society on Multiple Criteria Decision Making. Address: Information, Risk, and Operations Management Department, McCombs School of Business, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712; e-mail: jim.dyer@mccombs.utexas.edu . Jeffery L. Guyse (" Consistency Among Elicitation Techniques for Intertemporal Choice: A Within-Subjects Investigation of the Anomalies ") is currently an associate professor in the Technology and Operations Management Department at the Cal Poly Pomona. He holds a Ph.D. from University of California, Irvine in management and an undergraduate degree in economics from California State University, San Marcos. His research interests are focused on the methodological issues involved with eliciting preferences for decisions that occur over time for both monetary and nonmonetary outcomes. Address: Technology and Operations Management Department, College of Business Administration, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, 3801 West Temple Avenue, Pomona, CA 91768; e-mail: jlguyse@csupomona.edu . Warren J. Hahn (" A Discrete Time Approach for Modeling Two-Factor Mean-Reverting Stochastic Processes ") is an assistant professor of decision sciences in the Graziadio School of Business and Management at Pepperdine University. He received his Ph.D. in management science from the University of Texas at Austin in 2005, and he also holds an M.B.A., an M.S. in civil engineering, and a B.S. in petroleum engineering, all from the University of Texas at Austin. His research interests include discrete-time modeling of stochastic processes and numerical techniques for solving decision analysis problems, with applications to commodity price modeling and valuation of real options. From 1991 through 2001, he held several engineering and financial management roles with firms in the energy industry, including ARCO, Vastar Resources, and BP. Address: Graziadio School of Business and Management, Pepperdine University, 24255 Pacific Coast Highway, Malibu, CA 90263; e-mail: joe.hahn@pepperdine.edu . Thomas W. Keelin (" Quantile-Parameterized Distributions ") is a cofounder and managing partner of Keelin Reeds Partners (KR), a management consulting firm that provides portfolio management, strategy, asset valuation, decision analysis, and business-development services. Over the last decade with KR, he has supervised such engagements for more than 80 venture-funded and emerging life sciences companies. Previously, Tom was the worldwide managing director of the Strategic Decisions Group (SDG), where he also served on the board of directors and executive committee. Over two decades at SDG, Tom founded the firm's electric utilities and life sciences practice areas and headed its strategy and strategy implementation consulting practices. He is a coauthor of the Harvard Business Review article "How SmithKline Beecham Makes Better Resource-Allocation Decisions" (March–April 1998), and he has testified before regulatory bodies in multiple U.S. states and internationally on issues of decision quality, investment risk analysis, and customer markets. He is also managing partner of Turning Point Asset Management, an investment management firm specializing in the acquisition and resolution of residential mortgages across the United States using an unusual combination of advance analytics and working with borrowers. Tom is a cofounder and is on the Board of Directors of the Decision Education Foundation, a not-for-profit organization that helps teens develop good decision making as a life skill. He holds three degrees from Stanford University: B.A. in economics and M.S. and Ph.D. in engineering-economic systems. Address: Keelin Reeds Partners, Menlo Park, CA 94025; e-mail: tomk@keelinreeds.com . L. Robin Keller (" From the Editor: Multiattribute and Intertemporal Preferences, Probability, and Stochastic Processes: Models and Assessment ") is a professor of operations and decision technologies in the Merage School of Business at the University of California, Irvine. She received her Ph.D. and M.B.A. in management science and her B.A. in mathematics from the University of California, Los Angeles. She has served as a program director for the Decision, Risk, and Management Science Program of the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF). Her research is on decision analysis and risk analysis for business and policy decisions and has been funded by NSF and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Her research interests cover multiple attribute decision making, riskiness, fairness, probability judgments, ambiguity of probabilities or outcomes, risk analysis (for terrorism, environmental, health, and safety risks), time preferences, problem structuring, cross-cultural decisions, and medical decision making. She is currently Editor-in-Chief of Decision Analysis, published by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). She is a Fellow of INFORMS and has held numerous roles in INFORMS, including board member and chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. She is a recipient of the George F. Kimball Medal from INFORMS. She has served as the decision analyst on three National Academy of Sciences committees. Address: Merage School of Business, University of California, Irvine, Irvine, CA 92697-3125; e-mail: lrkeller@uci.edu . Francois Melese (" A Multiattribute Sealed-Bid Procurement Auction with Multiple Budgets for Government Vendor Selection ") is a professor of economics and the executive director of the Defense Resources Management Institute at the Naval Postgraduate School. He earned his B.A. in economics at the University of California, Berkeley; his M.A. at the University of British Columbia, Canada; and his Ph.D. at the Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium. His research interests include public budgeting, public procurement, game theory, and defense economics. He is widely published in these areas and on other topics in economics and management. He has taught public executive management courses around the world, and he has been an advisor and consultant to the Office of the Secretary of Defense (OSD Director of Administration and Management), the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Comptroller), NATO's Political and Economics Directorate, and the Defense Business Board (Advisors to the Secretary of Defense). A frequent participant at NATO meetings, Dr. Melese has represented the United States as a speaker and moderator in countries throughout Europe. Dr. Melese is a member of the American Economic Association, Southern Economic Association, and Western Economic Association, and he is an elected member of the Research Society of American Scientists—Sigma Xi. Address: Defense Resources Management Institute, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, CA 93943; e-mail: fmelese@nps.edu . Bradford W. Powley (" Quantile-Parameterized Distributions ") is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford University. Brad holds an M.S. degree in management science and engineering from Stanford and a B.S. degree in mechanical engineering and materials science from the University of California, Davis. Brad consults on various portfolio management, strategy, asset valuation, and decision analysis engagements within the life sciences industry, and he has held various positions in manufacturing, design, and systems engineering in HP's Imaging and Printing and Medical Products Groups. His research interests include probability encoding and the application of decision analysis to asset valuation. Address: Department of Management Science and Engineering, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305; e-mail: bpowley@stanford.edu . Jay Simon (" A Multiattribute Sealed-Bid Procurement Auction with Multiple Budgets for Government Vendor Selection " and " Consistency Among Elicitation Techniques for Intertemporal Choice: A Within-Subjects Investigation of the Anomalies ") is an assistant professor at the Defense Resources Management Institute at the Naval Postgraduate School, where he teaches a wide range of topics in quantitative analysis, decision-maker preferences, uncertainty, risk, logistics, and economics. He received his Ph.D. in operations and decision technologies from the University of California, Irvine. His main research focus is multiattribute preference modeling, particularly involving outcomes that occur over time, space, or groups of people. His current work is on the topics of reference-dependent utility, preferences over geographical data, altruistic utility, use of military reserves, and resource usage in military operations. He is a member of INFORMS and the Decision Analysis Society. Address: Defense Resources Management Institute, Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, CA 93943; e-mail: jrsimon@nps.edu .

La administración Obama inició su gestión condicionada por tres factores: la pesada herencia de la administración de George W. Bush, su propia propuesta de campaña centrada en la idea del cambio y la dramática situación económica de Estados Unidos, enmarañada en un complejo ciclo de crisis inmobiliaria, financiera y finalmente productiva. Sumado a ello, su labor y sus metas se vieron también afectadas por la abrumadora complejidad de los desafíos encarados tanto a nivel doméstico como en el plano internacional. Tal situación, y en vísperas de la mitad del mandato presidencial, vuelven necesario repasar el estado de las iniciativas y las luchas que la administración ha planteado. A través de dos breves artículos, se buscará el doble objetivo de sintetizar su agenda hasta la actualidad e intentar percibir su grado de éxito y fracaso. En esta primera entrega, la atención recaerá en la performance observada en la arena nacional.Bajo la frase "Change we can believe in", Obama y sus asesores electorales articularon la campaña presidencial mediáticamente más exitosa en la historia del país. El "cambio" hacía referencia a transformar "realmente Washington", renovando el sistema político estadounidense a través de nuevos rumbos en políticas públicas claves como las políticas de salud, de inmigración, de representación de intereses (cabildeo), de reglas financieras y de seguridad nacional (específicamente la referida al uso de la tortura). Como un gesto confirmatorio, en sus primeras horas como presidente efectivo, Obama emitió laorden de clausura de la cárcel de Guantánamo en Cuba (no así de las instalaciones navales bajo poder de Estados Unidos desde 1903), emblema del controvertido enfoque legal adoptado desde el 2001 por la administración Bush para la captura y confinamiento de operarios y combatientes vinculados a Al-Qaeda y/o el Talibán.Sin embargo, ya desde la fase previa de transición gubernamental, fue posible advertir que la atención primaria de la nueva administración caería en la recuperación económica, ante la necesidad de hacer frente a 1,3 billones de dólares de déficit fiscal, revertir los niveles de desocupación en ascenso y fortalecer el golpeado sistema bancario, entre otros elementos. Aprovechando el capital político tras la asunción, la Casa Blanca obtuvo su primer triunfo legislativo con la rápida aprobación de la American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, que complementaba el plan de estímulo económico del 2008 implementado por Bush. Con ella se buscaba la creación de 3,5 millones de puestos de trabajo, una fuerte inversión pública en infraestructura y el recorte de impuestos para el 95% de la población trabajadora, lo que en su conjunto implica un gradual desembolso federal de 787 mil millones de dólares (ver al respecto «http://www.recovery.gov/Pages/home.aspx»).Tras ello, el flamante presidente se puso en campaña para lo que hasta el momento ha sido su mayor y más arriesgada batalla doméstica, la reforma del sistema de salud ("Health Care Reform"). La conjunción de los intereses de las compañías proveedoras de cobertura médica, gran parte del partido republicano y sectores ultraconservadores, temerosos estos últimos del cercenamiento de sus libertades por parte del gobierno federal, resultó en una formidable resistencia para el proyecto de ley introducido por la Casa Blanca. No fue hasta finales del 2009 y por último en marzo del 2010 que el Congreso logró el consenso necesario para pasar una propuesta bastante menos ambiciosa que la original, pero que de todas formas ofrece una alternativa a los 30 millones de personas sin cobertura e impide por ejemplo la negación por parte de las compañías de la prestación a niños con enfermedades pre-existentes. Para muchos optimistas, este triunfo en sí mismo significa "the first piece of incontestable evidence that Washington has changed", y las encuestas recientes señalan que el malestar popular inicial contra la ley se encuentra en retroceso.También durante el 2009, la administración comenzó el debate para la reforma financiera, otra lucha significativa al ser puestos sobre la mesa los intereses de las grandes firmas de Wall Street. La justificación del plan gubernamental fue prontamente hallada en la necesidad de evitar la repetición de una crisis como la desencadenada entre 2007 y 2008. Para ello, su espíritu consiste en la vasta expansión de la regulación y la supervisión de las actividades crediticias y financieras a nivel nacional. "It is a plan based on the Main Street values of hard work and responsibility, and one that demands new accountability from Wall Street to Washington", sostuvo el propio presidente días antes de firmar la ley el pasado 21 de julio. En el Congreso, el asunto dividió las aguas de manera partidaria. Los republicanos rechazaron infructuosamente buena parte de las principales propuestas del plan, entre ellas la creación de una poderosa agencia de protección para los consumidores.La batalla más reciente —que despunta por convertirse en el próximo mayor debate dentro de Estados Unidos— es la de la reforma inmigratoria. Esta temática fue parte central de la plataforma de campaña de Obama pero, sin embargo, desde su llegada al poder fue postergada frente a los tópicos hasta aquí referidos. La sanción de una dura ley anti-inmigratoria en el estado de Arizona, que causó la espontánea condena de las principales comunidades inmigrantes del país (en especial de los latinos), reactivó el asunto en los últimos meses al punto que el gobierno federal a través de su Departamento de Justicia denunció la inconstitucionalidad de esta norma y pidió revocar su implementación. Lo cierto es que tanto demócratas como republicanos consideran que el sistema nacional de inmigración se encuentra quebrado y requiere algún tipo de modificación, en particular para resolver el status de los casi 12 millones de inmigrantes indocumentados residentes en el país. Por el momento, Obama ha depositado una propuesta para una comprehensive immigration reform en manos del Senado basada en un primer acuerdo bipartisano cuyos puntos centrales son el fortalecimiento de la seguridad fronteriza y la normalización de los ilegales a través de ciertos requisitos como tareas comunitarias, el pago de una multa y de impuestos y el manejo fluido del idioma. De todas formas, sus perspectivas de aprobación en el Congreso para este año permanecen bajas frente a la propia resistencia de senadores demócratas, además de los republicanos.Hasta aquí, estos son los grandes tópicos abordados por la agenda doméstica de la administración Obama. De su consideración, no debe emanar una lectura apresurada, anclada en los triunfos logrados. Cada uno de estos tópicos ha significado —y significan aún— procesos políticos conflictivos que han mermado la popularidad de la Casa Blanca a un punto impensado para muchos dadas las peculiaridades de Obama y su espectacular triunfo de 2008, aunque sí refleje el declinante patrón histórico del desempeño popular de los presidentes estadounidenses. A un año de la asunción de Obama, el periodista Dan Balz delWashington Post escribía al respecto: The good feelings that surrounded Obama in the months after Inauguration Day have faded. The week he was inaugurated, just 19 percent of Americans said the country was heading in the right direction; by April, that had risen to 50 percent. Today it has slipped to 37 percent.Asimismo, cabe destacar que en el desarrollo de sus guerras internas, la administración ha visto el ascenso de dos elementos indeseados. Por un lado, la polarización político-partidaria, producto del propio confinamiento republicano y de la ausencia de propuestas integradoras por parte de la Casa Blanca y la mayoría demócrata en el Congreso. Por el otro, la recomposición de sectores ultraconservadores a través del nuevo Tea Party, una especie de movimiento descentralizado y fraguado en la oposición al plan de estímulo económico, la reforma de salud, la reforma inmigratoria, la política a favor del aborto y, en general, a lo que percibe como las políticas antilibertarias de las élites de Washington, New York, Hollywood y de las universidades. El Tea Party no sólo ha acaparado la atención pública sino que además ha echado por tierra los apresurados planteos sobre la muerte del Estados Unidos republicano y conservador y el triunfo definitivo de las fuerzas progresistas tras décadas de postergación. Se trata de un enfrentamiento de fondo en la sociedad norteamericana no resuelto aún y que parece revitalizarse con cada avance en la agenda de la administración Obama.A estos elementos debe agregarse por último el desencanto y las críticas hacia la Casa Blanca provenientes de los sectores más liberales, quienes, lejos de celebrar los triunfos legislativos de Obama, los han interpretado más bien como concesiones innecesarias que desvirtuaron las propuestas originales de reforma y desaprovecharon la oportunidad histórica de instaurar transformaciones profundas y verdaderas. En definitiva, se aprecia un manifiesto interés y vocación de la administración por avanzar en una agenda doméstica fuertemente emparentada con la propuesta electoral del "cambio", lo que a su vez ha desencadenado inesperadas resistencias y ha complejizado las perspectivas demócratas de cara a las próximas elecciones del mes de noviembre (el triunfo del desconocido Scott Brown a comienzos de año en Massachusetts encendió la alarma en este sentido). Parte del problema reside ciertamente en la transacción de efectividad por contenido con la que la Casa Blanca ha enfocado sus iniciativas y que erosionó su base de apoyo. Pero los desafíos mayores emanan también de los propios rasgos y dinámicas profundas en pugna en el sistema político y en la sociedad estadounidenses, fuerzas que definen en última instancia la delicada tensión entre la renovación y el statu quo. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional General San Martín (UNSAM)

Po upadku komunizmu i zakończeniu zimnej wojny wydawało się, że świat na trwałe wchodzi w okres stabilizacji, pokoju i współpracy. Szybko jednak okazało się, że świat narastającej globalizacji ma różne oblicza, także negatywne, co rzutuje na prawie każdą sferę życia, także na bezpieczeństwo. Spadło co prawda zagrożenie nuklearne, ale pojawiły się nowe zagrożenia oraz nasiliły te, które przedtem przesłonięte były rywalizacją Wschód – Zachód. Chodzi głównie o konfl ikty etniczno- -religijne, kulturowe i cywilizacyjne, w tym rozlewające się konfl ikty wewnętrzne w państwach słabych i upadłych, proliferację broni masowego rażenia, niebezpieczne ambicje państw dyktatorskich. Ogromny wpływ na ład międzynarodowy i bezpieczeństwo miały zamachy 11 września 2001. Zmieniły one percepcję zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa. Terroryzm uznany został za największe zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa, a ogłoszona przez prezydenta Busha walka z terroryzmem doprowadziła Stany Zjednoczone i prawie cały Zachód do zaangażowania w dwie wojny: w Iraku i w Afganistanie. O ile interwencję w Afganistanie i obalenie reżimu Talibów można uznać za swoiste prawo do samoobrony Stanów Zjednoczonych (a właściwie po uruchomieniu art. 5 traktatu waszyngtońskiego za sprawę całego NATO), bo Al-Kaida, która była organizatorem zamachów 11 września, za przyzwoleniem tego reżimu była na stałe zainstalowana w tym kraju, to już interwencja w Iraku miała wątpliwe podstawy prawne, a właściwie była ona jednostronną decyzją USA, podjętą mimo protestów połowy sojuszników NATO. To co nastąpiło potem, w ramach wojny z terroryzmem, przekształciło się w totalny chaos, przypominający wojnę domową, w Iraku obecnie wygasającą, w Afganistanie zaś, już w warunkach obecności tam Międzynarodowych Sił Wsparcia Bezpieczeństwa (ISAF), coraz bardziej nasilającą się. W ostatnich dwóch latach warunki bezpieczeństwa w Afganistanie, za które w praktyce, w ramach ISAF, odpowiedzialne jest NATO, gwałtownie się pogorszyły. Gwałtownie wzrosła liczba zamachów terrorystycznych, a talibowie odzyskują pozycje, kontrolując już prawie 40% obszaru Afganistanu. Sytuacja w Afganistanie i odpowiedzialność NATO za bezpieczeństwo tego kraju budzi ogromne zaniepokojenie przywódców państw natowskich oraz kierownictwa sojuszu. Staje się to również jednym z centralnych problemów nowej administracji waszyngtońskiej. Trwające już siedem lat i rosnące zaangażowanie NATO i sił koalicyjnych w Afganistanie, pionierskie w ramach misji out of area, mimo zaangażowania ok. 64 tysięcy żołnierzy, sprzętu i idących w miliardy dolarów kosztów operacji nie przynosi jak dotąd, oczekiwanych rezultatów. Dlatego też przygotowana i realizowana jest nowa strategia obecności USA i NATO w Afganistanie. Zaangażowanie NATO w Afganistanie często interpretowane jest jako swoisty test dla Sojuszu, jako wyraz rosnącej odpowiedzialności za bezpieczeństwo globalne, w tym za zwalczanie nowych zagrożeń, takich jak terroryzm, których eskalacja jest także ubocznym skutkiem globalizacji. Autor nie w pełni podziela te opinie, choć niewątpliwie obecność NATO w Afganistanie jest ważną i trudną próbą dla Sojuszu, w tym także dla Polski ze względu na rosnące zaangażowanie sił zbrojnych naszego kraju w tę operację. Sprawa udziału NATO jednak rzutuje na stan bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, eskaluje napięcia i budzi negatywne emocje cywilizacyjno-kulturowe, utrudnia walkę z terroryzmem, kładzie się cieniem na i tak niejasny obraz sytuacji na Bliskim i Środkowym Wschodzie. Na wiele spraw z zakresu bezpieczeństwa globalnego i regionalnego, w tym narodowego poszczególnych krajów (choćby USA), patrzy się przez pryzmat Afganistanu. ; When the cold war ended, after the collapse of communism and when fi nally the Soviet Union disintegrated, there was a widespread feeling through the world that at long last universal peace had descended on earth. The fear of war in which weapons of mass destruction would be used had vanished. Today's world is a vastly different place. It is a world of globalization, which has both good and bad sides. This inexorable process has extended the opportunities of worldwide interchange. But this same globalization process and associated technology have also brought major new threats and intensifi ed existing ones. The threats we face are seamless, running across the boundaries of defence, foreign affairs, domestic and social life. It has left nations and peoples ever more vulnerable to phenomena ranging from international crime and terrorism through to cyber-attacks, health pandemics, energy politics, resource shortages and fi nancial crisis. We are facing the problem of failed states, WMD proliferations, rough countries challenges. We all have to agree that it was a great impact of 9/11 terrorist hijackers and attacks on security. The perception of international security threats has changed. Terrorism has been recognized as the biggest threat for security. The war on terrorism, declared by George W. Bush, has engaged United States and almost the whole West in two wars: in Iraq and in Afghanistan. As far as Afghanistan case is concerned, one has to recognize the legitimacy of American intervention (as did the UN Security Council), as U.S. had the right to self-defence after Al-Qaeda attacks, operating from Afghan territory. In the case of intervention in Iraq there are far going doubts about its legitimacy. The result was not only the overthrow of both regimes, of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and Taliban in Afghanistan, but a real mess – if not a civil war – in Iraq. Today, after seven years, the security situation in Iraq has much improved, but in Afghanistan there is ongoing process of violence escalation. In the last years the conditions of security in Afghanistan, for keeping which responsible is ISAF (and practically NATO, being a core of ISAF), has dramatically deteriorated. The number of terrorist attacks has enormously increased and Taliban have regained the control over 40% of Afghan territory. The security situation in Afghanistan and NATO's responsibility for that is the reason of deep concern for both the leaders of NATO member states and Alliance itself. The new American administration has made the confl ict a policy priority. President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan, including the decision to commit an additional 30 000 U.S. military forces to address the confl ict. NATO's engagement in Afghanistan is treated as a kind of test for Alliance and a confi rmation of NATO's rising responsibility for global security, opening new out of area alliance missions. It is also important for Poland, taking in consideration the rising number of Polish troops in Afghanistan. Many questions of global and regional [Middle East] security are treated in the framework of Afghanistan case. ; Многие считали, что после падения коммунизма и окончания холодной войны, мир входит в период стабилизации, мира и сотрудничества. Однако вскоре ока- залось, что в эпоху глобализации мир имеет разные обличия, в том числе нега- тивные, что отражается почти на каждой сфере жизни, в том числе и на безопас- ности. Хотя и уменьшилась ядерная угроза, но появились новые угрозы, а также усилились те, которые ранее, в связи с соперничеством Востока и Запада, на- ходились на втором плане. Главным образом здесь необходимо иметь ввиду эт- ническо-религиозные, культурные и цивилизационные конфликты, в том числе, внутренние конфликты в слабых и распавшихся государствах, распространение оружия массового уничтожения, опасные шаги диктаторских государств. Огромное влияние на международный порядок и безопасность оказали террористические акты 11 сентября 2001 года. Они полностью изменили вос- приятие угроз безопасности. Терроризм был признан самой большой угрозой безопасности, а провозглашенная президентом Бушем война с терроризмом вовлекла Соединённые Штаты и почти весь Запад в ведение двух войн: в Ира- ке и в Афганистане. Если интервенцию в Афганистане и свержение режима та- либов еще можно признать своеобразным правом на самозащиту Соединённых Штатов (а имея ввиду 5 статью Вашингтонского договора делом всего НАТО), поскольку Аль-Каида, ответственная за организацию терактов 11 сентября, с согласия режима талибов имела постоянные базы в этой стране, то интер- венция в Ираке имела очень слабые юридические основания и в действитель- ности она была односторонним решением США, принятым вопреки протестам половины союзников НАТО. То, что произошло в рамках войны с терроризмом, позже превратилось в тотальный хаос, приведший к ослабевающей гражданс- кой войне в Ираке, и усиливающейся войне в Афганистане, происходящей в ус- ловиях присутствия там Международных сил содействия безопасности (ISAF). В последние два года безопасность в Афганистане, за которую в действитель- ности в рамках ISAF, несет ответственность НАТО, сильно ухудшилась. Возрос- ло количество террористических актов, а талибы контролируют уже почти 40% территории Афганистана. Ситуация в Афганистане и ответственность НАТО за безопасность этой стра- ны, вызывает огромное беспокойство глав государств членов НАТО, руководс- тва союза, а также становиться одной из главных проблем новой вашингтон- ской администрации. Продолжающееся уже семь лет и растущее присутствие НАТО и коалиционных сил в Афганистане, не взирая на контингент численностью около 64 тысяч солдат, современную технику и исчисляющуюся в миллиар- дах долларов стоимость операции, пока не принесло ожидаемых результатов. В связи с чем, подготавливается и реализуется новая стратегия присутствия США и НАТО в Афганистане. Действия НАТО в Афганистане часто интерпретированы как своеобразный тест для союза, как проявление растущей ответственности за глобальную бе- зопасность, в том числе за борьбу с новыми угрозами, такими как терроризм, эскалация которого в какой-то степени является побочным следствием глоба- лизации. Автор не полностью разделяет такое мнение, хотя, несомненно, при- сутствие НАТО в Афганистане – это важное и тяжелое испытание для союза, в том числе также для Польши, ввиду возрастающего присутствия вооружён- ных сил Польши в этой операции. Вопрос участия в операции НАТО, хотим мы этого или нет, отражается на состоянии международной безопасности, вызыва- ет напряжения и отрицательные цивилизационно-культурные эмоции, затруд- няет борьбу с терроризмом, оказывает влияние на и так непростую ситуацию на Ближнем и Среднем Востоке. На многие вопросы в сфере глобальной и ре- гиональной безопасности, в том числе и национальной, отдельных стран (даже США), нужно смотреть сквозь призму Афганистана.

Inhaltsangabe:Introduction: Climate change represents an ongoing threat, not only since it attracted growing media attention in recent years. Therefore, scientists urge to reduce the concentration of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere in order to prevent most disastrous consequences. One method, chosen by the international community to achieve this reduction and therewith mitigate global warming, is via the establishment of so called carbon markets. Most famous example is probably the European Emissions Trade System (EU ETS), where pollution allowances can be exchanged among actors. The reduction then is achieved by the setting of a ceiling or cap by authorities. Besides, there are also voluntary carbon markets where actors aim at reducing emissions with self-imposed targets. Objective of this paper will be to elucidate this unregulated market for carbon commodities and understand its functioning. Since voluntary carbon trading was largely criticised for a lack of quality and transparency, methods to overcome such weaknesses shall be presented and evaluated as well. Beginning with an overview of different systems of carbon trading, the reader will subsequently learn about existing and emerging carbon markets, their characteristics and performance. Notably compliance and non-mandatory schemes will be distinguished. Juxtaposition will allow for evaluating strengths and weaknesses of both systems. For gaining an understanding of the supply chain in the voluntary carbon market and comprehend underlying motivations, a presentation of market players will follow in the second chapter. Based on market actors' motives, a model for 'high quality' carbon commodities will be established in the third part, whereby criticism is also taken into account. An examination of instruments to enhance quality and to overcome shortcomings of non-mandatory markets will be examined in the following. The fourth chapter will provide an evaluation of and an outlook on the beforehand discussed quality mechanisms. Additionally, different scenarios will be developed in order to predict the future of voluntary carbon trading.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: Acknowledgementsii Executive Summaryiii Table of Figuresx Table of Boxesxi Abbreviations and Acronymsxi Introduction1 1.An Overview of Existing Carbon Markets2 1.1Regulated Markets4 1.1.1The Kyoto Protocol4 1.1.2European Emissions Trading Scheme6 1.1.3Other Planned Trading Schemes under the Kyoto Protocol7 1.1.4Australia, finally committing to Kyoto8 1.1.5North American Initiatives9 1.2Unregulated Carbon Markets10 1.2.1Chicago Climate Exchange and Australia Climate Exchange10 1.2.2Functioning of Voluntary Carbon Markets11 1.2.3Market Volume and Prices13 1.2.4Market Dispersion14 1.2.5Project Types and Locations16 1.3Innovation or Security - Choice of Voluntary or Compliance Market18 2.Along the Supply Chain of Carbon Offsetting - Market Players26 2.1Project Developers27 2.2Verification Organisations30 2.2.1Verification and Labelling31 2.2.2Verifying the Verifiers - Greenpeace and Co.32 2.3Offset Suppliers33 2.3.1Non Profit Sellers - Changing the World for a Better35 2.3.2Brokers and Consultants - Drivers for Innovation36 2.3.3Investment Banks, Funds and Speculators - Important Investors38 2.3.4Wholesalers and Retailers - Profit Seeking Middlemen40 2.3.5Companies - Jumping on the Carbon Neutral Train41 2.4Purchasers of Carbon Offsets44 2.4.1Individuals - Underrepresented Target Group47 2.4.2Business - Most Attractive Large-Scale Purchasers48 2.4.3Events - Accounting for Carbon Footprints49 2.4.4Public Institutions and Governments - Combining Efforts towards a Low-Carbon Society50 2.4.5NGO's - Sceptic Customers51 3.Instruments for Quality Enhancement52 3.1Criticism and Problems of the Voluntary Market55 3.2Standards and Labels60 3.3Registries62 3.4Carbon Exchanges64 3.5Governmental Action65 3.5.1Sensitisation of the public66 3.5.2Regulatory framework66 3.5.3Initiator for Action67 3.6Guides and Codes68 3.7Credit Ratings70 3.8Managerial Approaches towards Quality71 3.8.1Benchmarking72 3.8.2Strategic Alliances73 3.8.3Environmental Risk Management74 3.8.4Green Teams75 4.Evaluation of Quality Instruments and Perspectives76 4.1Evaluation of Quality Instruments77 4.2Review on Experts' Opinions towards the Future of Voluntary Offsetting82 4.2.1Investors See Necessity to Overcome Structural Barricades82 4.2.2Consultants Predict Continued Growth83 4.2.3Conservationists Call for Faster and Deeper Change84 4.2.4Offset Suppliers Lack Overarching Market Information85 4.3Scenario 1: An Overregulated Voluntary Market86 4.4Scenario 2: A Supply Driven Market87 4.5Scenario 3: A Demand Driven Market89 4.6Scenario 4: Aligning Supply and Demand90 Conclusion95 Glossaryxii BibliographyxivTextprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 2.4.1, Individuals – Underrepresented Target Group: Voluntary offsetting provides individual consumers with the possibility to account for their personal carbon footprint. Compliance markets do not allow for such transactions due to structural restraints. For reducing or neutralising individual emissions, consumers may: - either purchase offsets directly from retailers; - or make environmentally conscious purchase decisions, as for instance with the ClimateSmart™ program from PGE. Retailers generally provide a so called carbon calculator on their websites. Therewith, consumers can determine the amount of carbon produced by their activities and purchase the corresponding amount of offsets. Mostly, this is done for air travel, but increasingly for domestic activities, too. Second option is the participation in offset programs, increasingly offered by businesses, or the choice of offset products (as for instance financial services, see section 2.3.5 on Companies – Jumping on the Carbon Neutral Train). Though, a discrepancy between consumers' commitments and actions has been observed by recent research. The GfK Rauper Green Gauge study concerning US consumer's behaviour for instance found that 82% of Americans claim to be seriously concerned about environmental issues, whereas only 28% made corresponding purchases during the last two months (Makover 3). With view on the country's objective to become 'carbon neutral', Norway's environmentalist Frederic Hauge sharply points on the mayor problem of most developed countries: 'We are a nice little country of petroholics and that has made us lazy', Frederic Hauge, head of Norway's largest environmental monitoring organisation Bellona. Therefore, incentives have to be created in order to further motivate individuals to change their high-carbon habits. The UK government for instance considers the introduction of a personal carbon trading scheme. But how can this target group be stimulated via market mechanisms? Harris' survey among retailers suggested that price and additional benefits are prevailing decision factors for consumers of this supplier group. Quality concerns seemed to be less important. Weakness of this study is that retailer's customers are not solely individuals and the small size of the sample (26 answers). Nevertheless, one may deduce that for motivating individuals to become more active on the voluntary carbon market, businesses have to offer products with added environmental value at low prices. This can be achieved by means of already mentioned strategic partnerships. Thus, a greater choice of offset products or commodities with the option to offset will stimulate individuals to increasingly participate in the voluntary carbon market. Another quality enhancing tool is education and transparency to gain credibility. The better informed consumers are, the more likely they will decide for offset products. Business – Most Attractive Large-Scale Purchasers: Besides the above discussed possibility to sell carbon credits, businesses may also purchase offsets. Dell or the often cited HSBC bank are just a small selection of examples for voluntary offsetters. Three forms of participation exist: Firstly, entities aiming at neutralising emissions from corporate operations for corporate social responsibility reasons. The second group comprises businesses purchasing carbon credits for resale, either in regard of future regulations or for profit reasons, see previous section. Third possibility for corporations to act as purchasers is to neutralise product life cycle emissions for offering 'carbon neutral' commodities. As evaluated before, major motives are corporate social responsibility and image concerns. Additionally, the discovered wish for valuable offsets will drive the development of projects with high quality features and co benefits, depending on the entity's purposes. Similarly to individuals, businesses are not yet 'walking their talk'. A McKinsey survey found that 60% of global executives consider climate change as important issue. Almost the same amount (61%) even acknowledges that with the right management such issues may have 'a positive effect on profits'. Though, solely 30% 'frequently or always consider climate change in overall strategy'. The study also confirms observations that entities are influenced by factors such as 'corporate reputation, media attention to climate change, and customer preferences'. Despite the perceptible discrepancy between words and actions, corporate offset buyers will lead the drive towards quality in unregulated carbon markets, in order to maintain credibility face to their customers. Events – Accounting for Carbon Footprints: Not only corporations account for their carbon footprints, event organisers also discover this tool for attracting media attention or mitigating negative environmental effects. The role of events in the carbon market, if there is any; correspond to awareness raising and education. As examples hereof may be named the Life Earth concerts, the UNFCCC conference in Bali 2007, the Olympic Games in Beijing 2008 or the FIFA Soccer World Cup two years earlier in Germany which are claiming to be 'carbon neutral'. Since event related offsetting intends to communicate and raise awareness, public and event participants need to understand projects easily. Therefore, carbon credits are chosen according to their public appeal. For instance forestation is a comprehensible and easily marketable action. Projects with additional benefits are also preferred for their communication possibilities. So, event organisers will rather support 'charismatic' offset projects. Public Institutions and Governments – Combining Efforts towards a Low-Carbon Society: What role do public actors play in an unregulated market? Since regulation potentially restricts the voluntary carbon market, governments are reluctant to act in this regard. However, in the UK research and dialogue is undertaken to design a profitable and market oriented framework, see Box 5 below for more information. As purchasers of carbon credits, governments only play a minor role with 0.4% of transactions effected in 2007. Nevertheless, announcements of towns, communes and even entire countries to become 'carbon neutral' do not cease. In February 2008 for instance, the United Nations Environment Programme announced the launch of a Climate Neutral Network. New Zealand, Iceland, Costa Rica and the world's third largest oil exporter Norway joined this initiative to reduce emissions to zero with together four towns and five corporations.

Charles F. Doran, Andrew W. Mellon Professor of International Relations; Director del Global Theory and History Program y Director del Center for Canadian Studies, en The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC, fue entrevistado por nuestro editor, Guzmán Castro, estudiante visitante en dicha casa de estudios y alumno del Dr. Doran. En las décadas de 1960 y 1970, Charles Doran comenzó a trabajar en lo que se transformaría en una de las corrientes teóricas más dinámicas de la disciplina: power cycle theory. El ciclo de poder en la teoría de Doran representa las capacidades de un estado relativas a las capacidades de poder del resto de los miembros nucleares del sistema internacional. Dicho ciclo pasa por las etapas de crecimiento, maduración y caída, dentro del cual son de vital importancia cuatro puntos críticos: lower turning point, first inflection point, upper turning point, second inflection point. Cada uno de estos períodos críticos supone una inversión abrupta en la estructura de capacidades relativas del país en cuestión. Adicionalmente, las expectativas y roles de política exterior de los estados están sustentados en la estructura de poder subyacente. Cuando uno de estos períodos críticos aparece, las expectativas y los roles sufren severas transformaciones. Es así que las adaptaciones que deberían sufrir los roles y las expectativas, para seguir siendo coherentes con la estructura de poder, son difíciles de implementar. Si muchos estados dentro del sistema están pasando por períodos críticos, existe lo que Doran llama "systems transformation," que se caracteriza por una gran incertidumbre y ansiedad, factores que pueden derivar en "guerras extensivas." A diferencia de otras corrientes ya discutidas en nuestra sección, power cycle deja lugar para la administración pacífica de estas grandes transformaciones –i.e. la guerra no es un resultado determinado de antemano. Para ello, argumenta Doran: "governments must understand that the bounds of the system, competition from even the smallest competitor for share of power and role, will force even the most vigorous rising state to peak in power share and, ultimately decline." Comprender esto limitaría las fantasías de "unlimited growth (and) temptation of preventive attack," facilitando así los ajustes necesarios para mantener la estabilidad y la paz. Para profundizar esta breve introducción a la teoría véanse los links indicados al final. A continuación presentamos la primera parte de la entrevista con el Profesor Charles F. Doran. (Traducción del inglés, Guzmán Castro).Enfoques: ¿Cuál es para usted el o los principales desafíos para las relaciones internacionales en el siglo XXI?Charles Doran: El mayor reto para las relaciones internacionales está en decidir cómo manejar la cambiante estructura del sistema internacional. En algún momento, la estructura del sistema va a comenzar a cambiar rápidamente, como sucedió en muchas otras ocasiones: antes de la Primera Guerra Mundial; en el período de entre guerras, en la década de 1980, y como sucederá en el futuro. El gran desafío para las relaciones internacionales es operar esa transformación de manera pacífica, sin las crisis o catástrofes que han sido moneda corriente en el pasado. A su vez, elaborar marcos para pensar la relación entre el cambio tecnológico y la política internacional es un desafío de primera importancia. Si bien dicha interrelación es, sin dudas, muy difícil de proyectar, el potencial que tiene para modificar las relaciones internacionales es inmenso. Especialmente en temas de sistemas armamentísticos, que en el cambio de su vida modificarán el carácter actual de las relaciones internacionales. Un ejemplo: qué pasa si, aún en contra de nuestros mayores esfuerzos, se establece un sistema de coordinación armamentístico espacial, es decir, qué pasa si se militariza el espacio. Esto cambiaría la naturaleza de la guerra, de la seguridad y de la paz. Los asuntos tecnológicos deben ser tenidos en cuenta. No obstante, los desafíos y cuestiones clásicas van a seguir en el tapete: democracia, derechos humanos, etc., éstas nunca van a quedar obsoletas, y deben ser integradas a un entendimiento de las relaciones internacionales en pos de mantener el orden y la estabilidad. Suelo ser bastante optimista en cuanto al progreso en las relaciones internacionales: si se mira al sistema hoy, durante el último medio siglo hemos vivido un período de crecimiento y paz sin precedentes. Creo que es acertado decir que las personas tienen hoy más posibilidad de elegir quién las representa, que en el pasado. Sin embargo, la pregunta es: ¿hacia dónde va esto? Vamos a un incremento de estas cualidades, hacia una meseta o hacia un retroceso…difícil saberlo. Por último, está el tema de los grandes países que están emergiendo en la estructura del sistema internacional: China, India, Brasil, y posiblemente algunos en África, aunque más a largo plazo. La cuestión es cómo dichos países se van haciendo su lugar en la política internacional de manera de promover sus intereses nacionales, pero sin amenazar a sus vecinos –y eventualmente al sistema en su totalidad-, participando del orden y colaborando en el mantenimiento de la estabilidad mundial. Estos son tiempos desafiantes y de cambios; aunque mucha gente se reúse a entenderlo por el velo que impone el seguir viviendo en el largo medio siglo post-1945. E: Moviéndonos al área académica, ¿Cuál es el debate más relevante para disciplina? C.D.: Al responder esta pregunta no puedo escapar a las influencias de mi propio trabajo y la literatura y corrientes de pensamiento cercanas a éste. Sin embargo, me quedan pocas dudas que el debate más interesante está en los estudios dinámicos de las relaciones internacionales; no en los trabajos estáticos del neorrealismo, y en los, en parte, áridos debates entre realistas, idealistas y constructivistas; debates que discuten de una manera básica las relaciones internacionales y que no nos llevan muy lejos en el entendimiento de la política internacional, especialmente, y este es un asunto primordial, en cuanto a las prioridades y principales preocupaciones que los policy-makers deben considerar. E: ¿Podríamos decir, entonces, que el mayor potencial se encuentra en esta visión dinámica de las relaciones internacionales? C.D.: Sí. Nuevamente, la literatura más prometedora es la aquella que lidia con los cambios estructurales que están sucediendo en el sistema, pero que además trabaja con un enfoque a los problemas de policy e intenta ayudar a los policy-makers a tomar decisiones. Sin embargo, la idea no es aislar todo el resto de la literatura clásica. Todo lo contrario. Se la debe incorporar en un sentido acumulativo. El entendimiento del balance de poder; la noción de que se pueden crear regímenes que cumplan importantes tareas para el sistema y los países. El esfuerzo para integrar conceptos como la disuasión en una era en donde la proliferación de armas nucleares está en incremento, pero a la vez revisándolos para aggiornarlos luego del fin de la Guerra Fría; el esfuerzo por mirar no sólo las relaciones entre democracias –como hace la teoría de la paz democrática- que es fácil y familiar, sino analizando qué pasa con las relaciones entre democracias y no democracias, ya que los autoritarismos van a seguir existiendo, nos guste o no. En contraposición con lo que mi buen amigo y colega, el Profesor Fukuyama ha predicho. Estas relaciones son las más problemáticas y las más ricas para estudiar.E: ¿Cuáles diría usted que fueron las influencias más significativas que ha tenido –libros, personas, eventos, etc.- para arribar a donde ahora se encuentra en la disciplina?C.D.: Debo decir que uno de los libros más influyentes ha sido el trabajo de Ludwig Dehio, "The Precarious Balance." Este fue escrito en un tiempo en que el país del que Dehio era un orgulloso ciudadano, Alemania, estaba en una profunda crisis. Esta reseña es importante, un colega y mentor, aquí en SAIS, Robert Osgood, me señaló algo que voy a recordar siempre, me dijo: "La más grande y útil teoría es la que emerge en el contexto nacional del propio teórico, y es el incentivo de elaborarla para explicar lo que le pasa a su país lo que le da vigor," creo que esa idea suele ser cierta. Alemania se encontraba en un estado de crisis que se había extendido por décadas: en este momento específico estaba en medio de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Dehio intenta dar respuesta a la pregunta de por qué Alemania estaba en esa particular posición, reconociendo que otros países también habían vivido situaciones similares; es decir, encontrando un cierto patrón histórico. Su estudio fue un profundo análisis en el marco de la historia diplomática pero dando claras y relevantes respuestas en términos de policy. Vea la segunda y última parte de la entrevista la semana próxima.Algunas publicaciones y links del Prof. Doran:"Life After Easy Oil," in The American Interest (2008); "Economics, Philosophy of History, and the 'Single Dynamic' of Power Cycle Theory: Expectations, Competition, and Statecraft," in International Political Science Review (2003);Democratic Pluralism at Risk: Why Canadian Unity Matters, and Why Americans Care (2001); The NAFTA Puzzle (1994); Systems in Crisis: New Imperatives of High Politics at Century's End (1991); The Gulf, Energy and Global Security: Political and Economic Issues (1991); Forgotten Partnership: U.S.-Canada Relations Today (1983); Myth, Oil and Politics (1978); The Politics of Assimilation: Hegemony and Its Aftermath (1971); y más de 100 artículos refereados. Perfil del Profesor Doran en la página web de SAIS: http://www.sais-jhu.edu/faculty/directory/bios/d/doran.htm Perfil completo: http://charles.doran.home.att.net/background.htm *Candidato a la Maestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato di TellaBuenos Aires, Argentina

El partido socialista, del presidente del gobierno español José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, proclamó su victoria en las elecciones generales del pasado domingo. Con el 73% de los votos escrutados, Rodríguez Zapatero obtenía el 44.3% de los votos, mientras que el Partido Popular recibía en 39.7%, de acuerdo con el ministerio del Interior. Sobre este hecho y sus consecuencias, diferentes publicaciones nos informan: "El País" de Madrid en su sitio web publica gráficos de los resultados electorales:http://www.elpais.com/graficos/espana/Resultados/elecciones/generales/2008/elpgra/20080309elpepunac_2/Ges/"El País" de Madrid publica: "Zapatero: "Hay que gobernar mejor"":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Zapatero/Hay/gobernar/mejor/elpepuesp/20080310elpepunac_15/Tes"El País" de Madrid informa: "El Partido Popular no es un partido de fulanismo":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Acebes/Partido/Popular/partido/fulanismo/elpepuesp/20080310elpepunac_17/TesEl "New York Times" publica: "Socialists Re-elected in Spain, After a Bitter Campaign":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/10/world/europe/10spain.html?ref=world"El Universal" de México aborda el suceso:http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/488635.html"El Universal" de México analiza las importantes consecuencias de las elecciones: "Victoria en País Vasco y Cataluña, de altísimo valor político: Zapatero":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/488785.html"El Universal" continua informando sobre las elecciones españolas: "Rajoy felicita a Zapatero; destaca aumento de escaños del PP":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/488632.html"Los Angeles Times" publica: "Spanish voters back Socialists":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-spain10mar10,1,4970722.story?ctrack=1&cset=true"El Mercurio" de Chile analiza el futuro de Mariano Rajoy tras la derrota electoral:http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/03/11/internacional/_portada/noticias/B45288E5-7C26-4388-A632-641083783EE6.htm?id={B45288E5-7C26-4388-A632-641083783EE6}"The Economist" informa: "Back for more The Socialist Party wins another term":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10833787"La Nación" publica: "Zapatero gana, Rajoy avanza":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=994510 AMERICA LATINAEl conflicto desatado luego de la operación militar que culminó con la muerte del líder de las FARC, Raúl Reyes, en territorio ecuatoriano se resolvió en la Cumbre del Grupo de Río en Santo Domingo, al pedir disculpas el presidente de Colombia, Alvaro Uribe, y asegurar que nunca se producirá un ataque semejante fuera de su país."El País" de Madrid informa sobre el fin de la crisis con Colombia.- La Cumbre de Río escenifica la reconciliación.- Los mandatarios se comprometen a iniciar un diálogo amistoso para dar una solución política: "América Latina puede dormir tranquila":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/America/Latina/puede/dormir/tranquila/elpepuint/20080308elpepuint_6/Tes"El Universal" de México publica: "Propone Ecuador que ONU vigile frontera":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/488732.htmlLa "CNN" informa: ´"Venezuela to reopen embassy in Columbia":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/10/venezuela.colombia.ap/index.html"CNN" tambien publica: "Colombia crisis ends with accord":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/03/07/samerica.summit/index.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "La Corte Electoral boliviana suspende los referendos constitucionales convocados por Morales"http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Corte/Electoral/boliviana/suspende/referendos/constitucionales/convocados/Morales/elpepuint/20080308elpepuint_4/TesPatrick J. McDonnell informa para "Los Angeles Times" sobre apoyo a Chavez por parte de población peruana : "In Peru's high plains, Chavez is exalted"http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-puno9mar09,1,7225422.story?ctrack=6&cset=trueESTADOS UNIDOSDiferentes medios infoman sobre las elecciones estadounidenses:"Los Angeles Times" informa: "Obama says Clinton is trying to 'hoodwink,' 'bamboozle' Americans":http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-na-campaign11mar11,0,1577606.story"Time" publica: "Can Clinton Make Mississippi a Race?":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1721113,00.html"Newsweek" publica: "Going Deep in the Deep South":http://www.newsweek.com/id/121444Escándalo de prostitución afecta al gobernador de Nueva York, Eliot Spitzer habría sido grabado mientras negociaba para contratar los servicios de una mujer."El Mercurio" de Chile informa sobre el suceso:http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/03/11/internacional/_portada/noticias/1DE47734-3574-4A51-9E1A-1EE11D6C2E9D.htm?id={1DE47734-3574-4A51-9E1A-1EE11D6C2E9D}"The Economist" publica: "Eliot Spitzer: The fall of ethics man":http://www.economist.com/daily/news/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10835377&top_story=1"El Universal" de México informa: "Se triplica el costo de la guerra en Irak, aseguran expertos":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57091.html"El País" de Madrid analiza la situación económica de Estados Unidos: "El clima de recesión en EE UU deja el dólar en mínimos históricos":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/clima/recesion/EE/UU/deja/dolar/minimos/historicos/elpepieco/20080308elpepieco_2/TesEUROPA El presidente ruso en funciones se reúne con la canciller alemana, Angela Merkel, y menciona una posible indulto a Mijail Jordorkovsky"El País" de Madrid informa: "Putin: "Las relaciones entre Occidente y Rusia no serán más fáciles con Medvédev"":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Putin/relaciones/Occidente/Rusia/seran/faciles/Medvedev/elpepuint/20080308elpepuint_8/TesEspaña recuerda a las víctimas del 11-M Los reyes depositaron una corona de laureles en el monumento erigido en Atocha; Rodríguez Zapatero y Rajoy coincidieron en el acto, en el que no hubo oradores"La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=994636Serbia inicia el proceso para adelantar las elecciones. Kostunica disuelve el Gobierno de coalición por las diferencias entre los miembros ante la independencia de Kosovo"El País" de Madrid informa:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Serbia/inicia/proceso/adelantar/elecciones/elpepuint/20080310elpepuint_3/TesEl Movimiento Popular del presidente Nicolas Sarkozy, sufrió ayer un revés en la primera ronda de elecciones locales, que amenaza con opacar su posición política a menos de un año luego de que el presidente asumiera el cargo."El Universal" informa: "Castigan votantes galos a Sarkozy":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/57079.html"El Mercurio" publica: "Nicolas Sarkozy reformaría su gobierno":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/03/11/internacional/internacional/noticias/8AE9D8AF-F91A-4368-9F96-D69A708793C2.htm?id={8AE9D8AF-F91A-4368-9F96-D69A708793C2}Estados Unidos y Polonia alcanzaron ayer un acuerdo por el que Washington ayudará a modernizar las Fuerzas Armadas polacas a cambio del visto bueno de Varsovia para acoger el polémico escudo antimisiles que EE.UU. quiere desplegar entre ese país y la República Checa en Europa del Este, y a cuyo emplazamiento se opone fuertemente Rusia."El Mercurio" de Chile informa:http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/03/11/internacional/internacional/noticias/A1705CA9-3C17-4FC8-BF59-F3D763718421.htm?id={A1705CA9-3C17-4FC8-BF59-F3D763718421}La "MSNBC" publica: " Bush: U.S. to help Poland modernize military"http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23554655/ ASIA PACÍFICO Y MEDIO ORIENTEEl "New York Times" informa sobre la situacion política de Pakistan: "Pakistan Rivals Join to Fight Musharraf":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/10/world/asia/10pstan.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"CNN" informa: "Pakistan opposition to form government, restore judges"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/10/pakistan.ap/index.htmlUn doble atentado dejó 20 muertos en Paquistán. Uno de los ataques se produjo cerca de la casa del viudo de la ex primera ministra, Benazir Bhutto; otras 150 personas resultaron heridas, tanto "La Nación" como "El Tiempo" informan:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=994624http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-3998088.htmlEl "New York Times" informa: "Five American Soldiers Killed in Baghdad"http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/10/world/middleeast/11iraq.html?ref=worldLA"CNN" tambien informa: "Officials: 5 U.S. troops killed in suicide blast"http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/03/10/iraq.main/index.htmlEl "Jerusalén Post" informa sobre atentado en el centro de Jerusalén por parte de jóvenes palestinos: 8 jóvenes muertos http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1204546422275&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FshowFull´"Across divided Jerusalem, a day of grief"http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-mideast8mar08,1,4088856.story?ctrack=8&cset=trueA cinco meses del comienzo de los Juegos Olímpicos: Dalai Lama denuncia aumento de represión china en el Tíbethttp://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/03/11/internacional/internacional/noticias/A6F8993F-AD4E-43B4-9691-4DF327DAC4C5.htm?id={A6F8993F-AD4E-43B4-9691-4DF327DAC4C5}La "CNN" publica: "Tibet exiles protest Beijing Olympics" http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/10/india.tibet.ap/index.html "MSNBC" informa: "Three arrested in U.S. Embassy bomb plot Middle Eastern nationals held in Manila suspected of terror links":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23496851/"Time" analiza: "Iran's Referendum on Ahmadinejad":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1720076,00.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "China anuncia creación de cinco "superministerios", incluido uno de Medio Ambiente"http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-3998245.html"The Economist" informa: "Malaysia's election Political tsunami?"http://www.economist.com/daily/news/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10833119"China Daily" informa: "Proceedings initiated for China's leadership change"http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008npc/2008-03/12/content_6531084.htmAFRICA"CNN" publica: "Zimbabwe: Blacks to control firms":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/03/10/zimbabwe/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Parlamento de Kenia vota reformas con vistas a Gobierno de coalición":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-3998445.html ECONOMIA "The Economist" realiza el informe sema nal de negocios: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10809515&CFID=8416342&CFTOKEN=693d3eca97f9248a-9EE294E4-B27C-BB00-01439C1A68D7FB5B"El País" de Madrid informa: "El BBVA apuesta por un fuerte crecimiento en Latinoamérica":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/BBVA/apuesta/fuerte/crecimiento/Latinoamerica/elpepueco/20080308elpepueco_1/Tes"El crudo OPEP alcanza un nuevo máximo con 99,16 dólares/barril":http://www.unionradio.com.ve/Noticias/Noticia.aspx?noticiaid=234267 OTRAS NOTICIAS"El Universal" de México publica: "Afirma ONU que 5% de la población mundial es adicta a drogas ilegales":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/488726.htmlSegún datos de un nuevo informe del Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo:. "Los inmigrantes enviaron alrededor de 66.500 millones de dólares a sus familiares en América Latina en el 2007":http://about.reuters.com/dynamic/countrypages/peru/1205192123nN10704963.ASP

AIMS: To examine cross-national patterns of 12-month substance use disorder (SUD) treatment and minimally adequate treatment (MAT), and associations with mental disorder comorbidity. DESIGN: Cross-sectional, representative household surveys. SETTING: Twenty-seven surveys from 25 countries of the WHO World Mental Health Survey Initiative. PARTICIPANTS: A total of 2446 people with past-year DSM-IV SUD diagnoses (alcohol or illicit drug abuse and dependence). MEASUREMENTS: Outcomes were SUD treatment, defined as having either received professional treatment or attended a self-help group for substance-related problems in the past 12 months, and MAT, defined as having either four or more SUD treatment visits to a health-care professional, six or more visits to a non-health-care professional or being in ongoing treatment at the time of interview. Covariates were mental disorder comorbidity and several socio-economic characteristics. Pooled estimates reflect country sample sizes rather than population sizes. FINDINGS: Of respondents with past-year SUD, 11.0% [standard error (SE) = 0.8] received past 12-month SUD treatment. SUD treatment was more common among people with comorbid mental disorders than with pure SUDs (18.1%, SE = 1.6 versus 6.8%, SE = 0.7), as was MAT (84.0%, SE = 2.5 versus 68.3%, SE = 3.8) and treatment by health-care professionals (88.9%, SE = 1.9 versus 78.8%, SE = 3.0) among treated SUD cases. Adjusting for socio-economic characteristics, mental disorder comorbidity doubled the odds of SUD treatment [odds ratio (OR) = 2.34; 95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.71-3.20], MAT among SUD cases (OR = 2.75; 95% CI = 1.90-3.97) and MAT among treated cases (OR = 2.48; 95% CI = 1.23-5.02). Patterns were similar within country income groups, although the proportions receiving SUD treatment and MAT were higher in high- than low-/middle-income countries. CONCLUSIONS: Few people with past-year substance use disorders receive adequate 12-month substance use disorder treatment, even when comorbid with a mental disorder. This is largely due to the low proportion of people receiving any substance use disorder treatment, as the proportion of patients whose treatment is at least minimally adequate is high. ; The World Health Organization World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative is supported by the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; R01 MH070884), the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Pfizer Foundation, the United States Public Health Service (R13‐MH066849, R01‐MH069864 and R01 DA016558), the Fogarty International Center (FIRCA R03‐TW006481), the Pan American Health Organization, Eli Lilly and Company, Ortho‐McNeil Pharmaceutical Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, and Bristol‐Myers Squibb. We thank the staff of the WMH Data Collection and Data Analysis Coordination Centres for assistance with instrumentation, fieldwork and consultation on data analysis. None of the funders had any role in the design, analysis, interpretation of results, or preparation of this paper. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views of the World Health Organization, other sponsoring organizations, agencies, or governments , and do not necessarily represent the views, official policy or position of the US Department of Health and Human Services or any of its affiliated institutions or agencies. M.D.G.'s role in this study is through his involvement as a Science Officer on U01‐MH60220. He had no involvement in the other cited grants. The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The Argentina survey—Estudio Argentino de Epidemiología en Salud Mental (EASM)—was supported by a grant from the Argentinian Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud de la Nación). The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Thematic Project Grant 03/00204–3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders EPIBUL is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. The Chinese World Mental Health Survey Initiative is supported by the Pfizer Foundation. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health (NSMH) is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín—Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The ESEMeD project is funded by the European Commission [Contracts QLG5–1999‐01042; SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308) (the Piedmont Region (Italy)], Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS 00/0028), Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain (SAF 2000–158‐CE), Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 452; 2014 SGR 748), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (CIBER CB06/02/0046, RETICS RD06/0011 REM‐TAP) and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi MOH and MOP with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through the United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund (UNDG ITF). The Israel National Health Survey is funded by the Ministry of Health with support from the Israel National Institute for Health Policy and Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The World Mental Health Japan (WMHJ) Survey is supported by the Grant for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health (H13‐SHOGAI‐023, H14‐TOKUBETSU‐026, H16‐KOKORO‐013, H25‐SEISHIN‐IPPAN‐006) from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs Of the Nation (L.E.B.A.N.O.N.) is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health/Fogarty International Center (R03 TW006481–01), anonymous private donations to IDRAAC, Lebanon and unrestricted grants from Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, Glaxo Smith Kline, Lundbeck, Novartis, OmniPharma, Pfizer, Phenicia, Servier and UPO. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey (MNCS) is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente (INPRFMDIES 4280) and by the National Council on Science and Technology (CONACyT‐G30544‐ H), with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Te Rau Hinengaro: the New Zealand Mental Health Survey (NZMHS) is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council, and the Health Research Council. The Nigerian Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHW) is supported by the WHO (Geneva), the WHO (Nigeria) and the Federal Ministry of Health, Abuja, Nigeria. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health and Social Care Research and Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian World Mental Health Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care—EZOP Project (PL 0256) was supported by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through funding from the EEA Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. The EZOP project was co‐financed by the Polish Ministry of Health. The Portuguese Mental Health Study was carried out by the Department of Mental Health, Faculty of Medical Sciences, NOVA University of Lisbon, with the collaboration of the Portuguese Catholic University, and was funded by Champalimaud Foundation, Gulbenkian Foundation, Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and Ministry of Health. The Romania WMH study projects 'Policies in Mental Health Area' and 'National Study regarding Mental Health and Services Use' were carried out by National School of Public Health and Health Services Management (former National Institute for Research and Development in Health), with technical support from Metro Media Transilvania, the National Institute of Statistics–National Centre for Training in Statistics, SC, Cheyenne Services SRL, Statistics Netherlands and were funded by Ministry of Public Health (former Ministry of Health) with supplemental support of Eli Lilly Romania SRL. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain—Murcia (PEGASUS–Murcia) Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias (FFIS) of Murcia. The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS‐R) is supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; U01‐MH60220) with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF; Grant 044708) and the John W. Alden Trust. J.M. is supported by NHMRC Project grants (APP 1007677, APP 1099709) and a John Cade Fellowship (APP1056929). J.M. was supported by a Niels Bohr Professorship from the Danish National Research Foundation. L.D. is supported by an NHMRC Senior Principal Research Fellowship (no. 1135991) and NIDA NIH grant R01 DA044170‐02. L.D. and C.B. are supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) project grant (no. 1081984). NDARC is supported by funding from the Australian Government Department of Health under the Drug and Alcohol Program. A complete list of all within‐country and cross‐national WMH publications can be found at http://www.hcp.med.harvard.edu/wmh/.