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The article is devoted to consideration of the specifi c «soft power» of the European Union. As the theoretical foundations of the study dedicated the American, Russian and European approaches to the essence and content of «soft power» of the state, as well as other similar concepts such as «civilian power», «normative power.» The basic criteria of «soft power» was proposed by the founder of the conception J. Nye and by other experts. The major European countries with the greatest potential of «soft power» influence are considered to be the UK and France. They make the greatest contribution to the process of creation of «soft power» in the EU. The article deals with the attempts of the EU to institutionalize the mechanisms of «soft power». The main two criteria are cultural and educational attractiveness of Europe. The identifi ed trends, which suggest that the cultural identity of individual European countries is falling by the wayside, represent the elements of the EU diplomacy. This is substantiated by the fact that it is a legal and regulatory framework of the European «soft power», that is also confi rmed by the offi cial representatives of the EU. However, as within any integration process, in the process of «soft power» building the EU has a number of obstacles. The authors make conclusions about the prospects for the European Union to apply the elements of «soft power», as well as the readiness of the European countries to delegate a part of their cultural potential to the European community. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению специфики «мягкой силы» Европейского Союза. В качестве теоретических основ исследования выделены американские, российские и европейскиеподходы к сущности и содержанию «мягкой силы» государства, а также других, близких по существу понятий, таких как «гражданская сила», «нормативная сила». Выделены основные параметры «мягкой силы», предложенные основоположником концепции Дж. Наем, а также предложенные другими экспертами. В качестве основных европейских государств, обладающими наибольшим потенциалом мягко силового влияния, рассматриваются Великобритания и Франция. Они вносят наибольший вклад в процесс создания «мягкой силы» ЕС. Главным образом рассматриваются попытки ЕС институционализировать механизмы «мягкой силы» и придать им статус общеевропейских. Анализируются два направления: культурная и образовательная привлекательность Европы. Выделены тенденции, которые говорят о том, что культурная идентичность отдельных европейских стран отходит на второй план, вперед выступают элементы культурной дипломатии ЕС. Это обосновывается тем, что закладывается нормативно-правовая база общеевропейских элементов «мягкой силы», а также подтверждается официальными представителями ЕС. Однако как и любой интеграционный процесс создание «мягкой силы» ЕС имеет ряд препятствий. Приведены основные причины, которые препятствуют созданию общеевропейской «мягкой силы». В конце сделаны выводы относительно перспектив способности Европейского Союза использовать названные элементы «мягкой силы», а также о готовности европейских стран, имеющих богатый потенциал «мягкой силы», делегировать часть своего культурного потенциала в общеевропейский дом.

In the article the author analyzes confl icts arising between scientists aiming at participation in the global science fi eld and scientists who are predominantly tied to the context of national science. These confl icts are examined via "academic capitalism", "global capitalism" and «national elites» theories. The article considers collision of interests between scientists oriented towards connections with the infrastructure of the global science, including world class universities, multinational corporations and supranational research funding institutions, and scientists aimed at expanding by use of local, mainly state resources. The analysis includes a historical overview of institutional changes in science since late 1940s with emphasis on the following stages: division of basic and applied science in accordance with new tasks of scientifi c and technological development in 1940-50s; gradual transformation of relations between science and politics in 1960-70s; university reforms in the 1980s; emergence of global markets of research and educational services beginning the 1990s. Following this overview, the article examines three cases, which allow to characterize interests, serving as a basis for fractions within the scientifi c community. They are the functioning of a two-tier system of research funding in the EU; dominance of English language journals in the scientifi c press; implementation of policy aimed at building of world class universities in countries with developed research cultures, which differ from the American research culture. This examination leads us to a conclusion that the scientifi c community is internally divided in accordance with choice of locally or globally oriented strategy. ; В статье предлагается анализ противоречий, возникающих между учеными, ориентированными на глобальное научное поле, и исследователями, связанными преимущественно с контекстом национальной науки. Данные противоречия исследуются через призму теорий «академического капитализма», «глобального капитализма» и «национальных элит». В качестве основной предпосылки конфликта рассматривается столкновение интересов между учеными, которые ориентированы на выстраивание связей с инфраструктурой глобальной науки – университетами «мирового уровня», транснациональными корпорациями и наднациональными организациями, финансирующими научные исследования, – и учеными, нацеленными на расширение своих возможностей за счет внутренних, главным образом, государственных ресурсов. Анализ включает исторический обзор институциональных изменений в науке с конца 1940-х гг., в котором выделяются следующие ключевые этапы: разделение фундаментальной и прикладной науки в соответствии с новыми задачами научно-технического развития в 1940-50-е гг.; постепенное изменение отношения политиков к науке в 1960-70-е гг.; реформы в области регулирования университетской деятельности в 1980-е; формирование глобальных рынков научных исследований и образовательных услуг, начиная с 1990-х. Далее, в статье рассматриваются случаи, которые позволяют охарактеризовать интересы, служащие основой для формирования внутри научного сообщества фракций. В качестве такого рода случаев приводятся: функционирование двухуровневой системы финансирования научных исследований в ЕС; ситуация с доминированием англоязычных журналов в обороте научной печати; проведение политики, нацеленной на создание университетов «мирового уровня» в странах с развитыми научными традициями, существенно отличающимися от американских. Их анализ позволяет сделать вывод о внутреннем разделении научного сообщества на две основные фракции в зависимости от выбора локально или глобально ориентированной стратегии.

The lexical aspects of humour during the hybrid war Russia against Ukraine are considered in the article. The thematic features of TV show by Roman Vintoniv «Grid, doggy, bracket, hryvnia, question mark, dollar, zero» («#@)₴?$0 with Michael Shchur») are analyzed.Conditionally the political humour of Roman Vintoniv's telecast can be divided into the few categories: 1. «We, the Ukrainians» are the poor and deceived people and «they» are the corrupted and unwise deputies. For example, the material «Pashyzm lifts a head in Kyivshchyna», «Mister Groysman has fed 42 million people by 3200 hryvnias», «So-called minister, so-called LNR». 2. The myth about «the deceived people» and about the low educational level of people at power is cultivated. For example, about the geographical discoveries of Vitali Klitschko it is said: «Ukraine is twice as big as France», «The ambassador of the own will (not fact, that it is his own)». 3. There is a mockery at the unconscious worship to the Christian traditions. For example, «At first there were the monuments to the politically worried people set up, and now to the religiously disturbed men, but when it will begin to set up the monuments to the atheists, the agnostics and to the ordinary people with a good taste», «Verkhovna Rada is the last bulwark of the Christian values». 4. There is the pulling of bones of the western political leaders. For example, «The protest actions against the American president Donald Tramp are still in progress in the USA», «Save Melania». 5. Suppositions and canards instead of the real facts, logic and analysis are there. «And let's begin with the news that exists exceptionally in order to distract your attention from something more important». For example, «There was radio Alla, and then it turned into radio SlavVa», «Lviv's workshop of humus».An ability to joke at oneself is the sign that a man is in harmony with himself. And according to this criterion, the Ukrainian society could not be called ill. «All the greatest nasty things and meanness in the world have been done with a serious facial expression».And what do the people who are not able to joke have to do? Mike Shchur recommends: «If you even clean rubbish in an entrance, you already take part in this war».Key words: humorous transmissions, lexical aspects, Russian's hybrid war against Ukraine, Roman Vintoniv (Michael Shchur). ; У статті розглянуто лексичні аспекти гумору під час гібридної війни Росії проти України. Проаналізовано тематичні особливості програми Романа Вінтоніва «Грати песик дужка гривня знак питання долар нуль» («#@)₴?$0 з Майклом Щуром»). Наголошено на тому, що використання в ЗМІ гумору допомагає українському суспільству подолати стресові ситуації в період російської агресії та протистояти ворогові.Ключові слова: гумористичні передачі, лексичні аспекти, гібридна війна Росії проти України, Роман Вінтонів (Майкл Щур).

Historically, Costa Rica has been characterized by not really having a defined defense policy within its state estates. This is because it has coexisted within the military narrative of the Central American country in a dilemma that lies between peace and security of the State. The foregoing can be explained, to a great extent, because traditionally the Costa Rican government has not been able to consolidate truly significant threats in the region that compromise its national security and defense. Among the factors that help to understand this condition are the exceptional nature of its armed forces, the pre-eminence of international law as an instrument of national defense and the principle of neutrality in armed conflicts, as well as the presence and accompaniment of States. United. Traditional transnational threats have undergone a transformation that, at present, can be relatively reduced to the fight against drug trafficking and domestic crime in the nation. ; Históricamente, Costa Rica se ha caracteriza por realmente no poseer una política de defensa definida dentro de sus estamentos estatales. Esto se debe a que se ha convivido dentro de la narrativa militar del país centroamericano en una disyuntiva que radica entre la paz y la seguridad del Estado. Lo anterior se puede explicar, en gran medida, porque tradicionalmente el gobierno costarricense no ha podido consolidar amenazas verdaderamente considerables en la región que comprometan su seguridad y defensa nacionales. Entren los factores que ayudan a entender esta condición se encuentran el carácter de excepcionalidad de sus fuerzas armadas, la preeminencia del derecho internacional como instrumento de defensa nacional y el principio de neutralidad en conflictos armados, además de la presencia y el acompañamiento que desempeñan los Estados Unidos. Las amenazas transnacionales tradicionales han sufrido una transformación que, en la actualidad, pueden verse relativamente reducidas a la lucha contra el narcotráfico y el crimen interno en la nación tica. ; Historicamente, a Costa Rica tem se caracterizado por não ter uma política de defesa definida dentro de suas propriedades estatais. Isso porque coexistiu dentro da narrativa militar do país centro-americano em um dilema que se situa entre a paz e a segurança do Estado. O precedente pode ser explicado, em grande parte, porque tradicionalmente o governo da Costa Rica não conseguiu consolidar ameaças realmente significativas na região que comprometem sua segurança e defesa nacional. Entre os fatores que ajudam a entender essa condição estão a natureza excepcional de suas forças armadas, a preeminência do direito internacional como instrumento de defesa nacional e o princípio da neutralidade nos conflitos armados, bem como a presença e o acompanhamento dos Estados. Unidos As ameaças transnacionais tradicionais sofreram uma transformação que, atualmente, pode ser relativamente reduzida à luta contra o narcotráfico e o crime doméstico no país.

The paper attempts to generalize modern research works, in which the sociocultural and political development of Costa Rica in the period 1949-1974 is described. In a complex of scientific researches devoted to the development of Costa Rica of the designated period, several relative groups are singled out, according to the main spheres of interest of the researchers. The first relative group includes general works devoted to the history of Costa Rica in the second half of the 20th century. The second relative group consists of specialized works of researchers, focused on studying the country's political development. The third relative group includes the research works that consider various aspects of the socio-cultural and economic development of Costa Rica in the second half of the 20th century. In general, during the analysis of current research works devoted to the socio-cultural and political development of Costa Rica, the author has made several generalizations. Firstly, the certain features of the social, economic, political and cultural development of Costa Rica during the period of 1948-1974 are presented in both general historical works and in specialized works focused on the study of certain spheres of the Costa Rican society. Secondly, the period of 1948-1974 is not as a rule considered as a separate period of Costa Rica development, and it is difficult to find research works devoted to the analysis of just that time interval. Thirdly, the authors considering Costa Rica pay the utmost attention to analyzing its political specificity in the context of researching the development of democracy, and mostly research its economic development, which is interpreted as a guarantee of a democratic transformation of this country. The issues of socio-cultural development are mainly considered in the context of the above-mentioned political and economic areas, and as a rule, they are not the subject of special attention of scholars. Fourthly, a significant amount of research works on Costa Rica are comparative works in which this country is analyzed either as a component of the Latin American region or in comparison with several other countries in the same region. Thus, the studies of the sociocultural and political development of Costa Rica both in the period of 1948-1974 and the second half of the twentieth century in general, have a fragmentary nature, and therefore, need further development. ; У статті здійснено спробу узагальнити сучасні дослідження, в яких висвітлено соціокультурний і політичний розвиток Коста-Ріки періоду 1949-1974рр. Можна виокремити кілька умовних груп: загальні роботи, присвячені історії Коста-Ріки другої половини XXст.; спеціалізовані праці, сфокусовані на вивченні політичного розвитку країни; дослідження, в яких розглядаються різні аспекти соціокультурного та економічного розвитку. Вагому складову досліджень про Коста-Ріку складають компаративні роботи, в яких ця країна аналізується як складова латиноамериканського регіону. У цілому, дослідження соціокультурного та політичного розвитку Коста-Ріки 1949-1974рр. мають фрагментарний характер.

After the 1979 revolution, Europe's policy of engaging Iran differed from the American approach. The circumstances changed in 2002, when the international community learnt about the undeclared nuclear sites at Arak and Natanz, as well as the scale of the Iranian nuclear program. The situation became even more complex when Mahmoud Ahmadinejad came to power in 2005. From that moment on, the European Union has changed its attitude toward Iran. Moreover, after Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had been re-elected under controversial circumstances in 2009, the EU intensified sanctions against Iran, even in such cases when they were divergent from member states' interests. Bilateral affairs began to normalize after the presidential victory of Hassan Rouhani in 2013. Two years later, the EU and other powers from the P5+1 group signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action with Iran. Has the signing of the JCPOA had any impact on Iran-EU political relations as far as non-nuclear related issues are concerned? In order to answer this question, one has to analyze their political relations prior to and after the signing of the deal. Selected political aspects are taken into consideration, including proliferation related issues, attitudes toward changes in the Arab world, regional conflicts, especially in Syria and Yemen, combating the so-called Islamic State, humanitarian aid to undocumented Afghan refugees, as well as civil liberties and human rights violations in Iran. ; Po 1979 roku podejście państw europejskich w stosunku do Iranu różniło się znacząco od polityki prowadzonej przez Stany Zjednoczone. Okoliczności uległy zmianie, gdy w 2002 roku społeczność międzynarodowa dowiedziała się o istnieniu dwóch tajnych ośrodków badawczych w Araku i Natanzie, w których Irańczycy prowadzili badania nad energią atomową. Sytuacja stała się jeszcze bardziej złożona, gdy w 2005 roku urząd prezydenta Iranu objął Mahmud Ahmadineżad. Wówczas Unia Europejska wyraźnie zaostrzyła swoje stanowisko w sprawie irańskiego programu atomowego. Co więcej, po kontrowersyjnej wygranej Ahmadineżada i wyborze na drugą kadencję, Unia wprowadziła sankcje nawet w takich przypadkach, w których były one rozbieżne z interesami poszczególnych państw członkowskich. Stosunki dwustronne uległy normalizacji dopiero po objęciu prezydentury przez Hasana Rouhaniego. Zainicjowane przez niego nowe podejście w ramach prowadzonej polityki zagranicznej umożliwiło podpisanie przez Iran porozumienia nuklearnego (JCPOA – the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) z grupą P5+1 w 2015 roku. Główny problem badawczy brzmi: czy i w jaki sposób podpisanie porozumienia wpłynęło na stan stosunków politycznych pomiędzy Unią Europejską a Iranem? Aby odpowiedzieć na powyższe pytanie, analizie poddano stanowiska stron w odniesieniu do wybranych kwestii politycznych przed i po podpisaniu porozumienia. Wśród wybranych zagadnień, poddanych analizie w niniejszym artykule, znalazły się: kwestia proliferacji, stosunku do zmian politycznych w świecie arabskim, zwłaszcza w Syrii i Jemenie, zwalczanie organizacji tzw. Państwa Islamskiego, pomoc humanitarna dla afgańskich uchodźców w Iranie, a także poszanowanie praw wolności obywatelskich w Iranie.

The short gamma-ray burst (GRB) 170817A was the first GRB associated with a gravitational-wave event. Due to the exceptionally low luminosity of the prompt γ-ray and the afterglow emission, the origin of both radiation components is highly debated. The most discussed models for the burst and the afterglow include a regular GRB jet seen off-axis and the emission from the cocoon encompassing a >choked> jet. Here, we report low radio frequency observations at 610 and 1390 MHz obtained with the Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope. Our observations span a range of ∼7 to ∼152 days after the burst. The afterglow started to emerge at these low frequencies about 60 days after the burst. The 1390 MHz light curve barely evolved between 60 and 150 days, but its evolution is also marginally consistent with an F ∝ t rise seen in higher frequencies. We model the radio data and archival X-ray, optical, and high-frequency radio data with models of top-hat and Gaussian structured GRB jets. We performed a Markov Chain Monte Carlo analysis of the structured-jet parameter space. Though highly degenerate, useful bounds on the posterior probability distributions can be obtained. Our bounds of the viewing angle are consistent with that inferred from the gravitational-wave signal. We estimate the energy budget in prompt emission to be an order of magnitude lower than that in the afterglow blast wave.© 2018. The American Astronomical Society. All rights reserved. ; We thank Avishay Gal-Yam and Doron Kushnir for using the high-performance computing (HPC) facility WEXAC at the Weizmann Institute of Science. The Weizmann HPC facility is partly supported by the Israel Atomic Energy Commission-The Council for Higher Education-Pazi Foundation and partly by a research grant from The Abramson Family Center for Young Scientists. Development of the BOXFIT code was supported in part by NASA through grant NNX10AF62G issued through the Astrophysics Theory Program and by the NSF through grant AST-1009863. Simulations for BOXFIT version 2 have been carried out in part on the computing facilities of the Computational Center for Particle and Astrophysics (C2PAP) of the research cooperation >Excellence Cluster universe> in Garching, Germany. This work made use of the IAA-CSIC high-performance (HPC) and throughput (HTC) computing infrastructure. R.L. acknowledges support from the grant EMR/2016/007127 from Department of Science and Technology, India. R.L. thanks M. Govindankutty (IIST, Trivandrum) for generously providing computing facilities and ICTS, Bangalore for hospitality and computing facilities. J.B. acknowledges support from the CONICYT-Chile grant Basal-CATAPFB-06/2007 and FONDECYT Postdoctorados 3160439. R.S.-R. acknowledges support from ASI (Italian Space Agency) through the contract No. 2015-046-R.0 and from European Union Horizon 2020 Programme under the AHEAD project (grant agreement No. 654215). S.S. acknowledges support from the Feinberg Graduate School.

NPS NRP Executive Summary ; Project Summary: This project undertook a deep dive investigation into the nature of the challenges involved in nontrivially transforming the existing Navy culture so as to become more 'inclusive'. The envisioned Navy organizational transformation, towards greater 'inclusiveness', has been promoted as yielding a variety of beneficial organizational effects ranging over: the elimination of irrational and detrimental discriminatory behavior; improved personnel retention rates; enhanced organizational innovation capabilities; and elevated operational effectiveness and readiness. In short, enhanced organizational 'inclusiveness' has been cast as a panacea for all that can ail an organization. While a popular perception persists of the post-World War II Department of Defense (DoD)/United States Navy (USN) as playing an exemplar role in integrating the growing cultural/identity diversity of the American people into an effective war-fighting capability, more recently a sense that more needs to be done has emerged. But despite considerable recent efforts within the Navy/DoD (as well as the federal government and the commercial sectors) to institute more inclusive organizations, this study found that the notions themselves, regarding what constitutes an 'inclusive' organization/culture, are effectively operationally undefined. This failure, to clearly articulate the intended meaning of these concepts, and consequently the inability to meaningfully measure them, has effectively thwarted all meaningful attempts at making pragmatic progress in this direction. An analysis of the New Inclusion Quotient (NewIQ) factor of the Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey (FEVS) as well as the 'Inclusion at Work' component of the DoD Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute (DEOMI) Organizational Climate Survey (DEOCS) found these surveys, in particular, to provide little meaningful indication of the inclusive status of surveyed organizations. Consequently this study undertook a systematic deconstruction of the dominant 'Diversity & Inclusion' community's notions of 'inclusiveness', and its anticipated dividends, to eventually reveal a suite of underlying and unexamined assumptions that, when more carefully examined, reveal a promise of dividends that are unlikely to be fulfilled without both a substantial recharacterization of what we mean by 'inclusiveness' along with a broad Navy culture transformation, more attuned to the rapid changes brought about by the information age. A new, more 'inclusive' supportive, '21st Century Navy' culture is characterized in this 100+ page report that is founded less on the traditional values of 'heroic sacrifice' and more on the 'embrace of uncertainty and adaptability'. A suite of cross-validating measures is recommended that rely less on the member's subjective and personal assessments of the organization's inclusiveness and more on objective measures directly tied to the presence of the organizational properties being sought. Recommendations are provided for how such a cultural transformation might be ushered in via a combination of modified recruitment training and a leadership led/championed Continuous Improvement Process program. ; N1 - Manpower, Personnel, Training and Education ; OPNAV N1D Office of Inclusion/Diversity ; NPS-18-N068-A ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

La política pública ambiental urbana debe fundamentarse en la complejidad de la naturaleza y de sus procesos internos de producción (de biomasa y de carácter neguentrópico). Tal complejidad desborda la instrumentalidad a la que ha sido reducida desde la tecnocracia y el modelo económico, y plantea la exigencia de aparatos de aprehensión más integrales, capaces de dar cuenta de la amplia red de relaciones que se entreteje en los diversos fenómenos ambientales que tienen lugar en los territorios. Es allí donde se justi ca el marco de acción constituido por la sustentabilidad ambiental urbana, un discurso que responde en Latinoamérica a dichas problemáticas ambientales, pues es una alternativa arraigada en la realidad social, cultural, geográ ca, política y económica de nuestras comunidades y pueblos. El presente artículo revisa de manera crítica la perspectiva dominante: el discurso del desarrollo sostenible impuesto desde los organismos de control transnacionales, los cuales impiden generar nuevas alternativas en el universo de las relaciones entre la sociedad y la naturaleza. ; The urban environmental problem must be based on the complexity of nature and its internal processes of production (of biomass and neguentropic character), such complexity over ows the instrumentality to which it has been reduced by the technocracy and the economic model, and sets out the demand for more comprehensive apprehension devices, capable of accounting for the wide network of relationships interwoven in the various environmental phenomena that take place in the territories. This is where the action framework, constituted by Urban Environmental Sustainability, is justi ed as a Latin American discourse in response to these important environmental problems, as an alternative rooted in the social, cultural, geographical, political and economic reality of our communities and peoples. This article critically reviews the dominant perspective; the discourse of sustainable development, imposed by transnational control organisms, preventing the generation of new alternative approaches in the universe of society-nature relations. ; A problemática ambiental urbana deve ser fundamentada na complexidade da natureza e de seus processos internos de produção (de biomasa e de caráter neguentrópico), tal complexidade ultrapassa a instrumentalidade à que tem sido reduzida desde a tecnocracia e o modelo económico e propõe a exigência de aparelhos de aprehensión mais integrais, capazes de dar conta da ampla rede de relações que se geram nos diversos fenômenos ambientais que têm lugar nos territórios. É ali onde justi case o marco de ação constituído pela Sustentabilidade Ambiental Urbana, como discurso latinoamericano de resposta a estas importantes problemáticas ambientais, uma alternativa fundamentada na realidade social, cultural, geográ ca, política e econômica de nossas comunidades e povos. O presente artigo revisa de maneira critica a perspectiva dominante; o discurso do desenvolvimento sustentável imposto desde os organismos de controle transnacionais, que impedem gerar novas alternativas de enfoque no universo das relações sociedade-natureza.

Recent years have seen a gradual shift in focus of international policies from a national and regional perspective to that of cities, a shift which is closely related to the rapid urbanization of developing countries. As revealed in the 2011 Revision of the World Urbanization Prospects published by the United Nations, 51% of the global population (approximately 3.6 billion people) lives in cities. The report predicts that by 2050, the world's urban population will increase by 2.3 billion, making up 68% of the population. The growth of urbanization in the next few decades is expected to primarily come from developing countries, one third of which will be in China and India. With rapid urbanization and the ongoing growth of mega cities, cities must become increasingly resilient and intelligent to cope with numerous challenges and crises like droughts and floods arising from extreme climate, destruction brought by severe natural disasters, and aggregated social contradictions resulting from economic crises. All cities face the urban development dynamics and uncertainties arising from these problems. Under such circumstances, cities are considered the critical path from crisis to prosperity, so scholars and organizations have proposed the construction of "resilient cities." On the one hand, this theory emphasizes cities' defenses and buffering capacity against disasters, crises and uncertainties, as well as recovery after destruction; on the other hand, it highlights the learning capacity of urban systems, identification of opportunities amid challenges, and maintenance of development vitality. Some scholars even believe that urban resilience is a powerful supplement to sustainable development. Hence, resilience assessment has become the latest and most important perspective for evaluating the development and crisis defense capacity of cities. Rather than a general abstract concept, urban resilience is a comprehensive measurement of a city's level of development. The dynamic development of problems is reflected through quantitative indicators and appraisal systems not only from the perspective of academic research, but also governmental policy, so as to scientifically guide development, and measure and compare cities' development levels. Although international scholars have proposed quantitative methods for urban resilience assessment, they are however insufficiently systematic and regionally adaptive for China's current urban development needs. On the basis of comparative study on European and North American resilient city theories, therefore, this paper puts forwards a theoretical framework for resilient city systems consistent with China's national conditions in light of economic development pressure, natural resource depletion, pollution, and other salient development crises in China. The key factors influencing urban resilience are taken into full consideration; expert appraisal is conducted based on the Delphi Method and the analytic hierarchy process (AHP) to design an extensible and updatable resilient city evaluation system which is sufficiently systematic, geographically adaptable, and sustainable for China's current urban development needs. Finally, Changsha is taken as the main case for empirical study on comprehensive evaluation of similar cities in Central China to improve the indicator system.

In Trilogía sucia de La Habana, Pedro Juan Gutiérrez has defied traditional representations of the sexual body in Latin American literature by depicting eroticism as an agent of meditation and multiplication within an environment of deprivation. The author explores the diverse ways in which eroticism is a means by which to deconstruct subjectivity and provide a political critique against social oppression. The narrative is situated within a socialist Cuban context of surveillance during the Special Period and depicts the many acts of survival its citizens engage in on a daily basis amidst an economic crisis where basic products are scarce. With the absence of material goods, as well as certain political freedoms, the characters in the novel manifest their continuous desires by engaging in a hyper-production of eroticism as a source of power. While recounting personal stories of love and sex, the characters meditate on their social condition in addition to their own private desires. Ultimately, in accord with eroticism as a weapon of social change and critique, Pedro Juan Gutiérrez acknowledges the body traditionally dismissed in dominant Western thought and inscribes new representations where it can be beautiful while being impoverished, artistically tormented and imperfect. Subsequently, this paper analyzes hyper-eroticism as a source of reflection and material agency, leading to new inscriptions of erotic potential as a source for social change. ; En Trilogía sucia de La Habana, Pedro Juan Gutiérrez ha desafiado representaciones tradicionales del cuerpo sexualizado en la literatura de América Latina al representar el erotismo como un agente de mediación y multiplicación dentro de un ambiente de privacidad. El escritor explora las diversas formas en las cuales el erotismo es un medio por el cual se deconstruye la subjetividad y provee una crítica política contra la opresión social. La narrativa se sitúa dentro de un contexto socialista cubano de vigilancia durante el Periodo Especial y describe los diversos actos de supervivencia que sus ciudadanos llevan a cabo diariamente al estar dentro de una crisis económica en la que los productos básicos son escasos. Con la ausencia de bienes materiales, al igual que de ciertas libertades políticas, los personajes de la novela manifiestan su continuo deseo al participar en una hiperproducción del erotismo como fuente de poder. Al contar historias personales de amor y sexo, los personajes meditan en su condición social, al igual que en sus propios deseos. De acuerdo con el erotismo como arma de crítica y cambio social, Pedro Juan Gutiérrez reconoce el cuerpo, que tradicionalmente ha sido ignorado en el pensamiento occidental dominante, y le inscribe nuevas representaciones donde puede ser bello al mismo tiempo que empobrecido, artísticamente atormentado e imperfecto. Subsecuentemente, este ensayo analiza el hipererotismo como fuente de reflexión y agencia material, que conlleva a nuevas inscripciones del potencial erótico tal como cambio social.

This volume shares the compilation of 11 articles structured in 4 sections, which include in the first section of Education: 1) Innovations in the training of mathematics teachers for multicultural contexts. In the second section, History and current affairs of URACCAN the articles: 2) Higher, relevant and quality education: inclusion, diversity, human rights and social extension: experience of the intercultural community university; 3) The university and the effectiveness of community development: The promotion of community ownership in the Autonomous Regions of Nicaragua; 4) Experience of the CEIMM in Las Minas: Accompaniment to women in indigenous territories; 5) Impact of accompaniment work and political incidence and social extension, carried out by URACCAN- CEIMM, New Campus in the municipalities of Rama, Muelle de los Bueyes, El Ayote and Bocana de Paiwas, 2010-2013. In the third section: Gender and interculturality the articles: 6) Human rights and current racism in the migrations of Africanity; 7) Towards the articulation of state and indigenous law in cases of violence against women in the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua; 8) Experience of the Center for Attention to Women, Children and Adolescents; 9) Intercultural Communication Policies. A perspective built from URACCAN. In the fourth section: Environment and Natural Resources the articles: 10) Methodology of territorial ordering in the RACCN, a contribution to development with identity; 11) The life improvement approach: An alternative of Japanese extension for rural development in Latin American countries. ; Este volumen comparte la compilación de 11 artículos estructurada en 4 secciones, las cuales compren- den en la primera sección de Educación: 1) Innovaciones en la formación del profesorado de matemáticas para contextos multiculturales. En la segunda sección, Historia y actualidad de URACCAN los artículos: 2) Educación superior, pertinente y de calidad: inclusión, diversidad, derechos humanos y extensión social: experiencia de la universidad comunitaria intercultural; 3) La universidad y la efectividad del desarrollo comunitario: La promoción de la apropiación comunitaria en las Regiones Autónomas de Nicaragua; 4) Experiencia del CEIMM en Las Minas: Acompañamiento a las mujeres en los territorios indígenas; 5) Impacto de trabajo de acompañamiento e incidencia política y extensión social, realizado por URACCAN- CEIMM, Recinto Nueva en los municipios de Rama, Muelle de los Bueyes, El Ayote y Bocana de Paiwas, 2010-2013. En la tercera sección: Género e interculturalidad los artículos: 6) Derechos humanos y actual racismo en las migraciones de la africanidad; 7) Hacia la articulación del derecho estatal e indígena en casos de violencia contra la mujer en la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua; 8) Experiencia del Centro de Atención a la Mujer, Niños, Niñas y Adolescentes; 9) Políticas Interculturales de Comunicación. Una perspectiva construida desde URACCAN. En la cuarta sección: Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales los artículos: 10) Metodología de ordenamiento territorial en la RACCN, un aporte al desarrollo con identidad; 11) El enfoque de mejoramiento de vida: Una alternativa de extensión japonesa para el desarrollo rural en países de Latinoamérica.

The article analyzes the innovation activity of technological parks of Ukraine, revealed their nature, characteristics, purpose activities, functions, socio-economic challenges. On the one hand, defined the efficiency of technology parks in Ukraine and their positive innovative developments and, on the other hand, listed the problems of technology parks, stressed the need for substantial government support of innovation and scientific-educational spheres. In the article are given facts of practical absence of government funding of science in Ukraine. To find a way out of the crisis were studied foreign experience of technology parks in Ukraine by the example of American (USA), Europe (UK, Germany, France, etc.) and Asia (Japan, China, India) models of functioning of technology parks, which by state and local support failed to achieve effective and efficient activity and exercise a significant influence on social and economy, scientific and technological development. Within the foreign experience considered Technology Park «Silicon Valley» as the most successful innovative facility in the world and proved the exclusive role of technology parks in regional development. ; В статье проанализировано особенности инновационной деятельности технологических парков Украины, раскрыто их сущность, признаки, цели деятельности, функции, социально-экономические задачи. С одной стороны, определена эффективность функционирования технопарковых структур в Украине, совершенные ими положительные инновационные сдвиги. С другой стороны, перечислено проблемы деятельности отечественных технопарков, отмечена необходимость значительной поддержки со стороны правительства в инновационной и научно-образовательной сферах. Приведены факты практического отсутствия государственного финансирования науки в Украине. Для поиска выхода из кризисной ситуации было исследовано зарубежный опыт деятельности технопарков для Украины на примере американской (США), европейской (Великобритания, Германия, Франция и др.) и азиатской (Япония, Китай, Индия) моделей функционирования технопарков, которые за счет государственной и местной поддержки смогли достичь результативной и эффективной деятельности и осуществляют значительное влияние на социально-экономическое и научно-технологическое развитие страны. В рамках зарубежного опыта исследовано технологический парк «Кремниевая долина» как наиболее успешный инновационный объект в мире. Доказано исключительную роль технопарков в региональном развитии страны. ; У статті проаналізовано особливості інноваційної діяльності технопарків України, розкрито їх сутність, ознаки, мету діяльності, функції, соціально-економічні завдання. З одного боку, визначено ефективність діяльності технопарків в Україні, здійснені ними позитивні інноваційні зрушення. З іншого боку, перераховано проблеми функціонування вітчизняних технопарків, наголошено на необхідності значної підтримки з боку уряду в інноваційній та науково-освітній сферах. Наведено факти практичної відсутності державного фінансування науки в Україні. Для пошуку виходу із кризової ситуації було досліджено зарубіжний досвід діяльності технопарків для України на прикладі американської (США), європейської (Великобританія, Німеччина, Франція та ін.) та азіатської (Японія, Китай, Індія) моделей функціонування технопарків, які шляхом державної та місцевої підтримки змогли досягнути результативної та ефективної діяльності та здійснюють значний вплив на соціально-економічний і науково-технологічний розвиток країни. У рамках зарубіжного досвіду досліджено технологічний парк «Кремнієва долина» як найбільш успішний інноваційний об'єкт у світі. Доведено виключну роль технопарків у регіональному розвитку країни.

Due to their ecological and cultural wealth and diversity many Latin American countries suffer from the exploitation of natural resources and environmental conflicts. These are furthered by many interconnected factors: divergent world views on land and territory and the competitive interests that stem from them (land and nature as livelihood with symbolic meaning vs. land and its resources as commodity), multiple legal systems (legal pluralism), different social relations and equally divergent strategies and technologies to transform nature. In Colombia among other countries, these factors are largely responsible for the emergence and intensification of the unsustainable resource use and the exploitation of natural resources, for example through an increase of extractive activities such as mining and agricultural practices in the style of the green revolution. Both are privileged in the current conventional and neoliberal model of development, with serious destructive consequences for the natural and cultural environment (symbolic, social, economic, political and technological). Strategies to solve the mentioned problems need a critical reflection on the epistemic foundations that represent diverse perspectives on ecology, development and the environment. We assume that higher and environmental education are important aspects, political agents and protagonists for the enforcement of ideologies and interests, and should therefore be diversified to increase political participation and decrease social inequalities. ; Como consecuencia de su riqueza y diversidad ecológica y cultural, muchos países Latinoamericanos sufren de la explotación de sus recursos naturales y de conflictos ambientales. Estos problemas son el resultado de muchos factores interconectados: cosmovisiones divergentes sobre la tierra y el territorio y los intereses competitivos derivados de ellas (la tierra y la naturaleza de la vida con un significado simbólico versus la tierra y sus recursos con un significado de mercancía),múltiples sistemas jurídicos (pluralismo jurídico), distintas relaciones sociales y estrategias y tecnologías divergentes para transformar la naturaleza. En Colombia, entre otros países, estos factores son en gran medida responsables de la emergencia e intensificación del uso insostenible de recursos naturales, por ejemplo, por el aumento de actividades extractivistas como la minería y las prácticas agrícolas al estilo de la revolución verde, ambas privilegiadas en el actual modelo convencional y neoliberal de desarrollo, con graves consecuencias sobre el del medio ambiente, tanto biofísico o natural como cultural (simbólico, social, económico, político y tecnológico). Las estrategias para resolver estos problemas requieren una reflexión crítica del papel de la educación superior y, en particular, de la educación ambiental, junto con sus fundamentos epistémicos que representan diversos planteamientos desde la ecología, el desarrollo y el medio ambiente. Asumimos que la educación superior y ambiental son aspectos claves, agentes políticos y protagonistas para el fortalecimiento de ideologías e intereses que tendrían que ser diversificados para aumentar la participación política y disminuir las desigualdades sociales.

Background: cannabis is currently the most widely used illicit substance. Despite several studies have already been done about the cannabis use disorders in the French Army, little is known about cannabis use in patient with post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Addiction issues in this population are well known, especially among American veterans. The main objective of this study is to describe the cannabis use among French military members suffering from PTSD, followed in psychiatry at the Percy, Bégin and Robert Picqué's Military Training Hospitals. Methods: cannabis, tobacco and alcohol consumption were assessed by standardized questionnaires (CAST, Fagerström, AUDIT). The severity of PTSD was assessed by the PCLS scale. Other dependencies were investigated. Results : 95 patients were included in the study from May 2017 to May 2018. 14.74% of patients used cannabis. Problematic use was found for 78.57% of them. An increasing consumption after the traumatic event was discribed in more than 85% of cases. 71.43% of the patients described a relief of their symptoms. The severity of PTST symptoms was significantly associated with the level of alcohol dependence. Conclusion: an increase in the prevalence of cannabis, tobacco and alcohol use is highlighted in our sample. It seems important to insist on screening and prevention of addictive behavior in this population. The link between PTSD and use disorders should be studied in a larger study, particularly in unit. ; Introduction : le cannabis est la drogue illicite la plus consommée en France. Son usage a déjà fait l'objet de plusieurs études dans l'armée française, mais jamais spécifiquement chez les patients atteints d'un trouble de stress post-traumatique (TSPT). Les problèmes d'addiction dans cette population sont bien connus, notamment chez les vétérans américains. L'objectif principal de cette étude est de décrire la consommation de cannabis chez un groupe de militaire souffrant d'un TSPT, suivis en psychiatrie dans les Hopitaux d'Instruction des Armées Percy, Bégin et Robert Picqué. Matériel et Méthode : la consommation de cannabis, de tabac et d'alcool étaient évaluées par questionnaires standardisés (CAST, Fagerström, AUDIT). La sévérité du TSPT était évaluée par l'échelle PCLS. Une recherche d'autres addictions était réalisée à titre exploratoire. Résultats : 95 patients ont été inclus dans l'étude de mai 2017 à mai 2018. 14,74% des patients consommaient du cannabis. Un usage problématique était retrouvé chez 78,57% d'entre-eux. Une augmentation de la consommation après l'événement traumatique était mise en évidence dans plus de 85% des cas. 71,43% des patients décrivaient un soulagement de leurs symptômes. La sévérité de la clinique post-traumatique était associée de façon significative avec le niveau de dépendance à l'alcool. Discussion : une augmentation de la prévalence de la consommation de cannabis, de tabac et d'alcool est mise en évidence dans notre échantillon. Il paraît important d'insister sur le dépistage et la prévention des conduites addictives dans cette population. Il convient d'étudier le lien entre TSPT et troubles de l'usage dans une étude de plus grande ampleur, notamment en unité.