Turkey at the cross-roads [relations with East and West]
In: International affairs: a Russian journal of world politics, diplomacy and international relations, S. 44-50
ISSN: 0130-9641
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In: International affairs: a Russian journal of world politics, diplomacy and international relations, S. 44-50
ISSN: 0130-9641
In: Review of international co-operation: the official organ of the International Co-operative Alliance, Band 48, S. 222-225
ISSN: 0034-6608
In: Journal of biosocial science: JBS, Band 55, Heft 2, S. 344-366
ISSN: 1469-7599
AbstractChildhood obesity/overweight is a worldwide concern and its prevalence is increasing in many countries. The first aim of this study is to analyse the trends in overweight and obesity among children under the age of five in Turkey based on the new World Health Organization (WHO) standards, using data from the 'five-round of the Turkey Demographic and Health Surveys' (TDHSs). The second aim is to examine whether or not the maternal/household and individual-level factors are associated with overweight/obesity using TDHS 2003, 2008, and 2013 datasets. A total sample of 14,231 children under the age of five were extracted from the TDHS in 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008, and 2013 to determine the prevalence of the trend. Pooled data from 8,812 children were included in the analysis to examine factors associated with overweight/obesity. Taking into account the clustered data structure, multilevel logistic regression models were utilised. In 1993, 1998, 2003, 2008, and 2013 the prevalence of overweight children was 5.3%, 4.9%, 10.0%, 11% and 11.6%, respectively. The factors that were independently associated with overweight/obesity were as follows: living in single-parent households (adjusted odds ratio (aOR) = 2.27, 95%CI = 1.21–4.26), compared to living in dual-parent households; having an obese mother (aOR = 4.25, 95%CI = 1.73–10.44), overweight mother (aOR = 3.15, 95%CI = 1.29–7.69), and a normal-weight mother (aOR = 2.70, 95%CI = 1.11–6.59) compared to having an underweight mother; being aged between 13–24 months (aOR = 1.72, 95%CI = 1.30 to 2.27), compared to being aged 0-12 months; male gender (aOR = 1.30, 95%CI = 1.11 to 1.53); being stunted (aOR = 2.18, 95%CI = 1.74 to 2.73); high birth weight (aOR = 1.55, 95%CI = 1.08 to 2.23) compared to low birth weight. In addition, overweight was higher in children of mothers who had completed primary school (aOR = 1.21, 95%CI = 1.01 to 1.59) than children of mothers who had not completed primary school. These findings reveal that, over the years, there has been a substantial increase in obesity/overweight among children which demonstrates the importance of evaluating the overweight indicators at the maternal/household level.
In: Protest and Social Movements
Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Acronyms -- Introduction -- Gezi in Retrospect -- Isabel David and Kumru F. Toktamış -- Bibliography -- Section I - Gezi Protests and Democratisation -- 1. Evoking and Invoking Nationhood as Contentious Democratisation -- Kumru F. Toktamış -- 2007 - Nation-Evoking Demonstrations -- Gezi - Summer 2013 -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 2. 'Everyday I'm Çapulling!' -- Global Flows and Local Frictions of Gezi -- Jeremy F. Walton -- Introduction: Gezi and Rumi's Elephant in the Dark -- The Politics of Public Space in Urban Turkey: Taksim Square, Proscenium of the Nation -- The Carnivalesque Citizenship of the Çapulcu -- Gezi and the Discontents of Neoliberal Globalisation -- Conclusion: Gezi and the Decoupling of Liberalism and Democracy in Turkey -- Bibliography -- 3. The Incentives and Actors of Protests in Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina in 2013 -- Ana Dević and Marija Krstić -- Introduction -- Turkish Case: Political Change and Gezi Park Protests -- The Common Denominator of the Protests in Turkey and Bosnia-Herzegovina -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Section II - The Political Economy of Protests -- 4. AKP Rule in the Aftermath of the Gezi Protests -- From Expanded to Limited Hegemony? -- Umut Bozkurt -- Understanding the AKP's Hegemony -- Neoliberal Populism and the AKP Rule -- The Explosion of Social Assistance Programmes -- The Symbolic/Ideological Sources of the Party's Hegemony -- The AKP's Hegemony after the Gezi Protests -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- 5. Rebelling against Neoliberal Populist Regimes -- Barış Alp Özden and Ahmet Bekmen -- Neoliberal Populism, AKP and PT -- Depoliticising the Question of Poverty -- Deradicalising Labour -- Preliminary Reflections on the Protests -- Bibliography -- 6. Enough is Enough
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 307-327
ISSN: 1471-6380
AbstractThrough ethnographic and archival research conducted in Istanbul and Izmir, this article examines the dynamics and regulation of charitable giving in contemporary Turkey. The article is based on interviews I conducted with the volunteers, employees, and aid recipients of three civil society organizations that rely on charitable giving to fund their projects, which center on helping the poor and providing aid during and after wars and other disasters. I document how religious ideals of anonymous charitable giving for the sake of giving, without expectation of return, are closely intertwined with anxiety over finding a worthy charitable association and recipient. In doing so, I focus onvakıfas both a concept and a practice that gives meaning to charitable giving in Turkey. The increasing desire to document, define, and categorize the deserving poor as a way to justify the intent to give and to receive goes against the anonymity and immediacy of giving, thus riddling intent with ethical contradictions. I argue that attention needs to be paid to the intent, practice, and various forms of giving, and not just to the effects and outcomes of charity.
List of Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- Chapter 1. Introduction: The Impact of Alternative Collective Subjectivities -- Chapter 2. Collective Subjectivity and Divergences in the Shaping of State-Labor Relations in Great Britain and the United States -- Chapter 3. Dreams of Solidarity: Populism and State-Building without Class Antagonism -- Chapter 4. Recognition and Redistribution: The Politics and Impact of Labor Insurgency in Turkey, 1960-1980 -- Chapter 5. Democracy and Economic Justice: Labor Activism and Contemporary Turkish Politics -- Chapter 6. Japan, Turkey, and the Comparative Analysis of Social Movement Impacts -- Bibliography -- Index.
In: Exeter studies in ethno politics
1. The role of the judicial system in the politicide of the Kurdish opposition / Derya Bayir -- 2. The representation of the Democratic Society Party (DTP) in the mainstream Turkish media / Derya Erdem -- 3. Mobilising the Kurds in Turkey : Newroz as a myth / Delal Aydin -- 4. State sovereignty and the politics of fear : ethnography of political violence and the Kurdish struggle in Turkey / Ramazan Aras -- 5. Re-defining the role of women within the Kurdish national movement in Turkey in the 1990s / Necla Acik -- 6. Taking to the streets! Kurdish collective action in Turkey / Kariane Westrheim -- 7. Repression or reform? An analysis of the AKP's Kurdish language policy / Welat Zeydanlioglu -- 8. Confederalism and autonomy in Turkey : the Kurdistan Workers' Party and the reinvention of democracy / Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya and Joost Jongerden -- 9. The impact of the EU on minority rights : the Kurds as a case / Zelal B. Kizilkan Kisacik -- 10. Music and reconciliation in Turkey / Ozan E. Aksoy -- 11. Elimination or integration of pro-Kurdish politics : limits of the AKP's democratic initiative / Cuma Cicek -- 12. Political reconciliation in Turkey : challenges and prospects / Cengiz Gunes.
In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 11, S. 159-181
ISSN: 1305-3299
Scholars engaged in the study of nationalism have often stressed an analytical distinction between the rise of nationalism and the growth of nations since nationalism, by its very nature, has always preceded the nation (Anderson, 1983; Gellner, 1983; Smith, 1983; Hobsbawm, 1990). In the case of Turkey, the rise of nationalist movements rooted in Ottoman Turkism has been well-documented by studies focussing on their pioneering leaders, publications and institutions. Efforts aimed at the making of a Turkish nation, however, coincided with the period following the establishment of the Turkish nation-state. This new phase of Turkish nationalism differed from the preceding nationalist movements of the late Ottoman era, in its concern with the consolidation of a form of its own. It borrowed elements from, but also deviated from, the expansionist, pan-Turkist tendencies of the earlier era.
In: Accounting, Finance, Sustainability, Governance & Fraud: Theory and Application
In: Springer eBook Collection
1. Extended New TSA - New Tool for Government Cash Management in Turkey -- 2. Public Debt Management Reforms in Turkey -- 3. The Role of Risk Management in Public Debt Management: the Case of Turkey -- 4. Management of Contingent Liabilities in Turkey -- 5. The Management of State-Owned Real Estate in Turkey -- 6. Strategic Planning and Budgeting in Local Governments -- 7. The Implications of the Latest Administrative Reforms About Intergovernmental Transfers -- 8. Revenue Decentralization and the Soft Budget Constraint Problem in Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations: The Case of Turkey -- 9. Fiscal Decentralization and Macroeconomic Management in Turkey -- 10. Public Sector Accounting Reform In Turkey: Moving Cash to Accrual Accounting -- 11. The Adoption and Implementation of International Public Sector Accounting Standards in Turkey -- 12. Public Internal Audit Reforms in Turkey: Structure, System and Roles -- 13. Reforms of Turkish Court of Accounts.
In this paper it is reviewed and evaluated the implemented EU' assistance administration system in Turkey Republic. By using neo-functionalism, intergovernmental cooperation and multi-level governance theories is tried to explain Turkey's integration in EU. The beginning of Turkey – EU relations is 1963, when it was made EU – Turkey association treatment, by now to Turkey is given a candidate country status. After declared Turkey as candidate country, EU engaged to provide a financial assistance to Turkey during preparation to the EU membership process. EU provides financial assistance not only to announced candidate countries, but also to potential candidate countries for supporting non-member states to become member to EU, to become more democratic countries which respect and implement human rights, power of law, by providing financial assistance also is trying to solve social-economic problems, to promote development of countries and promote economic market. The financial assistance to candidate and potential candidate countries is provided under Instrument for pre-accession assistance (IPA). From the IPA establishment, the implementation of instrument was gradually decentralized by delegating more and more responsibilities to beneficial countries in this way promoting institutional capacity building. In the candidate countries the assistance is administrated by decentralized implementation method. Only based on subsidiarity and partnership principles EU assistance source reclamation might be effective and to ensure that set goals will be implemented. In this paper is analyzed Turkey government system by seeking to understand better the assistance administration system features. Turkey is described as strongly centralized country where still exist the Ottoman Empire legacy. Central government has strong powers in regard to local government and mostly decisions are made at central administration level. The same features are seen in assistance administration system. Although Turkey created the institution architecture by EU requirements, but the system is evaluated as very centralized, in the system is lack of partnership weak role of regional level institutions. According to made semi-structural interview in the end of paper there is made more detailed evaluation of EU' assistance administration system in Turkey.
BASE
In: Race & class: a journal for black and third world liberation, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 47-68
ISSN: 1741-3125
Drawing on the case of state-sanctioned violence and discrimination against Alevis, a historically stigmatised and persecuted ethnosectarian community in Turkey, this article shows that sectarian identities can also be raced. The case of Alevis in Turkey not only indicates how sectarianism can function as a form of racism but also offers an example of the connection between the production of race and the politics of death. Approaching racism as a punitive mechanism and form of collective punishment that punishes racialised communities at different levels and that constantly reminds them of the possibility of what Gilmore terms 'premature death', the article offers a new and nuanced understanding of the multiple modalities of racism in Turkey. Rather than viewing racism in Turkey as merely an imitative form of European racism, this article shows that racism in Turkey is also informed by the country's own imperial past. Turkey provides fertile ground for examining both western and non-western forms of racism and the intersections between the two.
In: The Department of State bulletin: the official weekly record of United States Foreign Policy, Band 16, Heft suppl, S. 827-909
ISSN: 0041-7610
In: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics 11
World Affairs Online
In: Jane's defence weekly: JDW, S. 25-26
ISSN: 0265-3818