The book makes theoretical and empirical contributions to recent debates on hybrid forms of peace and 'post-liberal' peace. In applying concepts of power, hybridity and resistance, and providing different kinds of hybridity and resistance to explore post-conflict peacebuilding in Sierra Leone, the author makes an original contribution to existing literature by providing various ways in which power can be exercised not just between locals and internationals, but also among locals themselves and the nature of peace that is produced. This volume provides various ways in which hybridity and resistance can be manifested. A more rigorous development of these concepts not only offers a better understanding of the nature of these concepts, but also helps us to distinguish forms of hybridity and resistance that are emancipatory or transformatory from those that result in people accommodating themselves to their situation. This book is an invaluable resource for scholars and students of peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, International Relations and African Studies, and practitioners of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction.
In: Bulletin of peace proposals: to motivate research, to inspire future oriented thinking, to promote activities for peace, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 162-170
THIS PAPER DOES NOT AND CANNOT PRETEND TO BE AN EXHAUSTIVE PRESENTATION OF PEACE EDUCATION IN THE SOCIALIST COUNTRIES. THIS IS DUE, FIRST OF ALL, TO THE LACK OF SUFFICIENT INFORMATION ON THE CONCRETE WAYS OF ACHIEVING PEACE EDUCATION IN SOCIALIST COUNTRIES OTHER THAN ROMANIA; AND SECONDLY, TO THE DIVERSE WAYS IN WHICH VARIOUS ACTIVITIES CHARACTERISTICS OF PEACE EDUCATION ARE DEALTH WITH, IN EDUCATIONAL PROCESSES. THESE CANNOT BE EXPLAINED EXCEPT FROM THE INSIDE' OF EACH AND EVERY COUNTRY. ON THE OTHER HAND, THOUGH HAVING NUMBERLESS ELEMENTS OF CLOSENESS SOCIALIST COUNTRIES EACH HAVE SPECIFIC ELEMENTS, RESULTING FROM ETHNIC-GEOGRAPHICAL STRUCTURES, HISTORY, THE WAY EACH SOCIALIST SOCIETY HAS COME INTO BEING AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION, AND ITS TRENDS IN FOREIGN POLICY. FROM THIS LAST POINT OF VIEW, THE PRESENT ATTEMPT TO FIND SOME GENERAL FEATURES REPRESENTS RATHER A THEORETICAL EXERCISE THAT MUST NECESSARILY BE ENLARGED BY CONTRIBUTIONS OF SPECIALISTS FROM EVERY COUNTRY.
AbstractVarious conflict areas have faced situations of deadlock after repeated rounds of violence and failed negotiations. In such cases, international actors have used the strategy of drafting, presenting, and promoting a peace plan that addresses the main issues in the conflict and formulates a basis for negotiation and agreement. The article analyzes peace plans as a strategy in peacemaking, international intervention, and mediation processes in conflict areas, using four case studies: The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994); US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000); United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004); and United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007). The article examines the peace plans as a diplomatic strategy and international practice and explores their influence as a "textual agency" in the long term. It finds that peace plans, though shaped by a specific context, can under certain conditions take on an independent life and have a long-term impact, even if they were rejected and had failed in the short term. The research traces the influence of the plans in various spheres and identifies the main factors that explain the variance in their afterlives.Distintas zonas de conflicto se han enfrentado a situaciones de estancamiento tras varias olas de violencia y negociaciones fallidas. En tales casos, la estrategia de los actores políticos internacionales ha consistido en elaborar, presentar y promover un plan de paz que aborde los principales temas del conflicto y formule una base para la negociación y el acuerdo. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia de pacificación, intervención internacional y procesos de mediación en zonas de conflicto, mediante el uso de cuatro estudios de caso: El plan del Grupo de Contacto para Bosnia [The Contact Group's plan for Bosnia (1994)]; El plan del presidente de los Estados Unidos Bill Clinton para el conflicto palestino-israelí [US President Bill Clinton's plan for Israel–Palestine (2000)]; El plan del secretario general de las Naciones Unidas, Kofi Annan, para Chipre [United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan's plan for Cyprus (2004)]; y el plan del enviado especial de las Naciones Unidas, Martti Ahtisaari, para Kosovo [United Nations Envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan for Kosovo (2007)]. El presente artículo analiza los planes de paz como estrategia diplomática y práctica internacional, y examina su influencia como "agente de cambio textual" a largo plazo. Se concluye que los planes de paz, si bien están condicionados por un contexto específico, pueden, en determinadas situaciones, tener vida propia y producir un efecto a largo plazo, aunque sean rechazados y hayan fracasado a corto plazo. La presente investigación analiza la importancia de los planes en diversas áreas e identifica los principales factores que explican la variación de sus vidas posteriores.Diverses zones de conflit ont été confrontées à des impasses suite à des séries répétées de violences et d'échecs de négociations. Dans de tels cas, des acteurs internationaux ont eu recours à une stratégie consistant à ébaucher, présenter et promouvoir un plan de paix traitant les principaux problèmes du conflit tout en formulant une base pour une négociation et un accord. Cet article analyse les plans de paix en tant que stratégie des processus de pacification, d'intervention internationale et de médiation dans les zones de conflit en s'appuyant sur quatre études de cas: le plan du Groupe de contact pour la Bosnie (1994), le plan du Président américain Bill Clinton pour le conflit israélo–palestinien (2000), le plan du Secrétaire général des Nations unies Kofi Annan pour Chypre (2004) et le plan de l'Envoyé des Nations unies Martti Ahtisaari pour le Kosovo (2007). L'article examine les plans de paix en tant que stratégie diplomatique et que pratique internationale et explore leur influence en tant « qu'agents textuels » à long terme. Il constate que bien qu'ils soient façonnés par un contexte spécifique, les plans de paix peuvent, sous certaines conditions, survivre de manière indépendante et avoir un impact à long terme, même s'ils ont été rejetés et ont échoué à court terme. Cette recherche retrace l'influence des plans dans diverses sphères et identifie les principaux facteurs qui expliquent la variance de leur survie.
Political scientists and policy-makers agree that democratic states were less likely to engage each other in militarized disputes than were other states during the Cold War. Most among them attribute this to their domestic political structures. Some, however, believe that the common and conflicting interests that the East-West conflict induced explain the relatively low democratic-dispute rate. Evidence from the post-Cold War world can help to arbitrate between these very different claims, as the collapse of the Soviet Union destroyed the bipolar system, precipitated a sharp rise in the number of democracies, and shifted dispute-rate patterns. The analyses in this paper show that dyadic dispute rates converge after the Cold War, casting doubt on the existence of a democratic peace. Adapted from the source document.
This textbook provides a comprehensive overview of different methods and sources of information-gathering for peace and conflict students and researchers, as well as the challenges presented by such work.
Photocopy. Ann Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms Microfilms International, 1977. ; Introduction, by E. D. Mead.--I. The natural principle of the political order.--II. The principles of political right.--III. The principle of progress.--IV. Eternal peace: a philosophical essay.--V. Public law, from The metaphysics of morals.--Notes to "Eternal peace". ; Mode of access: Internet.
Post-colonial Africa has seemingly been in an intractable state of conflict and war for a considerable period of time. This volume explores the process by which these wars were ended, discusses the lessons learnt, and examines the sustainability of recently reconciled conflicts to see how far peace solutions are permanent in this region.
"A groundbreaking, revelatory history of Abraham Lincoln's plan to secure a just and lasting peace after the Civil War-a vision that inspired future presidents as well as the world's most famous peacemakers, including Nelson Mandela, Mahatma Gandhi, and Martin Luther King, Jr. It is a story of war and peace, race and reconciliation"--
This paper develops a simple sequential-move game to characterize the endogeneity of third-party intervention in conflict. We show how a third party's 'intervention technology' interacts with the canonical 'conflict technologies' of two rival parties in affecting the sub-game perfect Nash equilibrium outcome. From the perspective of deterrence strategy, we find that it is more costly for a third party to support an ally to deter a challenger from attacking (i.e., to maintain peace or acquiescence), as compared to the alternative case when the third party supports the ally to gain a disputed territory by attacking (i.e., to create war), ceteris paribus. However, an optimally intervening third party can be either 'peace-making', 'peace-breaking', or neither depending on the characteristics of the conflict and the stakes the third party holds with each of the rival parties. [Copyright 2007 Elsevier B.V.]
